LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, XXXI (1994)

KALBOS NORMALIZACIJOS KLAUSIMAI

MARYTĖ RAZMUKAITĖ¹

THE OIKONYMY OF THE KLAIPĖDA REGION¹

Lexical and structural features

Recently, with increased interest in Lithuania Minor, its problems, and matters relating to its history and culture, attention should also be directed to the place names of this region, whose population has always consisted predominantly of Lithuanians (about 90%). This refers to the Klaipėda Region, a distinctive territory that was separated from Lithuania by administrative boundaries for a long time and took shape over the course of history. Until the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, it was part of Lithuania Minor (from 1525 belonging to the Duchy of Prussia, and later the Kingdom of Prussia); in 1923 it was joined to Lithuania. In some respects, this territory forms something like a separate geographical unit: the sea to the west, the Samogitian Upland to the east, and the Nemunas to the south. As R. Valsonokas also states in the book “The Klaipėda Problem”², this was a region that had endured a long period of isolation, and whose affairs attracted little interest even from the Prussian authorities themselves. This is also attested by the words of J. Zembrickis, a prominent archivist and historian of the Klaipėda Region: “[...] in fact, the city of Klaipėda had almost no connection with the Prussian province to which it belonged. For a long period, from autumn to spring, when the roads became even less passable than usual because of rain or snow, [...] it was left to itself and its own fate. The city’s prosperity always depended on the British and the Russians, specifically on the successful purchase of flax in Russia [...]”³. Communications with this region were also poor: until the beginning of the previous century, there was not a single decent road from Prussia to the Klaipėda Region, so for a long time people used the old route of the Sambians’ and Samogitians’ battles with the Teutonic Knights—from Klaipėda to Königsberg across the Curonian Lagoon⁴. On the other hand, perhaps for this reason, the region also experienced a lower degree of Germanization and German colonization than the southern part of Lithuania Minor.

Historical sources attest that the Order, intending to separate the Sambians from the Samogitians, who had supported one another in their battles with the Teutonic Knights, founded Memelburg in 1252 in the coastal Baltic settlement area mentioned that year. In 1253, King Mindaugas of Lithuania

¹ A dozen or so years ago (in 1973), in preparation for a conference marking the fiftieth anniversary of the Klaipėda Region’s incorporation into the Republic of Lithuania (1923–1973), a paper on the region’s oikonymy, or the names of inhabited places, was also being prepared. When the conference did not take place—it had not been authorized by the authorities of the time—the paper’s material remained in a drawer. This article is therefore an attempt to repay a debt to this distinctive region.

² See Valsonokas R. The Klaipėda Problem. K., 1932. P. 35—42.

³ Žr. Sembritzki J. Geschichte der königlich preussischen See- und Handelsstadt Memel. 2. Auflage. Memel, 1926. T. 2. S. 54—55.

⁴ See Valsonokas R. Cited work. P. 38.

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By treaty with the Teutonic Order, this territory was ceded to the Livonian Order. To colonize this territory, which was then sparsely populated, the German administration used the local inhabitants themselves—the Curonians and Samogitians. In his dissertation on the Samogitian dialect, A. Salys states that Curonians lived in the vicinity of Klaipėda before the Order arrived (in the 13th century), and that newcomers appeared in this territory only later: around the 14th century from Livonia and around the 16th century, colonists from Lithuania⁵. K. Būga conjectures that the ancient Curonians had already been living in the territory in question around the 7th century: “On the Klaipėda and Palanga coast, Lithuanians no longer find Finns, because they must have been driven away, before the arrival of the Lithuanians, by the Curonians who came north; the Curonians can hardly have reached the Baltic coast before the 7th century. Scandinavian sources begin to mention the Curonians only as late as the 9th century”⁶. Both of the aforementioned authors also support these views with examples of place names of Curonian origin in this territory, recorded in historical documents. Moreover, as an independent Baltic tribe living on the coast, the Curonians are mentioned up to the end of the 16th century. This is also borne out by the fact that in 1544 Duke Albrecht ordered that a priest fluent in Curonian and Lithuanian be appointed to Rusnė⁷.

Despite the distinctive features of this region, shaped both by the isolation of the territory in question and by the mixing of ethnic groups, the Samogitian layer of place names remained the most numerous here; it spread widely and grew substantially in the 16th century, when a wave of colonists arrived from Lithuania (around 1500 and thereafter). These new place names—as their lexemes also indicate—(most often of anthroponymic origin, that is, formed from the plural of a personal name (pluralia tantum) or formed as oikonyms with suffixes) also reflect the general situation of oikonymy in Lithuania in later centuries.

In terms of origin, the oikonymy of the Klaipėda Region is not homogeneous. It consists of several layers: 1) Curonian, 2) Lithuanian (Samogitian), and 3) a very small Prussian layer (only in the lower reaches of the Nemunas). Structurally, however, these oikonyms are quite similar: the same structural and word-formation patterns can be found in them. This article aims to survey them, focusing primarily on the characteristic features of oikonym formation in the region.

Until the postwar years, about 600 oikonyms were in use in the Klaipėda Region. According to the current administrative division⁸, these are the names in the present-day Klaipėda District: Agluonėnai, Dovilai, Gargždai, Kretingalė, Priekulė, Sendvaris, and parts of Antkopčiai and Lapiai subdistricts; in Kretinga District: Žalgiris subdistrict; in Šilutė District: Jonaičiai, Juknaičiai, Katyčiai, Kintai, Natkiškiai, Pagėgiai, Rambynas, Saugos, Stoniškiai, Vilkyškiai, and parts of Gaí-damas, Inkakliai, Švėkšna, and Žemaičių Naumiestis subdistricts; in Tauragė District: Lauksargiai and part of Sartininkai subdistrict; and in Jurbarkas District: Viešvilė subdistrict.

I. Oikonym lexemes. Some oikonyms in the region are derived from common nouns, others from proper names (personal names or other toponyms). From common nouns, or

⁵ Žr. Salys A. Die žemaitischen Mundarten. Teil I: Geschichte des žemaitischen Sprachgebiets: Inaugural-Dissertation. K., 1930. S. 27 u. a.

⁶ Žr. Būga K. Rinktiniai raštai. V., 1961. T. 3. P. 745.

⁷ Žr. Salys A. Min. veik. P. 126.

⁸ Žr. Lietuvos TSR administracinio-teritorinio suskirstymo žinynas. V., 1974. D. 1; 1976. D. 2.

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There are not many oikonyms in the Klaipėda Region derived from appellatives or formed from them (~13–14%). These are mostly oikonyms derived from names of physiographic and geobotanical terms, animals, places, and so on. Among oikonyms derived from other proper names, as already noted, the largest group consists of personal-name-based settlement names (about 67%). Another group of oikonyms originating from other proper names comprises hydronymic oikonyms, formations from the names of rivers and lakes. The third, a small group, consists of derivatives from other oikonyms.

II. The lexical composition of oikonyms in the Klaipėda Region becomes clearer in detail when their formation is analyzed. The structure of oikonyms and their modes of formation partly reflect the situation throughout Lithuania, especially in its western and southwestern parts, but they also have specific features. Besides oikonyms in the predominant pluralia tantum forms, which will not be discussed in greater detail (they are common throughout Lithuania), the region’s suffixal and prefixal derivatives (~24%) and compounds (~12%) are worth noting. Primary oikonyms are very few here, accounting for only about 5%.

1. Primary oikonyms originated:

a) from appellatives: Alkà village, Šlu⁹ < alkà “a pool, pond” or alka “a place on a hill where sacrifices used to be burned”¹⁰; Apšrūitai village, Jrb < *Apušrūitai — may be a dialectal form of *Apšriotai < *Apušriotai (compare here A. Vanagas’s interpretation of the river name Apšriuotis¹¹): Lithuanian apušrótas “covered with aspen”; Dercek liai*¹² village, Klp: darceplis (< Latvian darva “tar, pitch” and Latvian ceplis “kiln”. — A. Sal. 127) “tar kiln, a kiln for burning tar”; Kadagýnas village, Klp < kadagýnas “juniper grove”; Kiōkiai* village, Klp: Latvian kākis “jackdaw” (A. Sal. 127); Kūliai village, Klp: Lithuanian Samogitian kūlis, kūlỹs “stone”; Kūlynai village, Šlu: Lithuanian kūlynas “stony place”; Medaliai village, Šlu: diminutive medālis “small wood,” compare Samogitian medė “forest, woodland”; Naujienà former village¹³ Jrb, F 146 < naujienà “newly ploughed land, newly cleared land”; Pālydžiai part of Šilinininkai village, Šlu: Lithuanian pālydis “meltwater”; Pempynė village, Šlu < pempynė “poor, tussocky place”; Pleinė village, Šlu < pleinė “open, treeless area”; Purvynas part of Nida town < purvynas “muddy place”; Skruzdynas part of Nida town < skruzdynas “anthill”; Šilai part of Barzdūnai village, Šlu: Lithuanian šilas “pine forest”; Ūžbaliai village, Šlu: Lithuanian ūžbalis; Ūžkopis part of Klišiai village, Klp: Lithuanian ūžkopis “place beyond the dune(s)”; Ūžliekniai village, Šlu: Lithuanian ūžlieknis, etc.

⁹ The abbreviation of the place name (district or locality, or former county or rural district) is given; the list of abbreviations appears at the end of the article.

¹⁰ Common Lithuanian words, with explanations in quotation marks, are taken from the academic Lithuanian Language Dictionary (volumes I–XIV) and its card index, or from the Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian (V, 1972).

¹¹ Žr. Vanagas A. Lietuvių hidronimų etimologinis žodynas. V., 1981. P. 45—46 (toliau tekste — A. Van. ir puslapis).

¹² In the article, an asterisk to the right of a place name marks place names of Curonian origin—those regarded as Curonian by K. Būga and A. Salys (cf. Būga K. Rinktiniai raštai. V., 1961. T. 3. P. 231—245 (hereafter in the text — K. Būga and page number); Salys A. Die zemaitischen Mundarten. Teil. I. P. 127—129 (hereafter in the text — A. Sal. and page number).

¹³ Non-functioning oikonyms—“former village”—are taken from the Lithuanian Language Institute’s Onomastic Card Index and other sources, namely: Fenzlau W. Die deutschen Formen litauischen Orts- und Personennamen des Memelgebiets. Halle / Saale, 1936 (in the text — F and page number) and Kalvaitis V. Lietuviškų vardų klėtelė. Tilžė, 1910 (hereafter in the text — V. Kalv. and page number).

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b) from hydronyms: Atmatà former village in Šlu, F 139 < Atmatà river Rsn; Dituva village Klp < *Dituva (> Ditupė¹⁴) river Prk; Drėverna village Klp < Drėverna river Prk; Eketė (|| Ekečiai — K. Būga 234) former manor Klp < Eketė river Klp; Minija village Šlu < Minija river; Oplankyš village Trg < Oplankyš lake Pgg; Pakalnė former village Šlu, F 10, 22, 140 < Pakalnė river Rsn; Rūšnė small town Šlu < Rūšnė river Rsn; Skirvytė former village Šlu < Skirvytė river Rsn; Smeltė suburb of Klaipėda < Smeltė river Klp; Šyšà village Šlu < Šyšà river Šlu; Viešvilė small town Jrb < Viešvilė¹⁵ river Vš; Vorušnė former village Šlu, F 43, 138 < Vorušnė river Rsn, etc. Apparently, the name Nida, referring to the Kopų church estate, should also be included among these; linguists associate it with words meaning ‘flowing, running’ from the Indo-European root *heid-, *hnid- ‘to flow’. This is also confirmed by other non-Lithuanian place names derived from this root: Prussian Nyda, Neyde river; Latvian Nida village and marsh, Niedin-ezers lake (cf. K. Būga 241, A. Van. 230, etc.);

c) from personal names: Bruzdeilýnas village Klp < Bruzdeilýnas¹⁶; Külberkis former village Šlu < Külberkis; Klaipėda city < *Klaipėda¹⁷, cf. *Klaipėdaitis (Klaipėdatis, Kleipa, Kleipėdžus — V. Kalv. 12); also Kleipėdžiai former village in the Gastai parish.

2. There are far more derived names of settlements in this region than primary oikonyms (about 25%). Suffixal formations are very few:

a) from common nouns: Išlužė former village Šlu: Lithuanian išlužà ‘what has been broken off, broken down; storm-felled timber’; Karklė village Klp: Lithuanian karklas ‘willow’; Muižė* village Šlu: Latvian muiža ‘estate’; Pryčmai* village Šlu < Priečimai: Latvian prieca ‘happiness; a fortunate event, occurrence’ (cf. A. Sal. 128; also cf. personal name Prec-aitis — V. Kalv. 15); Stragnai* village Klp: Latvian stragna, stragnis ‘swamp’ (A. Sal. 129; K. Būga 241); Žagatai* village Šlu: Latvian žagata ‘magpie’ (A. Sal. 129); Žardė village Klp, which K. Būga also considered Curonian (< Sarde — K. Būga 284): Lithuanian žardis ‘enclosed place for livestock’, žardas ‘fence made of poles’, Latvian žards ‘fence made of poles’ (also cf. the personal name Žard-ininkas from Klp, etc.);

b) from hydronyms: Aukštumalai* village Šlu: Aukštumala river Šlu; Birbintai former village Pgg: Birbintė river Pgg; Gilándžiai former village Trg: Gilándė river Pgg; Grābupiai village Šlu: Grābupė river Šlu; Lankupiai village Klp: Lankupė river Prk; Srebālės former village Klp: Srebālė river Klp, etc.

Regarding suffixal formations, it can be stated that, as already mentioned, they reflect the derivational patterns of western Lithuania.¹⁸

¹⁴ See Vanagas A. Min. veik. P. 88.

¹⁵ A. Salys notes that this place-name form is more recent, having arisen later from Old Prussian Wawswille (see Salys A. Min veik. P. 121); for the form with Vieš-, associated with Lithuanian viešmuo ‘stream, brook’, see A. Van. 378—379.

¹⁶ Personal names for which no source is indicated are taken from the Dictionary of Lithuanian Surnames (V., 1985. Vol. 1; 1989. Vol. 2).

¹⁷ P. Skardžius explains the origin of this place-name in the same way—see Skardžius P. [Review:] M. Durys. Foundations of Linguistics // Archivum Philologicum. 1930. Vol. 1. P. 207—208. There are also other explanations of the origin of this oikonym: K. Būga considered the place-name Klaip-ėda a compound—from Curonian klāips ‘loaf of bread’ and -ėda (from ėsti, ėda ‘to eat’) (see K. Būga 209); J. Endzelīns also considered the place-name a compound: Klai-pėda, associating it with Latvian klajs ‘level’ and Greek pedōn ‘earth’ (see Mülenbach K. Latviešu valodas vārdnīca. Rīga, 1925—1927. Vol. 2. P. 209).

¹⁸ Cf. Razmukaitė M. More Characteristic Derivational Suffixes of Oikonyms in the Lithuanian SSR // Lietuvos TSR mokslų akademijos darbai. Series A. 1989. Vol. 3(108). P. 139—141, 145.

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a) Oikonyms with the suffix -ėnai here are mostly derived from hydronyms: Agluon-ėnai village, Klp: Agluonà river, Prk; Báltup-ėnai village, Šlu: Báltupis river, Pgg; Bit-ėnai village, Šlu: Bitė river, Pgg; Kazik-ėnai village, Jrb < Kasikėnai F 8: Kašikas river, Vš; Kreiv-ėnai village, Trg: Kreivė river, Pgg; Lump-ėnai village, Šlu: Lumpė river, Pgg; Piktup-ėnai village, Šlu: Piktupė river, Pgg, etc.; a few are derived from appellatives: Sod-ėnai village, Šlu: Lithuanian sodà ‘village’; Šil-ėnai village, Klp: Lithuanian šìlas ‘pine forest’;

b) with -iškė, -iškiai — mostly from personal names: Berčait-iškė former village, Klp: Berčaitis; Brač-iškė former village, Prk, F 91: Brãčas; Bübl-iškė village, Šlu: Büblỹs; Dump-iškė former village, Klp: Dumpỹs; Jogut-iškė village, Klp: Jogùtis; Jōn-iškė former village, Klp, F 42, 121: Jōnas; Kálvait-iškė former village, Klp: Kálvaitis; Klēm-iškė village, Klp: Klēmas; Rùmp-iškė former hamlet, Klp, F 10, 36, 121: Rùmpis; Žiōbr-iškė former village, Klp: Žiōbris; Adōm-iškiai village, Šlu: Adōmas; Beinor-iškiai village, Klp: Beinoras; Endr-iškiai village, Šlu: Endrỹs; Gaigal-iškiai former village, Klp: Gaigalas; Gail-iškiai settlement, Šlu: Gailius; Joč-įškiai former village, Prk, F 91: Jočỹs; Jōn-iškiai former village, Prk, F 12: Jōnas; Kāspar-iškiai village, Klp: Kāsparas; Mōc-iškiai village, Šlu: Mocỹs, Mōcius; Mazūr-iškiai village, Klp: Mazūras; Vēver-iškiai former Vēver-iškiai¹⁹ village, Klp: Latvian vēveris ‘weaver’ (A. Sal. 129), cf. Lithuanian personal name Veverys, etc.; a few derive from hydronyms: Akmen-iškiai village, Šlu: Akmenà river, Rsn; Eisrav-iškiai village, Šlu: Eisrava river, Pgg; Vilk-yškiai¹⁹ townlet, Šlu: *Vilkija > Vilka river, Pgg;

c) with -ininkai — from appellatives²⁰: Bėrš-tininkai village, Šlu < *Beržt-ininkai: Lithuanian beržta ‘birch-bearing soil, where birches grow’; Gránd-ininkai || Grénd-ininkai former village, Šlu: Lithuanian grandà ‘flooring’, grìndas ‘bridge flooring; wooden floor’ (cf. grénd-ymas, Prussian hydronym Grindos, Latvian hydronym Grynde)²¹; Kūpst-ininkai former village, Tlž: Lithuanian kūpstas; Lāuž-ininkai village, Trg: Lithuanian lāužas ‘an old, dilapidated, crooked hut’; Pēlk-ininkai former village, Šlu: Lithuanian pēlkė; Pēmp-ininkai former part of Klaipėda city: Lithuanian pēmpė; Rag-ininkai former village, Šlu: Lithuanian rãgas (Latvian rags) ‘a pointed stretch of land jutting into the sea...’; Rūpūž-ininkai former village, Klp: Lithuanian rūpūžė; Smal-ininkai town and village, Jrb: Lithuanian smalà; Šak-ininkai village, Šlu: Lithuanian šakà ‘branch of a river or lake’; Šil-ininkai village, Klp, Šlu: Lithuanian šìlas; Trāk-ininkai village, Šlu: Lithuanian trākas; Versm-ininkai village, Šlu: Lithuanian versmė ‘spring’; Vēž-ininkai village, Šlu: Lithuanian vēžỹs ‘an armored aquatic animal with pincers’, etc.; from river names: Bãukšt-ininkai village, Klp: Bãukštė river, Klp; Gēg-ininkai village, Šlu: Gēgė river, Pgg; Verž-ininkai village, Šlu: Vēržas river, Pgg, etc.

¹⁹ For this interpretation — Vilk-yškiai: *Vilkija > Vilka river, see Razmukaitė M. Suffixal formation of Lithuanian SSR settlement names derived from hydronyms // Studies in Lithuanian Onomastics: Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics. 1981. Vol. 21. P. 203. Another interpretation is also offered — Vilk-yškiai: Vilkija townlet — see Vanagas A. Jotyškiai, Rikỹškiai, Vilkỹškiai, Zapyškis // Language Culture. 1967. Issue 12. P. 52. Cf. also Skardžius P. [Review of:] M. Durys. Fundamentals of Linguistics // Archivum Philologicum. 1930. Vol. 1. P. 209.

²⁰ With this suffix (cf. also -ėnai), oikonyms here were formed primarily by naming the inhabitants according to their occupation, place of residence, and specifically territorial, physiographic, and other characteristics — cf. Razmukaitė M. Appellative-derived suffixed oikonyms of the Lithuanian SSR // Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR. Series A. 1988. Vol. 3(104). P. 89. Cf. also Grinaveckis V. Karklė and Karklininkai // Language Culture. 1965. Issue 8. P. 54.

²¹ See also Vanagas A. Op. cit. P. 122.

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Only one derivative with each of the other suffixes is recorded: with -ava (from hydronyms): Jūr-ava village, Jrb: Jūra river, Trg; with -ainys: Opst-ainys (|| Opst-ainiai village < *Apstanys) village, Šlu: Apstà river, Pgg²²; with -ija (from personal names): Luž-ija former village, Klp: personal name Lužà; Šiepar-iją former village, Klp: Šieparỹs, cf. Šeparis (see); -inė, -utė (from appellatives): Graũm-inė (|| Griaũm-inė) village, Klp: Lithuanian graumuõ ‘depth of a forest, dense thicket; a dark, marshy place in the forest’; Smuk-utė village, Šlu: Lithuanian smukùs ‘slippery, muddy’, Šil-utė town and village, Šlu: Lithuanian šìlas ‘pine forest’;

d) with the suffixes -alė, -eliai, -ėliai, oikonyms are derived from other oikonyms: Kreting-alė village, Klp — cf. Kretingà town; Strazd-ėliai village, Šlu — cf. Strazdaĩ village, Šlu; Triuš-ėliai former village, Klp — cf. Triušiaĩ village, Klp; Dėkint-ėliai village, Šlu — cf. Dėkintaĩ village, Šlu; Gibĩš-ėliai village, Klp — cf. Gibĩšiai former village, Klp; Opstain-ėliai village, Šlu — cf. Opstainỹs || Opstainiai village, Šlu; Pilvar-ėliai former village, Šlu — cf. Pilvariaĩ former village, Šlu; Sakūt-ėliai village, Šlu — cf. Sakūčiaĩ village, Šlu; Šėlen-ėliai village, Klp — cf. Šėlenai village, Klp; Žagmant-ėliai village, Šlu — cf. Žagmantai village, Šlu, etc.

3. There are very few derivatives formed with prefixes here; characteristically, almost all are derived from hydronyms: Ant-leičiai (|| Ãnt-leičiai — F 123) village, Šlu, Pã-leičiai village, Šlu: Leitė river, Šlu, and the prefixes ant-, pa-; Ãnt-šyšiai village, Šlu, Pã-šyšiai village, Šlu: Šyšà river, Šlu, and the prefixes ant-, pa-; Ãnt-švenčiai village, Jrb: Šventóji (> *Šventa) river, Smalininkai, and the prefix ant-; Pa-gėgiai town and village, Šlu: Gėgė river, Pgg, and the prefix pa-; Pã-geldyniai village, Šlu: Gėldynė lake, Pgg, and the prefix pa-; Pã-kamonai village, Šlu, Ūž-kamonai village, Šlu: Kãmona river, Pgg, and the prefixes pa-, už-; Pa-luñpiai village, Šlu: Luñpė river, Pgg, and the prefix pa-; Pã-šalteikiai, part of Dvylai village, Klp: Šalteikė river, Šv, and the prefix pa-; Pã-šusčiai village, Šlu: Šùstė, Šùstis river, Šlu; Pa-vilkiai village, Šlu: Vìlka, Vìlkė river, Pgg, and the prefix pa-; Ūž-bi čiai former village, Šlu: Bitė river, Pgg, and the prefix už-; Ūž-kulmeniai former village, Šlu, F 143: Kulmenà river, Pgg, and the prefix už-; Ūž-pirdžiai former village, Šlu: Pìrdė river, Pgg, and the prefix už-, and a few others.

4. Oikonyms formed by compounding (from two elements, or stems) are characteristic of this territory. The elements vary and are combined in different ways:

1) both components are proper names: Kamš-vilkiai former village, Klp, F 145 < *Kamšt-vilkiai, which derives from *Kamšt-pav ilkiai (cf. German Kamspowilken), that is, from the oikonyms Kamščiai and Pavilkiai (cf. F 145);

2) one of the components is a proper name (personal name, place name), the other an appellative (most often a designation of a place): a) the first component is a personal name or designation of a person: Būdel-kiemis village, Klp: *Budelis (cf. Budel-skis), the personal name Būdelis (cf. also Lithuanian būdelis ‘devil, imp; bogey, scarecrow’) and Lithuanian kiẽmas ‘yard’; Mediš-kiemiai village, Šlu: *Medišius or *Medišis (cf. Mediš-aũskas), a personal name, and kiẽmas ‘yard’; Svarait-kiemis village, Šlu: personal name Svaraitis and kiẽmas ‘yard’; Žemait-kiemis village, Šlu: personal name Žemaitis or the ethnonym žemaitis ‘Samogitian’, and kiẽmas ‘yard’; Kirkut-viečiai village, Šlu: personal name Kirkutis and Lithuanian vietà ‘place’; Mėtrik-viečiai (|| Mėtrik-viečiai) village, Šlu: personal names Mėtrikas, Mėtrikis.

²² For this relationship, cf. Vanagas A. Op. cit. P. 44.

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and place; Skers-viečiai village, Šlu: Skersỹs, Skersìs²³ personal name and place name; Kurš-laukis former village, Klp: Kuršis, Kuršỹs personal name or the ethnonym kuršis, kuršỹs and Lithuanian laĩkas ‘field’; Meiš-laukiai village, Šlu: Meišis personal name and laũkas ‘field’; Šereit-laukis < Šereik-laukis²⁴ (cf. Szereiklaukis — V. Kalv. 59) village, Šlu: Šeréika, Šeréikis and laũkas ‘field’; Nėmir-seta* village, Klp: Nemỹra personal name and Latvian sãta ‘yard, estate, homestead’ (A. Sal. 128), Lithuanian Nemirà personal name — cf. Nemirai village, Šk, Nėmer-kiemis village, Gumbinė; Lūž-galiai village, Klp: Lūžà and gãlas ‘end’; Dañž-giriai former village, Pgg: Dañžas, Dañžis and girìà ‘forest’; Ridel-kalnis village, Jrb: Ridelis, Rýdelis and kálnas ‘hill’, etc.; b) the first component is a hydronym: Leit-giriai village, Šlu: Leĩtė river, Šlu, and girìà ‘forest’; Šyš-giriai village, Šlu: Šyšà river, Šlu, and girìà ‘forest’; Bit-meškiai former village, Tlž, F 28 < *Bit-miškiai (cf. Bitmiszkei — V. Kalv. 28): Bitė river, Pgg, and mìškas ‘forest’; Vilk-medžiai former village, Šlu: Vilka, Vilkė river, Pgg, and mẽdė, mẽdis ‘forest, woodland’; Meldik-laukiai village, Trg: *Meldikis river > Meldik-upė²⁵, Trg, and laũkas ‘field’; Šyš-krantė || Šyš-krantà (|| Šyšõs krantà) former village, Šlu, F 146; Šyšà river, Šlu, and krántas, lowland dialect kránta ‘shore’; Gilánd-viršiai village, Šlu || Gilándvir-žiai F 85: Gilándė river, Pgg, and vìršus ‘upper part’ or viržiai ‘heather’ (cf. F 85);

3) the first component is an adjective, the second a place name: Aukšt-vilkiai village, Trg: áukštas ‘high’ and Vilka, Vilkė river, Pgg; Auž-kýkiai village, Šlu < *Aukšt-kykiai (cf. Auksztykkei — V. Kalv. 26): áukštas ‘high’ and *Kykai (cf. Kykuczei village — V. Kalv. 42), personal names Kikas, Kikūtis; Kykutis (V. Kalv. 13); Nau-stremėniai village, Šlu < *Nauj-stremėniai: naũjas ‘new’ and Stremėniai village, Šlu; Naũ-stubriai village, Šlu < *Nauj-stubriai: naũjas ‘new’ and Stubriai village, Šlu, etc.;

4) both components are common nouns: a) the first component is an adjective, the second a common noun: Aukšt-kiemiai village, Klp: áukštas ‘high’ and kiẽmas ‘yard’; Aukšt-a-gãlis²⁶ part of Smalininkai, Jrb: áukštas ‘high’ and gãlas ‘end’; Auš-giriai village, Šlu < *Aukšt-giriai (cf. Auszgirei || Auksztgirei — V. Kalv. 26): áukštas ‘high’ and girìà ‘forest’; Did-šil̃ai village, Šlu: dìdis ‘big’ and šìlas ‘pine forest’; Druñ-šil̃ai village, Šlu: drunùs ‘dreary, dull’ and šìlas ‘pine forest’; Plýn-šilė part of Dercekļi village, Klp: plýnas ‘bare’ and šìlas ‘pine forest’; Šlãp-šilė village, Klp: šlãpias ‘wet’ and šìlas ‘pine forest’; Juod-krantė village, Šlu: júodas ‘black’ and krántas, lowland dialect kránta ‘shore’; Juod-pjauniai part of Šilutė: júodas ‘black’ and pjaunỹs ‘a mowable bog overgrown with shrubs,...’ (cf. Pjauniai river, NmŽ); Meln-rãgė* former village, now a suburb of Klaipėda (< Mel(n)raga): Latvian melns ‘black’ and Latvian rags ‘horn’ (A. Sal. 128); Nauj-ã-dvaris former village and manor, Klp, Naũ-dvaris village, Jrb: naũjas ‘new’ and dvãras ‘manor’; Naũ-malūnis settlement, Jrb < *Nauj-malūnis: naũjas ‘new’ and malūnas ‘mill’; Naujã-pieviai village, Šlu: naũjas ‘new’ and pieva ‘meadow’; Raudón-dvaris village, Šlu: raudónas ‘red’ and dvãras ‘manor’; Žal-

²³ But cf. Skersvietaitis (< *Skersvietis) personal name; this would suggest that the place name may derive from the personal name Skersvietis. Here compare also other regional place names: Būd-viečiai village, Klp — cf. Būdà personal name, but also Būd-vietis personal name; Din-viečiai village, Klp — cf. Dinius personal name, but also Dinvietis personal name; Šiaud-viečiai || Šiaud-vyčiai village, Šlu — cf. Šiaud-aitis personal name, but also Šiaudvytis personal name, which would suggest that these place names may be not compounds but pluralia tantum forms derived from the plural of the corresponding surnames (although one might also suppose that these two-stem compound surnames are secondary, arising later from the place name).

²⁴ Forms recorded in older sources—Sarecka (13th c.), Schreygklauc (1540), Sareibe (1344)—“is naturally to be read Sareike” (A. Sal.) 121.

²⁵ Cf. Vanagas A. Min. op. cit. p. 209.

²⁶ There are several predominant methods of compounding—with and without a linking vowel.

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-ų-meadow village Šlu: green and meadow and others; b) both components are common nouns: Griež-pelkiai village Trg: griežė ‘corncrake’ and marsh; Kov-giriai village Šlu: rook ‘a bird of the crow family’ and forest; Miš-galiai (|| Mišk-u-galiai) || Mėž-galiai former village Šlu, F 140: Lithuanian forest, Latvian forest ‘forest’ and end, edge: Pur-maliai* village Klp (< * Purv-maliai): Latvian bog ‘bog, marsh, mire’ and Latvian edge ‘bank, edge, outskirts’ (A. Sal. 128, but cf. Lithuanian personal name Purmalis); Stumbr-a-giriai village Šlu: trunk and forest; Strazd-a-baliai former village Tlž, F 146: thrush and bog; Vaid-baliai former village Rg, F 146: (?) ghost ‘ghost, apparition, specter’ and bog (cf. Vaid-balė village near Svedasai — A. Van. 358); Taur-a-laukis || Taūr-laukis village Klp: aurochs (cf. also personal name Taūras) and field; Vilk-daubis village Jrb: wolf and ravine; Žagát-purviai* village Šlu: Latvian magpie ‘magpie’ and Latvian bog ‘mire, marsh’ (A. Sal. 129); Smal-a-daržis cf. Jrb: smalà (but cf. smālis, smalÿs ‘devil, evil spirit’, Lithuanian personal names Smalÿs, Smālis, Smalius < smālius ‘tar burner’) and garden; Žārd-viečiai village Šlu: Lithuanian žārdas ‘a hayrack made of poles’, Latvian žārds ‘hayrack’ (cf. also personal name Žārd-ininkas from Klp) and place, etc. Among compound names, several oikonyms with the second component var- should also be mentioned: Leit-variai former village Šlu (: Leitė river); Pil-variai (|| Pil-varai) former village Šlu (cf. pilvė ‘marsh, muddy place’, but cf. personal name Pilwarys — V. Kalv. 15); Plauš-variai village Šlu (former Plauszware — V. Kalv. 52) (cf. rush, rushes ‘sedge, sedges’). These may be oikonyms associated with meadow names; concerning the second component, cf. Vārės meadow in Pgg and many other microtoponyms with the root var- from across Lithuania, most likely related to Lithuanian vāras ‘pole for making a fence’ (cf. also A. Van. 362).

5. Among the place names mentioned earlier that are derived from the plural of a personal name, the so-called pluralia tantum forms, attention may be drawn to those derived from personal names attested only in this region: 1a) with the suffix -aitis²⁷: Endrikaičiai village, Šlu: Endrikaitis; Kálvaičiai village, Šlu: Kálvaitis; Mantviláičiai village, Šlu: Mantvilaitis; Piklučiai village, Šlu: *Piklaitis, cf. Piktatis (V. Kalv. 15); Sokáičiai village, Šlu: Sokáitis; Šeputáičiai village, Šlu: Šeputaitis; Vėláičiai village, Šlu: Vėlaitis, etc.; 1b) with various other, less characteristic personal-name suffixes (-ūnas, -ėnas, -elis, -ulis, -utis (-ūtis)²⁷): Barzdūnai village, Šlu: Barzdūnas; Kuršėliai village, Klp: Kuršėlis (or the diminutive ethnonym kuršėlis); Anduliai former village, Klp: Andulys, Latvian Andulis; Endruliai former village, Šlu: Endrulis; Ginduliai village, Klp: Gindulis; Jogučiai former village, Klp, F 129: Jogūtis; Raukučiai former village, Šlu: Raukutis; Sakūčiai village, Šlu (|| Sakuočiai — F 45): *Sakūtis, cf. Sakuotis, Sakūtis, etc.; 2) old two-stem personal names: Dovilāi village, Klp: Do-vilas; Domantai former village, Klp, F 41: Dō-mantas; Minjotai village, Šlu: Min-jotas; Sudmantai village, Klp: Sūd-mantas; 3) other compound personal names: Klausmýliai village, Klp: *Klaus-mylius < Klausas and Mylius F 149, cf. Milius, Milis; Labōtakiai former village, Klp, F 134: Labōt-akis; Laukžemiai village, Klp: Lauk-žemis, Lauk-žemÿs; Macmožūrai former village, Klp, F 43, 132: *Mac-mozūras < Māčas, Macÿs and Mozūras (or the ethnonym mozūras); Macviėliai village, Klp (old name of Vaidaugai village): *Mac-vielius < Māčas, Macÿs and Vielius (cf. F 132), cf. Mac-vilas; Miš-

²⁷ For the distribution of these personal-name suffixes, see Maciejauskienė V. Distribution of Lithuanian Personal-Name Suffixes in the 17th Century // Questions of Areal Linguistics in Lithuania: Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics. 1977. Vol. 17. pp. 159–168. See also Fenzlau W. Op. cit. pp. 112, 114–120.

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petriai former village, Šlu, F 125: *Miš-petris, cf. Miszpéteris V. Kalv. 14 < Mišas and Pėtras (or Pėteris); Oksli̇̄ndžiai village, Šlu: *Oksl-lindis < *Oksl-indžius < Ōksas and Li̇̄ndžius, Lindė; Piktožiai village, Klp: *Pikt-ožis < Piktys and Ožys, also cf. Piktuižis; Rupkalviai village, Šlu: Rūp-kalvis, Rup-kalvys; Sausgalviai village, Šlu: *Saus-galvis, *Saus-galvys < sausas and galvà, cf. personal names Sausỹs, Sauskõjus; Šūnpetriai former village, Klp: *Šun-petris, cf. Szun-petris V. Kalv. 18; Šilmeižiai village, Šlu: *Šil-meižis, cf. Szil-meižis V. Kalv. 17; Trāksėdžiai²⁸ village, Šlu: *Trak-sėdis, *Trak-sėdys, cf. Traksedys V. Kalv. 18, Trakys; Vaižენčiai former village, Šlu, F 125 (|| Waidženczei — V. Kalv. 63): *Vaid-žentis < Vaidas and Žentys (or žéntas) and others; 4) various other monosyllabic personal names recorded here: Anužiai village, Šlu: Anužỹs, Ānūžis; Barvai village, Šlu: Bārva; Blušiai former village, Klp, F 134: Blušys, Blušis; Bobiai former village, Klp, F 42: Bobys, Bobis; Birbinčiai village, Klp: Birbinčius; Dėckiai former village, Klp, F 126: Dėckys; Dreižiai village, Klp: Dreižius; Dvyliai village, Klp: Dvỹlius; Gibišiai former village, Klp: Gibišas; Gibizė V. Kalv. 10; Grobštai village, Klp: Grobšta; Kenkliai former village, Šlu, F 134: Kenklỹs; Kirlikai village, Šlu: Kirlikas; Kiuošiai former village, Klp, F 69: Kiuošỹs; Kiūpeliai village, Šlu: Kiūpelis; Klumbiȧi former village, Šlu: Klumbỹs; Krauleidžiai village, Šlu: Krauleidỹs; Lamšodžiai* village, Šlu: *Lamsotis, cf. Lamsatis V. Kalv. 13; Lapynai village, Šlu: Lāpy-nas; Mārtinai village, Klp: Mārtinas; Pakamorjai village, Klp: Pākamorė, Pākamoris; Reizgiai village, Šlu: Reizgỹs; Rubōkai village, Šlu: Rubokas; Rubuliai village, Krtn: Rubulis, Rubulys; Rūgaliai village, Šlu: Rūgalis; Rusliai village, Klp: Ruslỹs; Saigos village, Šlu: Saugà; Skrodliai township, Šlu: Skrodlys; Slėngiai* village, Klp: Slengys (< Latvian slenġis “idler”—A. Sal. 128); Svarai part of Vyžiai village, Šlu: Svēras; Šakimiai village, Klp: Šakinis; Šat-riai village, Klp: Šatrys; Šepotai former village, Klp, F 136: Šėpotas; Šnaukštai village, Klp: *Šnaukšta, cf. Sz­naugsta V. Kalv. 18, Šniaukšta; Timsriai village, Šlu: Timsrys; Triūšiai village, Klp: Triūšis; Žeigiai* village, Klp: Žeigis; Žiobriai village, Klp: Žiobrys and others.

III. 1. Returning to the Curonian-origin oikonyms of the Klaipėda Region that remain in use to this day, it should be noted that some have been Lithuanianized, that is, have acquired Lithuanian derivational and other features. A. Salys has linked some of them to Curonian personal names or designations of persons (cf. A. Sal. 127—129): Armalėnai village, Šlu < Ermalėnai (German Hermannlöhen): personal name Hermanni Lell; Latvian liel̦s “large”; Blūmčiai (|| Macblyčiai)* village, Šlu: *Blūmčis < *Blųžmacis, cf. Lithuanian personal name Blýžà (Latvian Blīda, Lithuanian Blinda—A. Sal. 128) and personal names Mācas, Mačys; Lābrenc-iškė township, Klp: Lithuanian personal name Lābrencas, Latvian Labrencis A. Sal. 127; Letūkai village, Klp < Leitukai: Latvian leitis “Lithuanian”; Liaunai village, Klp. < Liauniejȧi: Latvian Jauns “evil one, evil spirit, devil”; Lyveriai village, Klp: Latvian līveris “vagabond, wanderer” (cf. Lithuanian personal names Lỹveris, Lyverys); Priekulė village, Klp: personal name Lucas Prekoll (cf. also Latvian place name Priekule, a town in the Duzarė district); Suvernai village, Šlu < Suwehnen: personal name Suwens: Latvian...

²⁸ K. Būga considers this place name compound: Trak-sėdžiai, with the second component -sėdei, known not only in Samogitian but also in the Latvian part of Kurzeme, as Curonian (see K. Būga 418). For the etymology of the name (roots trākas + sėd-), see also Vanagas A. “Dėl kai kurių Lietuvos vietų vardų etimologijų” // Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai. 1963. Vol. 6. P. 331.

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suvēns “pig” (also cf. Latvian Suwene, Swenen river²⁹); Scėnčelė village, Klp—Lithuanian would be *Švankelė (A. Sal. 129) or *Švenkelė (K. Būga 245), and others.³⁰

— The presence of the Curonians on this Lithuanian coast is also attested by oikonyms formed with the ethnonym kuršis, kuršys, kuršiai: Kuršiai former village, Klp, A. Sal. 129, Kuršėliai village, Klp, Kurš-laukis former village, Klp; in addition, former village names in Šilutė County were Matz-kuhren (now Maci-kai), Stepon-kuhren (now Stoniškiai) (cf. A. Sal. 129).

2. From the so-called Prussian, more precisely the Skalvian-language substrate found in the lower Nemunas region, A. Salys, in the aforementioned dissertation, cited from old sources only a few oikonyms: Pleik-iškiai former village, Tilž, F 54 < ancient Plekisken (cf. Lithuanian plėikė “small area… stunted, bare, empty,” Lithuanian personal name Pleik(is), Pleikỹs, Latvian pleikis “bald woman, bald man”); those mentioned earlier, Šereit-laukis (< *Šereik-laukis) village, Šlu (cf. p. 158) and Vieš-vilė town, Jrb (cf. p. 155).

IV. Having reviewed the oikonymy of the Klaipėda Region and its more characteristic lexical and structural features, the following conclusions may be drawn:

1. In terms of origin, the lexemes show that: a) the lexemes forming appellative oikonyms are most often associated with various types of place names: bala, lieknas, pelkė, Latvian purvs “bog, mire,” rāgas (Latvian rags) “a pointed stretch of land projecting into the sea,... a peninsula,...,” trākas, šilas, žardis “enclosed place for livestock” (or žārdas, Latvian žards “hayrick”), and others; b) some distinctive personal names are found only in this region.

2. In terms of formation—apart from the predominant forms pluralia tantum, widespread throughout Lithuania—affixal (suffixal and prefixal) and compound methods of oikonym formation are characteristic. The latter—the method of combining words—would, among other things, also attest to the significant influence on the region’s oikonymy of the German (or perhaps Prussian?) language, in which word compounding is the predominant way of forming place names³¹.

ABBREVIATIONS

Grg — Gargždai (local area, former county) Rsn — Rūsnė (local area, former county) Kin — Kintai (local area, former county) Šk — Šakiai (district) Klp — Klaipėda (district, former county) Šlu — Šilutė (district, former county) Krtn — Kretinga (district) Šv — Švėkšna (local area) Nmž — Žemaičių Naumiestis (local area) Tilž — Tilžė (former county) Pgg — Pagėgiai (local area, former county) Trg — Tauragė (district, former county) Prk — Priekulė (local area, former county) Vš — Viešvilė (local area, former county) Rg — Ragainė (former county)

²⁹ See Vanagas A. cited work. P. 321.

³⁰ K. Būga also regarded several other oikonyms of this region as Curonian: Eketė, Gargždai, Grėž-pėlkiai, Kalotė, Minija, Žardė and others; in A. Salys’s words, all the place names of Žemaitian origin that have equivalents in the Latvian part of Old Courland (see A. Sal. 29).

³¹ Žr. Никонов В. А. Славянский топонимический тип // Географические названия. М., 1962. С. 20.

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OIKONYMY OF THE KLAIPĖDA REGION (MEMEL TERRITORY)

Summary

The article examines the oikonymy of the Klaipėda region; it discusses its lexical and structural features and the main characteristics of oikonym formation.

The more prominent cases of oikonym formation:

a) the suffixes -ininkai, -ėnai in suffixally formed oikonyms;

b) the method of composition (from several lexemes).