HARALD BICHLMEIER

Sächsische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg ORCID id: orcid.org/0000-0003-0001-1677

Research fields: onomastics (toponymy), historical phonology of the Germanic languages, Indo-European linguistics, Aljamiado-texts.

DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all91-03

ETYMOLOGICAL ADDENDA TO THE “NOTES ON SOME LITHUANIAN HYDRONYMS BEGINNING WITH AN- AND THEIR NON-BALTIC RELATIVES”

Etymological additions to the article “Notes on several Lithuanian hydronyms beginning with An- and their non-Baltic cognates”

ANNOTATION

In an earlier article, the “hydronymic root Proto-Indo-European *en-/*on-” was dismissed as a fiction. Consequently, hydronyms such as Lithuanian Anãtā, Anykštė were tentatively explained on the basis of the Proto-Indo-European root *h₂en- ‘draw water’. This root is, however, first attested in Anatolian, and evidence for reflexes of the root in Western Indo-European is scarce and in part doubtful. This contribution presents another potential reflex of this root in Western Indo-European, here in Germanic, thereby strengthening the assumption that the aforementioned Lithuanian hydronyms are indeed based on the Proto-Indo-European root *h₂en.

KEYWORDS: Baltic hydronymy, Celtic hydronymy, ‘Old European’ hydronymy, phonotactics.

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Etymological addenda to the “Notes on some Lithuanian hydronyms beginning with An and their non-Baltic relatives”

ANNOTATION

An earlier article made it clear that the “hydronymic root PIE *en–/*on–” is a phantasm. Because of this, hydronyms such as Lith. Anatà and Anýkštė were explained tentatively based on the root PIE *h₂en- ‘to haul (water)’. This root, however, is primarily continued in Anatolian, while attestations of the continuation of this root in Western IE languages are rare, partially even dubious. The article offers another form, potentially continuing this root in Western IE, precisely in Germanic. Thus, the assumption that the above-mentioned Lithuanian hydronyms also contain the root PIE *h₂enis supported indirectly.

KEYWORDS: Baltic hydronymy, Celtic hydronymy, ‘Old European’ hydronymy, phonotactics.

1. In a series of earlier articles, but especially in the “Notes on some Lithuanian hydronyms beginning with An and their non-Baltic relatives” (in Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 84 = Bichlmeier 2021a), the author of the following contribution* examined a series of hydronyms in Germany (e.g. Inn, ancient Aenus) and Austria (e.g. Enns, ancient/medieval Anisa, Anisus), but also in Lithuania (e.g. the meadow name derived from a hydronym, Anatà¹, the river name Anýkštė, the river name Anýkščiai; cf. LVŽ I 88f., 102) and Ukraine (Onut; a right-bank tributary of the Dniester/Dnister)², with a view to

* I thank the two anonymous reviewers of the contribution for their valuable comments and suggestions.

¹ The name’s morphology has not been definitively clarified; the most likely reconstruction is Proto-Baltic *h₂en-oto–. A connection sometimes considered with the word for ‘duck’, cf. Lithuanian ántis, Old Prussian antis < Proto-Indo-European *h₂enh₂ti, is probably to be rejected; in Baltic the laryngeal was not vocalized in this position, that is, in a non-initial syllable. A connection with the word for ‘duck’ could be made only if the word were a pre-Baltic relic, which is, of course, very unlikely.

² Dieser Name ist etymologisch ebenfalls nicht sauber geklärt, vgl. Trubačëv 1968: 220, der zwei Möglichkeiten anführt, erstens ein thrakisches Kompositum *ana–utus ‘ohne Wasser’ oder *ana–utus ‘auf dem Wasser’ (vgl. Utus, Plinius Nat.hist. 3, 149), etc. (Detschew 1957: 349). Wobei freilich bei einer Sprache wie Thrakisch die Bedeutungszuordnung zu Lexemen oft fragwürdig bleiben muss, auch wenn das Präfix an(a)- wohl auch in dem Kastellnamen Anasamus (Tabula Peutingeriana 8, 1: Anasamo), gelegen an der Mündung des Flusses Asamus (Plinius, Nat.hist. 3, 149), heute bulg. Osâm (vgl. Detschew 1957: 30) vorzuliegen scheint. Zweitens geht er von einem slawischen *onutja > aksl. onušta ‘Art Besuchung’ etc. (ESIS 586) aus, was ein auch im Baltikum verbreitetes Benennungsmotiv von Flüssen ist; vgl. den Flussnamen lit. Kurpininkė, den Sumpfnamen lett. Kūrpītes–purus zu lit. kūrpė, lett. kurpė ‘Schuh’ (vgl. Vanagas 1981: 174). Bei letzterer Lösung bleibt ungeklärt, wo die zurecht angesetzte Palatalisierung geblieben ist: Der Fluss müsste dann ja *Onuč(a) heißen. – Hier wird (wie ähnlich auch in älterer deutschsprachiger

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examined whether etymological connections exist between them—and, if so, what they are^³

The result of this investigation was threefold: on the one hand, the Central European names are most likely of Celtic origin and probably go back to a PIE root *pen- ‘marsh, slowly flowing water’; on the other hand, the “water root *en-/*on-” that haunts the onomastic literature is in fact a phantom (not even mentioned in IEW 311ff.), a spirit that Krahe let out of the bottle and that simply refuses to go back in: all lexemes put forward as arguments for the existence of this root are worthless, since the appellatives are in every case Celtic words that could have lost initial PIE *p by regular sound change, or names originating in areas that were certainly Celtic-settled in the past or at least possibly Celtic-settled for a time, to which the same applies as to the appellatives. And even if one were to posit the root in the modern form PIE *h₁en(H)-, the problem would not be resolved, since there are still no appellatives that would have to be etymologized solely on the basis of PIE *h₁en(H)-.

And thirdly, it has emerged that another root can also play a role in this context, namely PIE *h₂en- ‘to draw (water)’: in theory, this root could underlie all names (and semantically appropriate appellatives) whose preforms began with Proto-Celtic *an- (< PIE *h₂en-), Proto-Germanic/Proto-Baltic/Proto-Slavic *an- (< PIE *h₂en-/*h₂on-), or Proto-Celtic *on- (< PIE *h₂on-). Of the names mentioned at the outset, this would apply to Enns/ Anisa, Lithuanian Anatà, Anýkštė, etc., as well as Ukrainian Onut. One should not focus too narrowly on the meaning assigned to the root in dictionaries—the important point for hydronyms of Europe’s oldest strata is that the root underlying each one means something that can in some way be connected with water or bodies of water.

2. The Gaulish gloss anam gl. paludem, which comes from Endlicher’s glossary, transmitted in several manuscripts (the oldest dates only from AD 796), also played a central role in the argument as a whole. The reliability of this glossary is, however, assessed

in the literature, where, admittedly, the ominous “water root *en-/*on-” is mostly invoked) one should rather assume an archaic formation predating Proto-Slavic *h₂en-ont-o.

³ Further contributions addressing aspects of the problem include Bichlmeier 2010: 34f.; 2018; 2020: 27f.; 2021b; 2021c; 2023a: 50–52; 2023b: 56–59; Bichlmeier, Zimmer 2022: 59 with n. 30, 107f.

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assessed very differently. Although Gaulish anam fits semantically with the other appellatives and names formed from the PIE root *pen (which is why the connection has “always” been made), the phonological evidence remains problematic: unless some spelling errors or unusual sound developments of the ending have occurred, the word is the accusative singular of Gaulish *anā-. If it belongs to PIE *pen, this form therefore requires a Proto-Celtic preform *nā- < of pre-Proto-Celtic *pn̥-ā-. Such a development contradicts all rules of phonotactics: pre-Proto-Celtic *pn̥-ā could not really have existed in this form and should instead have appeared as *pnā and then yielded Proto-Celtic *(φ)nā (for details, see below).⁴

A way out of this dilemma was offered by the assumption that the word goes back to PIE *h₂en-eh₂- > pre-Proto-Celtic *anā- > Proto-Celtic *anā. The problem with this, however, was that the PIE root *h₂en is certainly attested only in Anatolian, in Hittite ḫan-i/ḫan- ‘to draw (water)’, to which the derivative DUGḫaneššar c. ‘drawing vessel’ also belongs;⁵ less securely/perhaps also in Armenian hanem ‘I take out/away, bring out, seize’⁶ and perhaps in the “etymologically also disputed” Greek ἄντλος m. ‘bilge water, hold water’ (if < *h₂n̥-tlo- ‘what is drawn’?).⁷

This therefore yields a secure connection between the Gaulish word and the Hittite pair of words, an uncertain one with a Greek word, and a doubtful one with an Armenian word.

It would be welcome, and would strongly support the etymology, if there were also a secure connection with a word from western Indo-European.

Such a connection may indeed exist: in West Germanic there is a small group of words that presuppose a Proto-Germanic preform *unþī-, *unþiō f. ‘wave, swell’; these are Old High German und(e)a f. ‘wave, flood’ (attested from the 8th century, for example also in the Abrogans), Middle High German ünde, unde st./wk. f. ‘wave, flood’, Early New High German unde, ünde f. ‘flood, swell, wave’⁸, Old Saxon ūthia, ūdia f. ‘wave, swell’,

⁴ Vgl. ausführlich zu diesem Problem z.B. Bichlmeier 2021a: 201f.

⁵ Cf. HEG I 144f., 148; EDHIL 281f.

⁶ Cf. EDAIL 389, 636f.; unless < PIE *senh₂- (cf. LIV² 532f. for this root).

⁷ Cf. GEW I 114 (with an older, now generally rejected etymology based on PIE *semh₂- ‘to draw’ (cf. LIV² 531 for this root); DÉLG 89, 1272 (also with an etymology from Greek ἄν(α)- + PIE *telh₂- ‘to lift up’ (cf. LIV² 622f. for this root); EDG I 109 (connection with Hittite ḫan-).

⁸ Latin unda f. ‘wave, swell’, which is identical in sound to some of the forms attested in Old High German, remains entirely unrelated; despite the identical sound and practically the same meaning, it has

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Old Frankish unda f. ‘flow’, Middle Dutch onde, unde f. ‘current, flow’, Old English ýð f. ‘wave, flood, sea, ocean’; Old Icelandic uðr, unnr f. ‘wave, billow’, Icelandic unnur f. ‘dss’.⁹

Proto-Germanic *unþi-/*unþijō continues Pre-Proto-Germanic *(H)unt(ii)o or *(H)unþ(ii)o. Potentially, at least the following roots could serve as its basis, and have in fact already been used in etymological explanations: if *t is assumed to be part of the suffix: 1) Proto-Indo-European *h₂en- ‘to draw (water)’, 2) Proto-Indo-European *h₂/₃u̯en- ‘to swell’; if *t is part of the root: 3) Proto-Indo-European *ned- ‘to be/become wet’ < ‘to roar, rumble’.

In the (Anatolianist) literature, option 2) is preferred, and a connection is regularly made with Hittite ḫuu̯a(n)ḫueššar n. ‘wave’, ḫuu̯anḫuu̯analaš ‘a body part’, Palaic ḫuwaṇḫuwaṇi- ‘chest’, and Kschr. Luwian ḫūwaṇḫuwaṇala- ‘?’. According to this explanation, the Proto-Germanic word is based on Proto-Indo-European *h₂/₃u̯n-t(ii)o-, so that ‘wave’ is interpreted as ‘swollen (water)’. However, this solution does not take into account that, according to the phonotactic rules of Proto-Indo-European, the vocalization of the proposed preform Proto-Indo-European *h₂/₃u̯n-t(i)o would have to be, which would consequently yield Proto-Germanic *u̯unþ(ii)ō (cf. for example Proto-Indo-European *urǵ- ‘to work’ > Proto-Germanic *uurkin Gothic waúrkjan ‘to work’, Proto-Indo-European *u̯lH- > Proto-Germanic *u̯ulin Gothic wulan ‘to well, surge’). Alongside the latter lexemes, however, there are also word forms with a full-grade root, which may in principle have helped preserve the initial *u, whereas no such forms are attested alongside Pre-Proto-Germanic/Proto-Indo-European *h₂/₃u̯n-t(i)o; the problem of the non-regular vocalization of the base form nevertheless remains.

The literature occasionally also links the word to a Proto-Indo-European root *net-, supposedly a variant of Proto-Indo-European *ned- ‘to be/become wet’; in that case, Pre-Proto-Germanic *n̥t-(i)o would underlie it. Since a root *net is otherwise unattested, the assumption of such a root is entirely ad hoc, and this solution can therefore be ruled out.

Proto-Germanic *unþi-/*unþijō could thus also be assigned a Pre-Proto-Germanic *h₂n-t(i)o, which would, of course, also require a problematic semantic

etymologically has nothing at all to do with Old High German unda, undea (cf. LatEW II 816f.; DÉLL 746; EDLIL 641).

⁹ Schützeichel 2012: 349; Starck, Wells 1971–1990: 667; Schützeichel, hrsg., 2004 X 173; MH II 1775; Götze 1920: 216; Baufeld 1996: 234; DW XXIV 433f.; EDPG 560f.; Tiefenbach 2010: 433; Berr 1971: 336 (s.v. sēo–ūdia); Lasch, Borchling 1928ff. III 205f. (unde¹); ONW s.v. unda; Verwijs, Verdam 1885–1941 III 539; V 306 (onde¹); VIII 851 (unde¹); Holthausen 1974: 413; Bosworth 1898: 1301; Toller 1921: 753; de Vries 1962–1977: 632, 635 (unnr³); Jóhannesson 1956: 129; Jónsson 1931: 577, 582f. (unnr⁴); Magnússon 1995: 1088 (unnur²) (die Quellen werden in der Fußnote aufgrund thematischer Reihenfolge angegeben).

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shift: ‘water to be drawn/drawn’ > ‘flood’ > ‘wave’?

All three proposals additionally require a stressed zero-grade root. This can be explained by accent retraction in the nominalization of the originally end-stressed verbal adjective, which was therefore automatically zero-grade in the root at an early stage in the word’s development. No explanation is free of special assumptions.

3. What follows from this?

Now that the so-called “water root *en-/*on-” has been shown to be a fiction, even if one were to posit it appropriately as Proto-Indo-European *h₁en(H)-, the likely basis for the Baltic and Slavic names is therefore Proto-Germanic *h₂en- ‘to draw (water)’. This root may have reflexes in Celtic and perhaps Germanic: Gaulish anam and Old Irish an ‘water, urine’ may indeed be based on this very root, since the traditional derivation of these words from Proto-Indo-European *pen is possible only with special assumptions regarding phonotactics. Germanic may also provide support for the existence of Proto-Indo-European *h₂en in western Indo-European: Proto-Germanic *unþī-, *unþiō- ‘wave, billow’ can be explained without contradiction on the basis of Proto-Indo-European *h₂en (Proto-Indo-European *h₂n̥-t[i]ō- → Pre-Proto-Germanic *h₂n̥-t[i]ō- → Proto-Germanic *unþ[i]a-), whereas the preform Proto-Indo-European *h₂/₃u̯n-t(i)ō, preferred elsewhere as an explanation, from the root Proto-Indo-European *h₂/₃u̯en- ‘to swell’ should by regular sound change have developed in Germanic into Proto-Germanic *u̯unp(ij)a, which is not reflected in the actually attested word forms.

Although ultimately there is no conclusive proof, the fact that the probability that Proto-Indo-European *h₂en was also present in western Indo-European continues to increase indirectly raises the probability that it underlies not only the Austrian hydronym Anisa/Enns, but also the hydronyms Ukrainian Onut and Lithuanian Anatā, Anýkštė, etc.

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LITERATURE

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Bichlmeier Harald 2021a: Anmerkungen zu einigen mit Anbeginnenden litauischen Gewässernamen und ihren außerbaltischen Verwandten. – Acta Linguistica Lituanica 84, 190–219. DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all84-09.

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Bichlmeier Harald 2021c: On two ghost-roots in Baltic hydronomastics: PIE *(h₁)leikand *en-/*on-. – Akademīka Jāņa Endzelīna 148. dzimšanas dienas atceres starptautiskā zinātniskā konference „Baltijas onīmi: no sendienām līdz mūsdienām”. Tēzes. / International Scientific Conference „Baltic onyms: from past to present” to commemorate the ^148ᵗʰ anniversary of the academician Jānis Endzelīns. Abstracts, hrsg. von K. Mežapuķe, D. Streļevica-Ošiņa, L. Balode, Rīga: Latvijas Universitāte Latviešu valodas institūts, 7–38. DOI: doi.org/10.22364/ajeszk.2021.bosm.

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Bichlmeier Harald, Zimmer Stefan 2022: Die keltischen Flussnamen im deutschsprachigen Raum. Ein keltologisch-indogermanistischer Kommentar zum Deutschen Gewässernamenbuch, mit vier Karten von A. Dicklberger, Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft, Beiheft 32, Dettelbach: Verlag J. H. Röll.

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Etymological addenda to the article “Comments on several Lithuanian hydronyms beginning with An- and their non-Baltic relatives”

SUMMARY

In an earlier article, the ancient Indo-European root denoting bodies of water *en–/*on – [“Gewässerwurzel urindg. *en–/*on-”] – was mistakenly treated as a fiction. For this reason, attempts were made to explain hydronyms such as Lithuanian Anatà, Anykštė on the basis of the Proto-Indo-European root *h_₂en- ‘draw water’, which is essentially attested in Anatolian onomastics. Evidence for roots derived from it in the western Indo-European area is scarce and sometimes questionable. This article presents further potential continuants of the root in western Indo-European, specifically in Germanic. They strengthen the claim that the aforementioned Lithuanian hydronyms are based on the Proto-Indo-European root *h_₂en-.

Submitted on 23 July 2024.

HARALD BICHLMEIER

Saxon Academy of Sciences in Leipzig, Jena office: Etymological Dictionary of Old High German, Zwätzengasse 12a, D–07743 Jena [email protected]

Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg, Institute of Oriental Studies, Department of Indo-European and General Linguistics, Ludwig-Wucherer-Str. 2, D–06108 Halle (Saale) [email protected]

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XCI