LAIMUTIS BILKIS

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

Research areas: toponymy, anthroponymy.

ON THE ORIGINS OF SOME LITHUANIAN HYDRONYMS (II)

Regarding the Origins of Some Lithuanian Hydronyms (II)

ANNOTATION

Drawing on extensive research into the origins of Lithuanian toponyms undertaken in compiling the Dictionary of Lithuanian Toponyms, the article proposes new etymological interpretations of the lake and river names Bìldiškės ežeras, Drabužis, Drančiūkas, Draudėnių ežeras, Dvōliškis, Dzindzakė (Dindžiakė), Karčiāmetis, Kemešà, Kėmešė, Kemešys, Kūnà, Kurtinỹs, Kurtinėlis, Pagužė, Pãspitris, Samavà, Sãmė, Samāvas, Sãmis, Sãgavas, Stìrta, Stìrtos, which have already been analysed in the works of other toponymists. These interpretations are based on the derivational, etymological, and semantic (motivational) tendencies and analogies characteristic of this class of toponyms or, in some cases, on new data, or data previously overlooked, concerning the authenticity of hydronym forms and their usage.

ANNOTATION

The article proposes new versions of the origins of lake and river names previously analysed by other toponymists, including Bìldiškės ežeras, Drabužis, Drančiūkas, Draudėnių ežeras, Dvōliškis, Dzindzakė (Dindžiakė), Karčiāmetis, Kemešà, Kėmešė, Kemešys, Kūnà, Kurtinỹs, Kurtinėlis, Pagužė, Pãspitris, Samavà, Sãmė, Samāvas, Sãmis, Sãgavas, Stìrta, Stìrtos. The study draws on thorough research into the origins of Lithuanian toponyms conducted while compiling the Lithuanian Dictionary of Toponyms. The new interpretations are based on derivational, etymological, and semantic (motivational) tendencies and parallels characteristic of this class of toponyms or, in some cases, on new data or data previously overlooked concerning the authenticity and usage characteristics of hydronym forms.

KEYWORDS: origin of hydronyms, derivation of hydronyms, semantics of hydronyms.

KEYWORDS: origin of hydronyms, derivation of hydronyms, semantics of hydronyms.

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The origins of certain Lithuanian hydronyms have already been analyzed in a couple of earlier articles (Bilkis 2006: 47–62; 2011: 9–25). Further research into the origins of Lithuanian place names in the course of writing the Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names¹ (LVŽ) makes it possible to propose additional possible origins for the names of lakes and rivers already analyzed in other toponymic studies. These proposals are based on the derivational, etymological, and semantic (motivational) tendencies and analogies characteristic of this class of toponyms, or, in some cases, on new (more precisely, previously unnoticed) data relating to the authenticity of hydronym forms and their usage patterns. The aim of this article is not to refute previously published etymological hypotheses, but to offer alternatives alongside them and substantiate their advantages.

Lake Bildiškės, lake Onš. In Aleksandras Vanagas’s works, the compound form of the name is derived from the conjectured name of some other place (a meadow, field, or the like), *Bildiškė, which derives from the personal name Bilda (Vanagas 1981: 64). Following Vanagas, this origin for the hydronym is also given in the Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names (LVŽ I 478).

However, the non-compound form of the lake’s name, Bildiškis², was recorded in a 1935 land-name questionnaire for the village of Ūta in Onuškis rural district. It is most likely authentic and derives from Lithuanian bildėti ‘to produce a particular sound when striking hard objects; to clatter, rumble’³. There are not many place names formed from verbs with the suffix -iškis, but this derivational type is possible; compare the helonyms Bild-iškis rst. Vrn, Spand-iškis meadow RdN: spándyti ‘to set traps, snares, or loops’, Žib-iškis village Mlt: žibėti (Bilkis 2008: 86). For the semantics, compare the lake names Bildėlis Jrb, Barškėtis, Barškėta Švnč, and the river names Bárškelis, Barškelys, Baršk-upýs, Báršk-upis Dt (Vanagas 1981a: 114).

Drabūžis, lake Sem. Two etymological versions are known: it is associated with Latvian place names Drabas, Drab-enas, Prussian place name Drab-inow⁴, Lithuanian drab-na ‘bog’, drabà ‘slushy snow falling in clumps, slush, slushy snow’ (Savukynas 1962: 195); the root drab- is regarded as an ablaut or even dialectal variant of drob-, associated with Lithuanian drabūžis, dróbė, and it is assumed that drab-, drob- developed from older lexemes with a more general meaning of breaking or tearing (Vanagas 1981: 90).

In addition to the proposed etymologies, a connection with Lithuanian drabùs ‘one that trembles’ and drebėti ‘to be seized by frequent shaking movements (from cold, fear, etc.), to quiver, tremble; to shake, vibrate under the influence of external forces’ is highly plausible. This connection is supported by an analogy in hydronym formation: compare lake names with this suffix that may be classified as names denoting bearers of a quality: Dubūžis Dgč, Ds, Ob, Gilūžis Aln, Ktk, Mlt, R, Stk, Gėlūžis Ut (Vanagas 1970: 215). In this case, the semantics would be associated with a wavy, “tre-

¹ The author of the article is one of the authors and the editor-in-chief of the Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names.

² Recorded by teacher Justinas Rūkas from Juozas Trakimavičius, a resident of the village of Ūta.

³ Word meanings are taken from LKŽe.

⁴ Plačiau dėl prūsiškų vietovardžių *Drab-īn-av- / *Drabn-av- žr. Blažienė 2000: 31.

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‘lapping’ over the surface of the lake; cf. the river name Trišiūkštė Skdv: Lithuanian trišėti, Latvian trišėt ‘quiver, tremble, shiver’ (Vanagas 1981a: 88); cf. also water-body names Drebūlė pond, Vrn; Drēb-a-balis lake, Lp; Drēb-daubis ravine, Štk; Dreb-ū-balė pond, Lzd; Drebantys raistas marsh, Klr (VK).

Drančiūkas river, Klm. It is linked to the Germanism dránka ‘food, slops, dishwater’ (Vanagas 1981: 90), but in this case it is unclear how the root k changed into č. It may therefore be more convincing to connect it with Lithuanian (a loanword) drañčyti, drañčintis ‘rampage, revel’, dráńča ‘one who rages’. The semantics would then relate to a fast water current, foaming water, or the like.

Draudėnių Lake, lake, Žgč. The official form can be derived from the name of the adjacent village, Draudėniai (see Savukynas 1962: 195; Vanagas 1981: 90). However, the index of place names collected by the Surnames and Place Names Commission during the interwar period records the singular form Draudėnio Lake, which is most likely an erroneously genitive-like form of Draudėnis; moreover, this form is also recorded on place-name index cards completed after the war. Thus, as attested by data from living speech, the compound hydronym Draudėnių Lake should be considered secondary, while the authentic form is apparently Draudėnis, derived from Lithuanian draũsti (draudė) ‘tell someone not to do something, forbid, warn, protect; prevent the use of something, prohibit’. This possibility is supported by an analogy in hydronym formation: hydronyms with the suffix –enis are widespread in the same southern Samogitian Raseiniai dialect area (even in Žygaičiai!), as is Draudėnis (see Vanagas 1970: 132–133, 398). A semantic parallel can also be found—cf. the river name Draũstinė Ar, unquestionably connected with Lithuanian draũsti. In this case, the chronology of the lake and village names would be as follows: hydronym Draudėnis → oikonym Draudėniai → secondary hydronym Draudėnių Lake. On this account, deriving the village name Draudėniai from the personal name *Draudėnis, and correspondingly reconstructing such a personal name from the oikonym, becomes questionable (cf. Savukynas 1962: 195; Zinkevičius 2008: 85, 280).

Dvōliškis (Dvólškis?) river, Šl. In explaining the origin of the river name, the authenticity of its form is questioned; it is thought that this may be a later alteration of *Dvolikis, from Lithuanian dvōlikis ‘a measure for measuring grain’ (Vanagas 1981: 99). Such a change in form, however, is phonetically impossible; moreover, as data from living speech show, this name is used not only for the river but also for the adjacent meadow. Therefore, Dvōliškis (Dvólškis?) is most likely the authentic form, connected with the appellative dvaliúoti ‘to walk’, used in the Šiauliai dialect area, with a → o understood as root-vowel alternation; cf. Lithuanian vōliuotis, vōliuotis ‘act wilfully, misbehave, romp, rage’, vōlis ‘wilfulness, disobedience’: valia. It is worth noting that the recorder of the meadow name in a prewar land-name survey for Žvigai village, Šiauliai district, also observes⁵ that the name comes from running water, that is, water that ‘dvaliúoja’. It can therefore be conjectured that Lithuanian dvaliúoti may also have meant *‘to walk or run quickly’.

⁵Recorded by teacher Liudas Osipauskas from Antanas Remeika, a resident of Žvigai village.

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Dzindzakė || Dindžiakė official river, Jz. It is not entirely clear whether Dzindzakė is a dialectal or an authentic, i.e. etymological, form. It is thought that the official river name Dindžiakė may be a hypercorrection of Dzindzakė or Džindžiakė, which may be a compound: its first element is linked to Lithuanian džindždė, džindždė ‘home-distilled liquor’, while the second derives from Lithuanian akìs ‘harrow; a hole in a bog, a small body of water in a marsh or in a lake nearing overgrowth’ (Vanagas 1981: 86, 37). On the other hand, it is claimed that the isogloss is not characteristic of the western Dzūkian territory, and therefore Dzindzakė may indicate that the western Dzūkian area was formerly larger; that is, this form is considered dialectal. However, any connection between the water-body name and the word džindždė, brought back from America by emigrants returning in the early twentieth century, is rejected (Vitkauskas 1984: 83).

Since it is acknowledged that Dzindzakė does not occur in the present-day western Dzūkian area, it could be regarded as an authentic compound water-body name. Its first element is linked to Lithuanian dzin, džin ‘cin, din (to describe a ringing sound)’, dzindzėti, džiūdžinti ‘ring, clang, jingle’, and its second element with Lithuanian džak ‘clack (repeated to describe the clatter of hooves while running or riding); click (to describe a sudden movement)’, džakoti ‘move quickly’; for the semantics, compare the water-body name Džindžiliai (Džindžiliai?) village, Gdl: džindziliuoti ‘ring, jingle’, Dzindz-iù-balis pond, Gdž: dzindzėti, džiūdžinti ‘ring, clang, jingle’, Skam̃balas village, Šll; Skambìnės marsh, Kš; and Eináutas river, Grz; Einìkė pond, marsh, Žlv; Eĩnupis river, Žm (VK).

Karčiàmetis river, Šd. The river name is thought to have been shortened from *Karčėmā-vietis > *Karčiāmvietis > Karčiāmetis (dialectal *Karčiāmvetis) > Karčiāmetis and derived from Lithuanian karčèma ‘tavern’ and vietà (‘site of a tavern’) (Vanagas 1981: 147). This explanation of the origin raises some doubts from both phonetic and semantic perspectives: the causes of the proposed sound changes are unclear, and such a motivation (‘site of a tavern’) would be more appropriate for land or settlement names than for hydronyms. Another origin for the name of this stream is therefore possible: from Lithuanian kártis ‘long, slender tree, pole, splinter’, karčius ‘stump, clump’ and mèsti (mėta, mėtė) ‘throw far, upwards, or downwards; remove, discard (something unnecessary or unsuitable); lower, sink into water (a net, fishing line, anchor)’. This possible origin is strongly supported by compounds analogous in form and meaning, such as Kanāp-ia-merkis lake, JnšM, Plauš-mirkis river, Skd, and the like (Vanagas 1981a: 117–118). Semantically, this is a name indicating the purpose of a water feature: a stream into which poles or stumps are thrown or submerged; cf. also the water-body name Kárč-ia-pievis shrubland, meadow, Sdk.

Kemešà, Kẽmešė river, Lkm; Kemešỹs lake, Lkm. While questioning whether the forms are authentic (“or Kemešà, Kẽmešė, Kemešỹs”), they are linked to Lithuanian kemėša, kemėšis, kemėšius ‘a clumsy person’ and regarded as hydronyms with a topographical meaning (Vanagas 1981: 152). First, it should be noted that the authentic forms are Kemešà, Kẽmešė, Kemešỹs, since local residents pronounce the e in hydronymic suffixes as short. The connection with the appellatives cited above is therefore somewhat doubtful because the suffix vowels do not match. These names may be derivatives with the suffixes –eša, –ešė, –ešys and connected with Lithuanian kãmas ‘ball, lump, clod; hook’, kėm-sas ‘tussock’, and derived from Baltic *kem- ‘squeeze, clench’ (Mažiulis 1993: 100–103). In this case, for the semantics compare the river name Gniužà Pbs: gniùžti ‘bend; sink; slump; wilt; weaken; diminish, subside’ (Vanagas 1981a: 55).

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Kūna ež., up. Švnč. Siejamas su liet. kunė ‘klampi bala, liūnas’ (Vanagas 1981: 172), tačiau tokio apeliatyvo nėra Lietuvių kalbos žodyne, jo tikrumas abejotinas. Galbūt vandenvardis sietinas su liet. kūnas ‘žmogaus ar gyvulio organizmas’ ir kildintinas iš balt. *kū- / *kēu- ‘dengti(s), lenkti(s)’ < ide. *(s)kēu- (: *-ou-: *-ū-) (žr. Mažiulis 1993: 169, 183–184; plg. LIV 561). Vardo semantika šiuo atveju sietina su vandens objektų konfigūracija – lenktumu ar pan.

Kurtinỹs river Rgv, Kurtinėlìs lake Klt, Lkm. They are associated with Lithuanian kurtinỹs ‘a bird of the grouse family (Tetrao urogallus)’ (Vanagas 1981: 175). According to this interpretation, the hydronyms would be formed from the name of an animal: the first without additional derivational means, and the second with the suffix -ėlis, expressing a non-possessive meaning. However, this manner of forming hydronyms is rare. Might it not be more accurate to classify the hydronyms as names of entities possessing a characteristic and associate them with Lithuanian kūrtìnas ‘deaf’, kurtinãi ‘blindly, completely’? In that case, these would be a blind, i.e. drying up, lake and a river with a weak current that dries up. Lake names with this kind of semantics are very numerous, cf. Āklas Lbv, Vp, Rdnk, Aklėlis Gdž, Lp, Rud, Aklūtis Švnč¹, etc. (Vanagas 1981a: 54); river names also occur, cf. Āklė Dbg, Imbr, Krš (LUEV 2).

Pagužė river Šd. The name is derived from another, presumed former place name *Pagužė (Vanagas 1981: 238), but since no such toponym actually exists, it is more likely a derivative with the prefix pa-, originating from the personal name Gùžas, Gužỹs. It would be a stream or the like flowing across land belonging to a man surnamed Gužas or Gužys. The surname Gùžas is widespread, among other places, in the Šeduva area (see LPDB), so this possible origin is entirely plausible.

Pāspitris river Šd. The name is considered a derivative with the prefix pa- from the personal name Spìtris, Spitrỹs (Vanagas 1981: 247), but this surname is known only in southern Lithuania (LPDB), and historical documents, at least so far, have yielded no evidence that it was formerly used in the Šeduva area. Therefore, an association with Lithuanian paspitrōti ‘to see poorly’, paspitrỹs ‘rather dim-sighted, unable to see well’ may perhaps seem more convincing; for the semantics, cf. the river name Āklė Dbg, Imbr, Krš (LUEV 2).

Samavā river Dgč, Samavā, Sāmė river Onš, Samāvās lake Dgč, Mlt, Sāmis lake Onš. It is conjectured that the hydronyms preserve the form sam- of the word sāmana, cf. samėti: ap-samėti ‘to become moss-covered’ (Vanagas 1981: 289–290). On the other hand, with root-vowel alternation, they may also be associated with Lithuanian sémti (sémia) ‘to take or pour liquids, scoop up loose material; to inundate, flood’ < Baltic *sem- ‘to (over)whelm’ (Mažiulis 1997: 56–58). The possibility of root-vowel alternation is indicated by Lithuanian samùs ‘capable of holding a lot when scooping; convenient for scooping’, samáuti ‘to stir with a ladle; to catch fish with a dip net’, samúoti ‘to stir with a ladle’, sámtis ‘ladle for scooping broth; the quantity it holds; scoop for bailing water from a boat; a hoop-mounted net for catching fish or crayfish while wading, a hand net’. The semantics (motivation) could primarily be related to inundation, overflow, and flooding; cf. the South Aukštaitian lake name Tvaniùs in the same area as the hydronyms containing sam-, Btr: tvìnti ‘for water to rise, increase; to flow, pour, surge, or run abundantly and forcefully; to be flooded or submerged’

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(Vanagas 1981a: 72); also cf. Pyvesà river Ps: pýti ‘to swell; to rise somewhat in flood’ (Vanagas 1981: 260). On the other hand, water-drawing and scooping motifs are also possible; cf. the helonym Sėrn-prūdis bog Vv (Bilkis 2008: 138), and the agronym Sernyklà field Mrk (VK).

Sãgavas lake Srj. It is conjectured that this may be a later assimilatory formation (dissimilation-induced assimilation?) from *Zagavas, which is considered a Yotvingian form derived from *Žagavas: žągti ‘to contaminate food or water’, Latvian zagt ‘to do something badly; to steal’. It is also noted, however, that the root sag- is also possible; cf. Old Prussian personal name Sage (Vanagas 1981: 286, 396). On the other hand, the hydronym may be related to Lithuanian sagà ‘a small disc inserted into a loop (buttonhole) to fasten clothes; a loop, handle for attaching something’, sãgas ‘a loop, handle for attaching something’ < sègti ‘to hang, fasten (with a pin, needle, etc.), or remove something that has been attached; to hook, join, or connect things together (with a button, clasp, etc.), or unhook’, Old Prussian sagis < *sagas ‘clasp’ < ‘fastening device’ < *(su)segimas’ < *‘fastening’ (Mažiulis 1997: 35–36). The hydronym’s motivation could be related to the configuration of the feature: a lake of a fastened shape, i.e. consisting of two parts joined by a constriction, or the like.

Stìrta river Kpč, Stìrtos lake Lp. The most plausible origin is considered to be the fish name mentioned by K. Būga, stirta ‘a small, shiny fish that likes to swim against the current’ (Vanagas 1981: 315). However, these hydronyms could be related to Lithuanian stìrti, of a more abstract meaning, ‘to become hard, become inflexible (usually when drying); to stiffen, become hard (usually when freezing or cooling)’ < Baltic *stur- / *stir- / *ster- ‘to become firm, etc.’ (Mažiulis 1997: 163–164). In that case, the semantics would be based on a motionless, “frozen” water surface; cf. the semantic equivalents Stángė, Stángis in the same South Aukštaitian area: stangùs ‘firm, inflexible, stiff’ river Mrk, Vrn (Vanagas, 1981: 313).

CONCLUSIONS

The compound hydronym Bìldiškės ežeras is most likely secondary, formed from the authentic form Bìldiškis, which derives from Lithuanian bildėti ‘to produce a particular sound when striking hard objects; to clatter, rumble’.

Among other possible origins, the lake name Drabužis may be associated with Lithuanian drabùs ‘one that trembles’, drebėti ‘to be seized by frequent shaking movements (because of cold, fear, etc.), to quiver, tremble; to shake, quiver under the influence of external forces’.

The connection between the river name Drančiùkas and the Germanism drá nka ‘feed, slop, wastewater’ is doubtful because the root consonants č and k do not correspond; it is more plausibly associated with Lithuanian (a borrowing) drañčyti, drañčintis ‘to rampage, behave wildly’, drá nča ‘one who is wild’.

The compound hydronym Draudėnių ežeras can formally be derived from the name of the nearby village, Draudėniai, but, as the data from spoken language show, the authentic

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Its form is Draudėnis, derived from Lithuanian draušti (drauðė) ‘to tell someone not to do something, forbid, warn, defend; prevent from using (something), prohibit’.

The hydronym Dvōliškis (Dvōliškis?) is most likely authentic and can be linked to Lithuanian dvaliuóti ‘to walk’. There is no basis for thinking it derives from *Dvolikis, from Lithuanian dvōlikis ‘a measure for measuring grain’, both because of the phonetic mismatch and because of the evidence from living speech.

The river name Dzindzakė may be an authentic compound hydronym, whose first component can be linked to Lithuanian džin, džin ‘chin, din (imitating a sound)’, dzindzėti, džiñdzinti ‘to ring, resound, jingle’, and whose second component can be linked to Lithuanian džak ‘clop (repeated to describe the clatter of hooves when running or riding); clack (describing a sudden movement)’, džakoti ‘to walk quickly’.

The hydronym Karčiámetis may not be a contraction of *Karčėmā-vietis > *Karčiāmvietis (dial. *Karčiāmvetis) > Karčiámetis: karčėmà ‘tavern’ and vietà (‘site of a tavern’), but may derive from Lithuanian kártis ‘a long, thin tree, switch, twig’, karčius ‘stump, clump’ and mėsti (mėta, mėtė) ‘to throw far, upward, downward; to remove, discard (something unnecessary or unsuitable); to cast or sink into water (a net, fishing line, anchor)’.

The hydronyms Kemešà, Kẽmešė, Kemešys can be linked to Lithuanian kãmas ‘ball, lump, clod; a hanging cluster’, kém-sas ‘tussock’ and traced back to Baltic *kem- ‘to clench, contract’.

The name of the lake and river Kūnà may be related to Lithuanian kūnas ‘the body of a human or animal’ and traceable to Baltic *kū- / *kēu- ‘to cover, bend’.

The hydronyms Kurtinỹs, Kurtinėlis are more likely not of ‘animal’ origin, but belong among names denoting possessors of a characteristic and can be linked to Lithuanian kuŕtinas ‘deaf’, kurtinai ‘blindly, completely’.

It is more reliable to derive the hydronym Pagužė not from another conjectured former place name, *Pagužė, but from the personal name Gùžas, Gužỹs.

Pãspitris is most likely a hydronym of appellative rather than personal-name origin, linked to Lithuanian paspitrióti ‘to see somewhat unclearly’, paspitrỹs ‘rather short-sighted, unable to see clearly’.

The hydronyms Samavà, Sãmė, Samãvas, Sãmis may be linked to Lithuanian sémti (sémia) ‘to take or pour liquids, scoop up loose material; to flood, inundate’ < Baltic *sem- ‘to (over)fill’.

The lake name Sãgavas is more likely not a secondary formation from *Zagavas, but related to Lithuanian sagà ‘a small disk threaded through a loop (hole) to fasten clothes; a loop or eye for attaching something’, sãgas ‘a loop or eye for attaching something’ < sègti ‘to fasten, attach (with a pin, needle, etc.) or remove something attached; to hook, connect, link things together (with a button, clasp, etc.) or unfasten’, Prussian sagis < *sagas ‘clasp’ < ‘fastening device’ < *‘fastening’ < *‘binding’.

The hydronyms Stirta, Stìrtos may be related to Lithuanian stìrti ‘to harden, become inflexible (usually through drying); to freeze, harden (usually as a result of cold or cooling)’ < Baltic *stur-/*stir-/*ster- ‘to stiffen, etc.’

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SOURCES AND LITERATURE

Bilkis Laimutis 2006: Dėl kai kurių lietuvių vandenvardžių kilmės. – Baltų onomastikos tyrimai. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 47–62.

Bilkis Laimutis 2008: Lietuvių helonimų dar yba. Priesaginiai ir priesagėtieji helonimai. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas.

Bilkis Laimutis 2011: Dar kartą dėl kai kurių lietuvių vandenvardžių kilmės. – Baltų onomastikos tyrimai 2. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 9–25.

Blažienė Grasil da 2000: Die baltischen Ortsnamen im Samland. – Hydronymia Europaea. Sonderband 2. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.

LIV – Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Edited under the direction of Helmut Rix, with contributions from many others, by Martin Kümmel, Thomas Zehnder, Reiner Lipp, and Brigitte Schirmer. Second, expanded and revised edition edited by Martin Kümmel and Helmut Rix. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2001.

LKŽe – Lietuvių kalbos žodynas (t. I–XX, 1941–2002): elektroninis variantas. Redaktorių kolegija: Gertrūda Naktinienė (vyr. redaktorė), Jonas Paulauskas, Rიტutė Petrokienė, Vytautas Vitkauskas, Jolanta Zabarskaitė. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2005. Prieiga internete: www.lkz.lt

LPDB – Lithuanian Surname Database. Available online: pavardes.lki.lt

LUEV – Register of Lithuanian SSR River and Lake Names. Vilnius: State Publishing House for Political and Scholarly Literature, 1963.

LVŽ I – Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names 1. Vilnius: Institute of the Lithuanian Language, 2008.

Mažiulis Vytautas 1993: Prūsų kalbos etimologijos žodynas 2. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla.

Mažiulis Vytautas 1997: Prūsų kalbos etimologijos žodynas 4. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas.

Savukynas Bronys 1962: Ežerų vardai. – Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 5, 191–198.

Vanagas Aleksandras 1970: Lietuvos TSR hidronimų daryba. Vilnius: Mokslas.

Vanagas Aleksandras 1981: Lietuvių hidronimų etimologinis žodynas. Vilnius: Mokslas.

Vanagas Aleksandras 1981a: Lietuvių hidronimų semantika. – Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 21, 4–153.

Vitkauskas Vytautas 1984: Vanagas A. Lietuvių hidronimų etimologinis žodynas. – Vilnius: Mokslas, 1981. – 408 p. (Recenzija). – Baltistica 20(1), 82–88.

VK – A card index of place names collected from spoken language (held in the Onomastics Department of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language).

Zinkevičius Zigmas 2008: Lietuvių asmenvardžiai. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas.

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ABBREVIATIONS

Aln – Alanta (Molėtai district)

Ar – Ariogala (Raseiniai district)

b. – marsh

Btr – Butrimonys (Alytus district)

db. – ravine

Dbg – Dubingiai (Molėtai district)

Dgč – Degučiai (Zarasai district)

Ds – Dusetos (Zarasai district)

Dt – Dotnuva (Kėdainiai district)

lake – lake

Gdl – Gudėliai (Marijampolė municipality)

Gdž – Gudžiūnai (Kėdainiai district)

Grz – Gruzdžiai (Šiauliai district)

Imbr – Imbradas (Zarasai district)

JnšM – Joniškis (Molėtai district)

Jrb – Jurbarkas

Jz – Jiežnas (Prienai district)

Klm – Kelmė

mountain – mountain

Klr – Klėriškės (Kaišiadorys district)

Klt – Kaltanėnai (Švenčionys district)

bushes – bushes

Krš – Kuršėnai (Šiauliai district)

Kš – Kaišiadorys

Ktk – Kūltiškės (Utena district)

Lbv – Liubāvas (Kalvarija municipality)

lk. – thicket (noun)

Lkm – Liñkmenys (Ignalina district)

Lp – Leipalingis (Druskininkai municipality)

Lzd – Lazdijai

Mlt – Molėtai

Mrk – Merkinė (Varėna district)

Ob – Obėliai (Rokiškis district)

Onš – Ūnuškis (Trakai district)

Pbs – Pabāiskas (Ukmergė district)

Ps – Pasvalys

pv. – meadow

R – Riešė (Vilnius district)

Rd – Radviliškis

RdN – Nemūnėlio Radviliškis (Biržai district)

Rdnk – Rūdninkai (Šalčininkai district)

rst. – marsh

Rud – Rudnia (Varėna District)

Sdk – Sudeikiai (Utena District)

Sem – Semeliškės (Elektrėnai Municipality)

Skd – Skuodas

Skdv – Skaudvilė (Tauragė District)

Srj – Seirijai (Lazdijai District)

Stk – Stakliškės (Prienai District)

Šd – Šeduva (Radviliškis District)

Šl – Šiauliai

Šll – Šilalė

Štk – Šateikiai (Plungė District)

Švnč – Švenčionys

Švnčl – Švenčionėliai (Švenčionys District)

up. – river

Ut – Utena

Vp – Vėpriai (Ukmergė District)

Vrn – Varėna

Vv – Veiveriai (Prienai District)

Žgč – Žygaičiai (Tauragė District)

Žlv – Žalvariai (Molėtai District)

Žm – Žeimiai (Jonava District)

Straipsniai / Articles

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LAIMUTIS BILKIS

Regarding the Origins of Some Lithuanian Hydronyms (II)

SUMMARY

New versions of the origin of the names of previously analysed lakes and rivers are raised in the article.

The compound hydronym Bildiškės ežeras is most probably secondary and derives from the authentic form Bildiškis, which in turn derives from the Lithuanian verb bildėti, meaning ‘to make a certain sound by striking solid objects; to bump, to thunder’.

The lake name Drabūžis, among other possibilities, may be associated with the Lithuanian word drabūs, meaning ‘one who trembles’. The Lithuanian verb drebėti means ‘to experience frequent shaking movements (due to cold, terror, etc.); to quiver, to shiver; to shake or quiver under the influence of external forces’.

The relation of the name of the river Drančiūkas to the Germanism dránka (which means mash, swill, hogwash) is dubious due to the non-conformity of the root vowels č: k, thus it is more credible to associate it to the Lithuanian loan word drančyti, drančintis (which means to romp, to rage), and dránča means ‘the one who rages’.

The compound hydronym Draudėnių ežeras may formally derive from the name of the nearby village Draudėniai. However, as data from spoken language show, the authentic form is Draudėnis, and it derives from the Lithuanian word drausti (draũdė), meaning ‘to tell someone not to do something, to forbid, to warn, to protect; not to allow something to be used, to forbid’.

The river name Dvōliškis (Dvól iškis?) is most probably authentic and is related to a Lithuanian word dualiúoti which means ‘to go’. There is no reason to associate it to the original of *Dvolikis which comes from Lithuanian dvõlikis and means ‘a tool to measure grains’ neither from the point of view of phonetic discrepancy nor from the point of view of the data of a spoken language.

The river name Dzindzakė may be an authentic compound hydronym. Its first component may be related to the Lithuanian forms dziñ, dźin (‘cin, din’, used to denote a tinkling sound) and dziñdzėti, dźiñdzinti (‘to tinkle, clang, jingle’); the second component may be related to Lithuanian dzāk (‘cak’, which when repeated denotes the sound of horse hooves as they ride or run), cakt (‘to make a sudden movement’), and dzākoti (‘to go quickly’).

The river name Karčiàrnetis may derive not from the abbreviated form of *Karčernā-vietis > *Karčiārmvietis (dialectal *Karčiārmvetis), > Karčiàrnetis: karčèrnā ‘an inn’ and vietà (‘a place where there is an inn’), but may instead derive from the Lithuanian words kãrtis (‘a long, thin wooden stick’), karčius (‘a stump, a stool’), and mėsti (mėta, mėtė), meaning ‘to throw upwards or downwards; to remove, get rid of; to cast a net, fishing rod, or anchor into the water’.

The hydronyms Kemešà, Kėmešė, Kemešỹs can be related to a Lithuanian word kãmas which means ‘a ball, a wisp, a lump; something hanged’, and kém-sas which means ‘a hump’ can be originated from a Baltic *kem- which means ‘to clench’.

156

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXI

Dėl kai kurių lietuvių vandenvardžių kilmės (II)

The name of the lake and river Kūnā may perhaps be related to a Lithuanian word kūnas which means ‘a human or animal organism’ and originated from a Baltic *kū-/*kēu- which means ‘to cover, to bend’.

The hydronyms Kurtinỹs, Kurtinėlis should rather be attributed to the names denoting features and be related to a Lithuanian word kurtìnas which means ‘deaf’, or kurtināi which means ‘totally blind, completely’.

The river name Pagũžė is more plausible to be originated not from previous toponym *Pagũžė but from the anthroponyms Gùžas, Gužỹs.

The Pāspitris is probably not an anthroponym but a hydronym with an appellative origin and may be related to a Lithuanian word paspitrióti which means ‘to have seeing problems’, or paspitrỹs which means ‘a person who has serious seeing problems’.

The hydronyms Samaõ, Sãmė, Samãõsas, Sãmis can be associated with the Lithuanian word sémti (sémia), meaning ‘to scoop, to pour liquids or powdery substances; to flood’; < Baltic *sem- means ‘to flood, to submerge’.

The name of the lake Sãgaõsas is not probably a secondary derivative from *Zagaõsas but is a cognate of a Lithuanian word sagà which means ‘a round object thrust into a loop and used to pin a piece of cloth; a loop, an ear for attach something’, sãgas ‘a loop, an ear to attach something’ < sègti ‘to hang, to attach (by a pin, a needle, or etc.; or to take something attached off; to join, to relate (by a button, a buckle, etc.); or detach’, Prussian sagis < *sagas ‘a buckle’ < ‘a tool to buckle’ < *‘action of buckling’ < *‘buckling’.

The hydronyms Stirta, Stìrtos can be related to the Lithuanian word stìrti, meaning ‘to harden, to become inflexible (while drying); to stifle (while cooling or freezing)’; < Baltic *stur-/*stir-/*ster- ‘to stiffen, etc.’

Submitted on September 25, 2014.

LAIMUTIS BILKIS

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

5 Petro Vileišio St., LT-10308 Vilnius, Lithuania

[email protected]

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