Page 1ACTA LINGUISTICA LITHUANICA
LII (2005), 91–118
Patterns of Formation and Origin of Place Names in Marijampolė County’s Marijampolė Rural District
Dalia Sviderskienė
Lietuvių kalbos institutas
An attempt is here undertaken to analyse the toponymy of one borough in the Marijampolė district with regard to formation and origin. The investigation is based on authentic material from pre-war Lithuanian questionnaires, now in the collections of the Onomastics Department of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. The toponyms are classified into water names, names of settlements and field names. With regard to origin, names derived from appellatives predominate and make up 71% of the hydronyms and 61% of the field names. Names of settlements are more often (in 70% of the cases) based on proper names, or on appellatives referring to persons. With regard to derivational type, secondary place names clearly predominate and make up 66% of the names of settlements and 86% of the water names.
0. INTRODUCTION
The valuable material chosen as the basis for this article consists of data from questionnaires collected in interwar Lithuania. These are place names recorded from spoken language, the collection of which began in the fourth decade of the last century at the initiative of the State Archaeological Commission of the Ministry of Education, then affiliated with the Vytautas Magnus Museum in Kaunas, and the Commission for the Change of Surnames and Place Names. Forms for recording place names were prepared and entitled Žemės vardai. These forms were sent to primary-school teachers and foresters who, following specially prepared instructions (Aminauskis 1934), recorded place names over several years (mostly in 1935–1937) and returned the completed forms to the aforementioned commission. The questionnaires have survived and are currently held in the collections of the Onomastics Department of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. They contain approximately 150,000 names. To date, about 500 river names and field names recorded in the vicinity of Viduklė have been published; they are presented without any commentary, in alphabetical order according to the names of the villages or farmsteads listed in the questionnaires (Razmukaitė 2002: 1065–1068). The article notes that these names are of diverse origins and formations, observing that most are names derived from common nouns and associated with features of the land surface and the like; a fuller discussion of this, however, is the task of another, separate article. Thus, this material, valuable for its authenticity, has not been studied.
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There have been virtually no extensive areal studies that highlight the formation and origin of place names in different regions of Lithuania. Mention may be made of Ilona Mickienė’s doctoral dissertation (Mickienė 2001) and studies of the formation and origin of settlement names in several Lithuanian rural districts—Kvėdarna, Lygumai, Raguva, Seredžius, Stačiūnai, and Viduklė—published as separate articles in books prepared and issued by the Versmė publishing house (Razmukaitė 2001a: 589–593; 2001b: 788–792; 2001c: 1062–1071; 2003: 929–931; 2004: 865–869). This article is the first attempt to assess, from the perspectives of formation and origin, the place names of one rural district (Marijampolė) in Marijampolė County. The author intends to continue more extensive studies of place names in this county from interwar Lithuania, examining the above-mentioned aspects.1
While compiling the data, the article’s author normalized the 488 place names of Marijampolė Rural District transcribed from the questionnaires. The normalization followed the main criteria and principles, rooted in a long tradition, for standardizing water names, settlement names, and various other names of features of the land surface (see Vanagas 1975: 48–57; 1991a: 11–14; 1991b: 4–7). Accordingly, the article presents authentic forms—that is, forms used by the old local inhabitants—but regular dialectal phonetic changes (in the southern part of the Western Aukštaitian dialect, the Kaunas subdialect) reflected in the place names are replaced with their standard-language equivalents. Following this approach, establishing standardized forms was not difficult (perhaps also because it was this dialect, rather than another, that gave rise to the standard language); where uncertainties arose, however, an attempt was made to rely on the broader context of a given place name.
The article presents all the stress patterns and form variants of the same place names recorded in the questionnaires.
In discussing the formation of this rural district’s place names, the article follows the structural-grammatical classification adopted by Aleksandras Vanagas for his study of hydronym formation (see Vanagas 1970: 21–27). According to this classification, place names are divided into primary and secondary forms. Secondary names are further subdivided into derivatives (formed with prefixes, suffixes, or endings), compounds (or compound formations), and composite names. Primary place names are those that have not acquired derivational formants in the process of formation (or toponymization). This group also includes plural place names (the so-called pluralia tantum). The latter may have originated from the plural nominative of an appellative or proper name; on the other hand, a change in number could also indicate a derivational element—the plural ending. Place names are also considered plural when the gender form of the appellative differs from that of the derivative.
When the collected material was subjected to scholarly assessment and its base words and derivational affixes were identified, it became clear that this was a complex task requiring extensive knowledge and expertise. Given the fundamental principle for understanding the origin of Lithuanian place names—that a place name’s origin is understood not as the genetic etymology of its root, but only as the source from which the toponymic lexeme itself arose (see Vanagas 1980 et al.)—it becomes clear that the etymons of the place names under study may be common or proper words in Lithuanian and other languages (in this region, more often Slavic and Germanic).
In identifying the base words (common nouns, personal names, and other place names) of place names of various formations recorded in the questionnaires, the following principal sour-
1 In the questionnaires, place names are classified by counties (and, more specifically, by rural districts), making this possible.
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…with: Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language (LKŽ) volumes, Dictionary of Lithuanian Surnames (LPŽ), Directory of the Administrative-Territorial Division of the Lithuanian SSR (ATSŽ), and Dictionary of the Origin of Lithuanian Names (Kuzavinis, Savukynas 1997). The bibliographic details of all these sources are listed in the bibliography at the end of the article.
For hydronyms analyzed by Aleksandras Vanagas with respect to formation and origin (which make up the majority), a reference is given to the Etymological Dictionary of Lithuanian Hydronyms (Vilnius, 1981; hereafter LHEŽ).
Common and proper words from other languages have also been used to explain the origins of place names in the Marijampolė area. These sources are various reliable works—dictionaries, lists, and the like—as well as an alphabetical card index of historical personal names held in the Onomastics Department of LKI (hereafter IAK). They were relied upon mainly when corresponding common nouns, personal names, or place names could not be found in Lithuanian anthroponymic and toponymic studies to explain the place names under investigation. All these sources are also included in the bibliography.
The place names of the Marijampolė rural district under study are presented in alphabetical order in separate groups and subgroups. Place-name forms that are unaccented in the questionnaires have been left unaccented. The formation affixes of place names (prefixes, suffixes, etc.) are joined by a hyphen to the base root; the components of compound place names (compounds) are also joined by hyphens. Certain data are provided for all the place names discussed: references locating the objects designated by the place names (hydronyms, settlements, etc.)2. The abbreviation lists already compiled for the Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names, whose preparation was begun in the Onomastics Department, were used (the list of abbreviations is provided at the end of the article).
After the colon, which indicates the common noun or proper name associated with the place name, are given the meanings of Baltic, Slavic, or other appellatives widespread in that region of Lithuania, as well as personal names and place names. An asterisk marks a form of a proper name or common noun that has been reconstructed—that is, it is not recorded in the available sources, but could theoretically have existed. If the origin of the place name under study is not entirely clear, a dash is used and its possible origins are explained descriptively. After the abbreviation “cf.”, the place name is linked to common or proper words of shared origin.
In a few cases, it was almost impossible to determine whether the source of the place name in question was a common or proper word (usually a personal name). In these and other cases (when it is unclear whether a place name derives from a non-derived or derived appellative), all possible explanations of origin are presented in separate subsections of the relevant sections, entitled “Place Names with Possible Dual Origins,” taking into account the nature of the object named and the structure of the place name.
It also proved difficult to determine the formation type of suffixal diminutive place names and the lexical status of their derivational bases. Lithuanian toponymics holds that “the overwhelming majority of diminutives that could theoretically serve as base words are not nominative nomenclatural geographical terms, since lexically they are not neutral but also express a certain evaluative emotional aspect. An exception would be non-
2 When the location references for hydronyms and settlement names recorded in questionnaires and published sources (ATSŽ, LHEŽ) differ, the references are given as they appear in the published sources (with the questionnaire forms in parentheses).
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at least the nominative term upėlis. Toponymization of such appellatives without affixes is not a common way for place names to arise. Of course, this does not mean that it is impossible, but it is almost impossible to distinguish such cases; therefore, all helonyms3 with suffixes characteristic of diminutives should be considered suffix derivatives” (Bilkis 1999: 52). An attempt has also been made to apply this assessment of diminutives to various other classes of place names discussed in this article.
All place names of Marijampolė Rural District are divided into three broad groups according to the types of objects they designate: hydronyms (names of pools, lakes, ditches, ponds, marshes, springs, reservoirs, rivers, streams, and other water bodies), names of settlements (manors, villages, their parts, homesteads, railway stations, farmsteads, and similar places), and names of various other land-surface features (ploughed fields, uplands, cultivated lands, fields, hollows, peat bogs, pastures, mountains, hills, roads, fields, plains, forests, meadows, islands, paths, and so on). In this article, the latter place names are provisionally termed land names4, on the assumption that this term best describes proper names of landforms, both larger ones (drononyms, oronyms, etc.) and smaller ones (agronyms, dromonyms, etc.)5.
1. HYDRONYMS
Seventy have been recorded (~14%).
1.1. Hydronyms derived from common words (appellative lexemes)
1.1.1. PRIMARY:
Degimas b.: Lith. degimas ‘a burned-out place (meadow, marsh, forest), charred remains’; Dūrpinyčia b.: Lith. dūrpinyčia ‘a place where peat is or was dug’; Išgrauža (|| Žydėseupė) prd.: Lith. išgrauža ‘a place eroded by water’; Laikštė river – thought to be formed with the determinant -t- from Lith. laikšės ‘a large marsh, a reed-choked wetland, a boggy tract’; cf. Laikšės marsh (VG), meadow (ŠAUK) (LHEŽ 178); Nendrynas b.: Lith. nendrynas ‘an area overgrown with reeds’; Prūdas b., prd., tv.: prūdas ‘pond’; Statūjis (|| Statūlis) rv.: Lith. statūjis, cf. Lith. statūsis, also cf. Lith. statūs, -i ‘rising straight or almost straight upward’; Švendrynė kdr.: Lith. švendrynė ‘an area overgrown with bulrushes or reeds’.
1.1.2. DERIVATIVES:
1.1.2.1. Derivatives with endings:
-ė: Bāls-ė river: Lithuanian *balsas ‘white’, cf. Lithuanian balsis ‘white animal’, balsys ‘white dog, hare’, balsius ‘white dog’, bālsvas, bālsvas ‘whitish, somewhat white’ (LHEŽ 57); Raūsv-ė river (GŽ): Lithuanian raūsvās ‘light red, somewhat reddish’ (LHEŽ 274); Žvirgžd-ė river: Lithuanian žvirgždas ‘gravel, small stones on a riverbed’ (LHEŽ 408);
3 Dėl termino žr. Bilkis (1997: 35–57).
4 Dėl termino žr. Jonikas (1990: 563).
5 This article refrains from discussing the terms and the rationale for their selection in greater detail, as that is the task of another article.
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-is: Smilg-is river: Lithuanian smilga ‘a grass of the grass family with a panicle-shaped inflorescence’ (LHEŽ 309).
1.1.2.2. Suffixal derivatives:
-ainis: Šil-ainis river: Lithuanian šilas ‘coniferous forest, pinewood’, cf. Prussian sylo ‘pinewood’, Latvian sils ‘pinewood’ (LHEŽ 331);
-anta: Šlav-antà river – associated with Lithuanian šluoti ‘to clean or sweep with a broom’, Lithuanian šlavù ‘I sweep’, Lithuanian šlaviaũ, Latvian slaucīt ‘to sweep’ (LHEŽ 333)6;
-elis: Prūd-ėlis lake: Lithuanian prūdas ‘pond’ (Bilkis 1999: 65–66);
-imas: Praplės-imas lake – associated with Lithuanian praplėšti, praplėšti, -ia, prãplėšė ‘to make a hole, gap, or slit by tearing or ripping’ (Bilkis 1998: 103), cf. Lithuanian plėšti, -ia, -ė ‘to plough (virgin soil)’;
-inė: Aš-inė lake: Lithuanian ašìs ‘a straight line passing through someone’s center’ (Bilkis 1998: 115); Drusk-inė lake: Lithuanian druska ‘a particular salty mineral compound (sodium chloride)’ (Bilkis 1998: 109);
-ynė: Marm-ynė lake – associated with Lithuanian marmėti, márma, -ėjo ‘to bubble and churn noisily; to gurgle, burble’ (Bilkis 1998: 124); Totork-ynė lake: Lithuanian totorkà, totõrkė ‘marsh sweet flag (Acorus calamus)’;
-inis: Kermuš-inis river: Lithuanian kermušė ‘wild garlic’ (LHEŽ 153); Sodýb-inis river: Lithuanian sodýba ‘the land around a house together with all its buildings; a place where there used to be buildings – in the sense of a place where water flows’ (LHEŽ 310);
-ynas: Rūd-ýnas river – associated with Lithuanian rūdà ‘unprocessed natural material from which metals are made; rust; poor, marshy land mixed with peat’, rūdas ‘rust’, rūdė ‘poor, marshy land mixed with peat’, rūdis ‘iron-ore deposit’, rūdys ‘iron oxide; rust-colored patches’ (LHEŽ 282); Totork-ýnas lake: Lithuanian totorkà, totõrkė ‘marsh sweet flag (Acorus calamus)’;
-iškė: Nendr-iškė lake: Lithuanian néndre ‘a water plant of the grass family with a long, hollow stem (Phragmites communis)’ (Bilkis 1998: 130); Pirtin-iškė lake: Lithuanian pirtìnis, -ė ‘suitable for a bathhouse <...>’, cf. also Lithuanian pirtis ‘a particular building or room where people bathe and take sauna’;
-iškis: Riõgl-iškis lake – associated with Lithuanian riõglinti (-yti), -ina, -ino ‘to walk or drag oneself along awkwardly’, cf. Lithuanian rioglỹs, -ė ‘an inept, clumsy person, a lout, a clumsy oaf’; Vedèg-iškis stream: Lithuanian vedegà ‘an axe with a curved blade for hollowing troughs or tubs; a chopping tool, a dough trough’;
-onis: Iev-ónis river: *Ievonis, derived from Lithuanian ievà (cf. ievà) ‘a tree that blooms with fragrant white flowers (Padus)’ (LHEŽ 135, 136);
-(i)ukai: Šanč-iùkai village: Lithuanian šančius ‘a dug-out pit, ditch’ (Bilkis 1999: 80);
-ukė(s): Aps-ùkės meadow – may be related to *apsis or the like, cf. Prussian abse ‘aspen, trembling poplar’ (Mažiulis 1988: 42);
-ulis: Stat-ùlis (|| Statùjis ravine: Lithuanian statùs, -i ‘rising straight or almost straight upwards’.
The distribution of hydronymic suffixes is shown in Table 1.
6 Dėl vandenvardžių su šaknimi šlav- semantikos dar žr. Savukynas (1960: 297).
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TABLE 1. PRODUCTIVITY OF HYDRONYMIC SUFFIXES
Suffixes
Quantity
Percentage
-ainis; 1; 5; -anta; 1; 5; -elis; 1; 5; -imas; 1; 5; -yn-; -ynas; 2; 10; -ynė; 2; 10; -in-; -inė; 2; 10; -inis; 2; 10; -išk-; -iškė; 2; 10; -iškis; 2; 10; -onis; 1; 5; -uk-; -(i)ukai; 1; 5; -ukė(s); 1; 5; -ulis; 1; 5
The table shows that the more common hydronymic suffixes are -ynas, -ynė, -inė, -inis, -iškė, -iškis, which were used to form about 10 percent of the derivatives. The other suffixes (-ainis, -anta, -elis, -imas, -onis, -(i)ukai, -ukė(s), -ulis) occur only sporadically.
1.1.3. COMPOUND HYDRONYMS (COMPOUNDS):
1.1.3.1. The second constituent is derived from the appellatives balà, ùpė, ùpis: (a) the first constituent is an adjective: Juód-upė stream; Juód-upis stream: Lithuanian juodas, juodà ‘black’ (LHEŽ 137–138); Skriaud-upis stream – apparently, it should be associated with Lithuanian skriaudùs ‘swift-flowing’ (LHEŽ 305); (b) the first constituent is a noun: Kàrkl-a-balė marsh: Lithuanian ‘a tree or shrub of the willow family (Salix cinerea)’; Kiàul-ia-balė marsh: Lithuanian kiaulė ‘a domestic animal raised for meat and fat (Sus domesticus)’; Rýt-upis || Ryt-upėlis7 stream – apparently, it should be associated with Lithuanian rýtas ‘the beginning of the day’ (LHEŽ 279); Šeš-upė stream – the origin of the root is not entirely clear, but it is associated with Lithuanian šešėlis ‘a dark place shielded from light’; on the other hand, hydronyms containing šeš- may have preserved an older meaning, ‘cold, cool’ (LHEŽ 329–330); Šùn-ia-balė marsh: Lithuanian šúo, šùns ‘a domestic animal kept to guard the home, for hunting, etc.’; Var̃l-ia-balė marsh: Lithuanian varlė ‘an animal of the amphibian class with long hind legs (Rana)’.
7 Dėl upėvardžio lyties Ryt-upėlis žr. Vanagas (1970: 127).
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1.1.3.2. Antrasis sandas – tikrinis žodis (upės vardas): Sen-ā-rausvē || Sen-ā-rausvis up.: liet. sēnas, -à ir Raušvē up. (Gž) (LHEŽ 295); Sén-šešupē up. vaga: liet. sēnas, -à ‘jau kuris laikas esantis, seniai atsiradęs <...>’ ir Šešupē up.
1.1.4. COMPOUND GENITIVE HYDRONYMS8:
1.1.4.1. Only one metaphorical genitive name is recorded: Ežio karčemā tavern: Lithuanian ežys ‘a small animal covered with spines (Erinaceus europaeus)’ and borrowed karčemā ‘tavern’, where the first element functions as a non-agreeing modifier and the second is the nominative form of an appellative used figuratively.
1.1.4.2. Topographic genitive hydronyms with a locative meaning: Piliakalnio ežeras lake: Lithuanian piliakalnis ‘a hill where a castle stands or once stood; castle hill’ and Lithuanian ežeras ‘lake’; Kapinių upėlis stream: Lithuanian kapinės ‘a place for burying the dead; cemetery’ and Lithuanian upėlis ‘stream’; Sodo upėlis stream: Lithuanian sodas ‘an area of land where fruit trees and shrubs grow’ and Lithuanian upėlis ‘stream’.
1.2. Hydronyms derived from other toponyms
This section contains just one example – Tarpučių brastà ford. This is a compound genitive name for a ford, whose first element derives from the village name Tarpučiai (Šn), while the second is the topographical noun Lithuanian brastà ‘a shallow place in a river where one can wade or drive across’.
1.3. Hydronyms derived from personal names and appellative designations of persons
In Marijampolė district, 16 of the latter have been recorded. A few are derivatives with the suffixes -in-, -yn-, and -išk-; the rest (about two-thirds) are compound hydronyms, while the remainder are complex hydronyms.
1.3.1. SUFFIX DERIVATIVES:
-in-: Buoz-inė abbrev.: from personal name Buózis or Lithuanian buózė ‘<...> a wealthy peasant, an exploiter of others’; Žyd-inė settlement, from: Lithuanian žýdas, -ė ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’; -yn-: Medel-ynė from: personal name Medėlis; -išk-: Mėlnyk-iškė village, from: personal name Mėlnykas.
1.3.2. COMPOUND HYDRONYMS (COMPOUNDS):
1.3.2.1. The second component derives from common nouns, such as balà, kálnas, upėlis, ùpis (geographical generic terms): Daukš-ia-kalnis lake: from the surname Daukšys or similar; Kamenīt-upis stream: from the hydronym *Kamentas or similar; compare the surname Kamentāvičius; Kliūč-bale lake: from the surname Kliūčius; Puođž-iu-pelis (<*Puođž-iu-upelis) river—perhaps associated with Lithuanian puođžius ‘potter’ or with the hydronym Puođžius (LHEŽ 268); Ramošk-a-balė lake: from the surname Ramoška; Róž-balė lake: from the surname Róžas; Šáb-a-balė lake: from the surname Šábas; Žyd-balė lake: from Lithuanian žýdas, -ė ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’.
8For the use of terms, see p. 32.
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1.3.2.2. The second component is a proper name (a river name): Žyd-šešupė (|| Išgrauža), derived from Lithuanian žydas, -ė ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’ and the river Šešupė.
1.3.3. COMPOUND HYDRONYMS. The first component of a hydronym is the genitive form of a personal name, the second is a common noun (ford, flat): Kriaũčiūno brastà ford: from personal name Kriaũčiūnas and Lithuanian brastà ‘a shallow place in a river where one can wade or drive across’; Puõdžiaus plýnė flat: from personal name Puõdžius or Lithuanian puõdžius ‘potter’ and Lithuanian plýnė ‘an open place, a plain’.
1.4. Hydronyms of possibly dual origin
This group consists of a pair of examples: the derivative with the suffix -inė Šlek-inė stream: surname Šlekys, or it may be related to Lithuanian šlek ‘squelch (repeated to describe a sloshing sound)’, cf. Lithuanian šlekėti, šleka, -ėjo ‘to flow, trickle’; the compound Žyd-grabė river, whose first component most likely derives from Lithuanian žydas ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’, but may have nothing to do with this ethnonym and instead be associated with meanings such as flowering or blossoms (of flowers)’ (LHEŽ 401); the second component derives from the common Lithuanian word grabė ‘ditch’.
1.5. Hydronyms of unclear origin
Only one Kalavýnas stream was recorded—perhaps from Lithuanian *kalavynas; cf. Lithuanian *kalavijynas, and also Lithuanian kalavijas ‘a plant growing near marshes, lakes, and rivers, with sword-like leaves; sweet flag (Acorus calamus)’.
Following a brief review of the origin and formation of the hydronyms of Marijampolė District, Marijampolė County, certain conclusions can be drawn (see Table 2):
TABLE 2. ORIGIN AND FORMATION OF HYDRONYMS
Hydronyms by origin Hydronyms by formation Total Primary Derivatives Ending-based Suffixal Prefixal Compounds (compound formations) Complex formations From common nouns 9 4 20 – 13 4 50 (~71%) From other place names – – – – – 1 1 (~1.5%) From personal names and appellative designations of persons – – 5 – 9 2 16 (~23%) Possibly of dual origin – – 1 – 1 – 2 (~3%)
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CONTINUATION OF TABLE 2
Hydronyms by origin Hydronyms by formation Total Primary Derivatives: Ending-based, Suffixal, Prefixal Compounds (compound formations) Complex formationsOf unclear origin 1 – – – – – 1 (~1.5%)Total 10 (~14%) 4 (~6%) 26 (~37%) – 23 (~33%) 7 (~10%) 70
The table shows that in the area under discussion, hydronyms derived from common words (appellative lexemes) predominate; they are most often formed with suffixes and by compounding.
2. PLACE NAMES OF SETTLEMENTS
Their questionnaires record 73 (~15%).
2.1. Place names of settlements derived from common nouns (appellative lexemes)
2.1.1. PRIMARY:
Nárt̄as village (LDVN): Lithuanian nártas ‘corner, edge, prop’; Senóvė farmstead: Lithuanian senóvė ‘a field fertilized long ago’.
Pluralia tantum forms: Kazėrmės part of a village: Lithuanian *kazermė, cf. Lithuanian kazármė ‘barracks’; Pabaigai village (MŠKC): Lithuanian pabaigas ‘the terminal part of something’; Pagiriai part of a village: Lithuanian pagirys ‘edge of a forest’; Piliakalniai village (ŠN): Lithuanian piliakalnis, piliakalnis ‘a hill where a castle stands or once stood; a castle hill’.
2.1.2. SUFFIX DERIVATIVES:
-ėlis: Tabūn-ėlis village: borrowing tabūnas ‘group, troop’;
-iškiai: Molýn-iškiai part of a village: Lithuanian molýnas ‘clayey soil, clay ground’; Triob-iškiai village (Trkš): Lithuanian triobà ‘dwelling house, cottage’.
2.1.3. COMPOUND SETTLEMENT NAMES (COMPOUNDS). Their second components are common nouns kalnas, laukas, vietà, and the first components are also nouns:
kalnas: Čýk-a-kalnis (|| Bendoriai) village: Lithuanian čýkas ‘porcini mushrooms were formerly called čykai’; Dýb-a-kalnis village (Trkš): Lithuanian dýbà, dýbas ‘roadside signpost’;
laukas: Výšn-ia-laukis village (PDVN): Lithuanian vyšnia ‘a fruit tree of the rose family bearing juicy red drupes (Cerasus)’;
vieta: Būd-viečiai village (JRGŽ): Lithuanian būdà ‘tent, shelter, small building (for a guard, shepherd, etc.)’; Svirn-a-viečiai outlying settlement (|| Migliai) village: Lithuanian svirnas ‘building used for storing grain’.
One place name was recorded whose two components are both Slavicisms – Star-a-polė (|| Marijámpolė outlying settlement). The first component is associated with Polish stary, Russian старый ‘old’, and the second with Belarusian and Russian поле, Polish pole ‘field’ (cf. Vanagas 1996: 146).
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2.2. Names of inhabited places derived from other place names.
2.2.1. DERIVATIVES:
2.2.1.1. Suffix -ėliai: Vart-ėliai cf. (Graž): Vartai village (Ras) (Razmukaitė 1991: 55).
2.2.1.2. Prefixes (with Lithuanian (Baltic) po- and Slavic pod-):
po-: Pō-piliakalnis village (Šn): Piliakalnis hillfort, hill (MRJ)9;
pod-: Pod-katilškiai part of a village: Katiliškiai village (ŠN); Pod-pakusinė farmstead: Pakusinė village (ŠN).
2.3. Names of inhabited places derived from personal names and appellative designations of persons
2.3.1. PRIMARY (pluralia tantum form): Ašmonai village: personal name Ašmonas; Bendoriai (|| Čv-kakalnis) village: personal name Bendorius or similar, or Lithuanian bendorius ‘cooper’; Domeikai village (ŠN): personal name *Domeikas or similar, cf. personal name Domeiką; Griškai village: personal name *Gr iškas or similar, cf. surname Gr išką; Karužai village (ŠN): personal name *Kar užas or similar, cf. surname Kar užą or Lithuanian karuža, karūžas ‘voivode; overseer’; Katilai part of a village: personal name Katilius or Lithuanian katilius ‘maker, repairer, or seller of cauldrons’; Kižiai village (Trkš): personal name Kižys or similar, cf. Lithuanian kižas ‘a person who gets angry over trivial things’; Kukliai village (LZD): personal name Kūklis, Kuklys or similar; Mikai part of a village: personal name Mikas or similar; Mikuliai inhabited place: personal name Mikulis or similar; Nemurai (|| official Mar-ciniškiai) village (ŠN): personal name Nėmuras; Paršeliai village (ŠN): personal name Paršelis or similar, cf. Lithuanian paršelis colloq. derog. for an immature, young person; Pietariai village (Trkš): personal name Pietaris or similar; Puškepuriai village (ŠN): personal name *Puškepuris or similar, cf. Lithuanian puškepurė ‘cap without lining or visor’10; Sarakai village (ŠN): personal name *Sarakas or similar, cf. surname Saraką, Sarakaūskis; Skaisčiūnai village (Mškč): personal name *Skaisčiūnas, cf. surname Skaistys, and also Lithuanian skaistūs, -i ‘righteous, noble’; Šeštokai railway station (ŠŠt): personal name Šeštokas (Razmukaitė 1994a: 53; 1994b: 12); Šunskai town (ŠN): personal name Šunskas or similar; Tursučiai village (ŠN): personal name *Tursutis or similar, cf. surnames Tūrsa, Tursus or Lithuanian tūrsa ‘one who waddles, walking with buttocks thrust out (usually a small or fat person); one who likes to lie down’.
On the other hand, some inhabited-place names, e.g., Domeikai village (ŠN), Gr iškai village, Kar užai village (ŠN), Sarakai village (ŠN), may also be treated as ending-derived forms that arose directly from the corresponding personal names Domeiką, Gr išką, Kar užą, Saraką.
2.3.2. DERIVATIVES:
Suffix derivatives:
-avas (Slavic): Aleksandr-avas village (Trkš): personal name Aleksandra, Aleksandras (Vanagas 1990: 382; Razmukaitė 1998: 61, 62–63);
-inė: Babal-inė village (Pdvn): personal name *Babalis or similar, cf. surnames Babaliauskas, Babaliaūs-kas; Gud-inė village (Trkš): personal name Gūdas or Lithuanian gūdas ‘Belarusian (sometimes a Pole or Russian)’; Mikal-inė farmstead: personal name Mikalas (Vanagas 1967: 111; Razmukaitė 1983: 148); Radžiūn-inė (|| official Gūstabūdis) village (ŠN): personal name Radžiūnas;
9 The possibility that it derives from Lithuanian piliakalnis ‘hillfort’ cannot be ruled out.
10 Regarding the reconstructed etymon *Puškepuris, cf. also the surnames Pūškarininkis, Pūškepalis, Pūškunigis (Butkus 1995: 360).
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-ynė: Abrom-ynė village: surname Abrōmas (Razmukaitė 1983: 148; 1998: 65, 68); Berlišk-ynė village: surname *Berliškis or similar, cf. surname Berlickas, also cf. surname Antonius Berlis 1729–1771 (IAK); Bisk-ynė village: surname Biskis, Biskỹs or similar; Civinsk-ynė village: surname Civìnskis or similar; Daugėl-ynė village: surname Daugėla or similar; Duobin-ynėvillage: surname Duõbinis or similar; Kail-ynėvillage: surname Kailius or similar, or Lithuanian kailius ‘furrier, fur worker, leather dresser, tanner’; Klein-ynėvillage: surname Kleinỹs or similar; Liauk-ynėvillage: surname Liáukas or similar; Mač-ynėvillage: surname Mačỹs or similar; Majaùsk-ynėvillage: surname Majáuskas or similar; Monik-ynėvillage: surname Mònika, Mònikas or similar; Palaik-ynėvillage: surname Palaikis or similar; Paskin-ynėvillage: surname *Paskinis or similar, cf. surname Paskà, Paskėvičius, also cf. Polish surname Paskiński (SNPᵥᵢᵢ 214); Pečiul-ynėvillage: surname Pečiulis or similar;
-iškė(s): Lyder-iškės village (Trks): surname Lyderis or similar; Rūd-iškės village (Šil): surname Rūde, Rūdis, Rūdys (Vanagas 1996: 203); Vekeriót-iškė village (Šn): surname Vekeriótas or similar;
-iškiai: Bliūdž-iškiai village (Šn): surname Bliūdžius or similar, or Lithuanian bliūdžius ‘seller of bowls; bowl repairer’; Marcin-iškiaiofficially (‖ Nemurai) village (Šn): surname Marciñas or similar; Medėl-iškiai village (Trks): surname Medėlis or similar.
The distribution of suffixes in these place names is shown in Table 3.
TABLE 3. SUFFIXES OF SETTLEMENT NAMES
Suffix | Quantitative expression | Percentage | -avas (Slavic) | 1 | 4 | -inė | 4 | 15 | -ynė | 15 | 57 | -išk- | -iškė(s) | 3 | 12 | -iškiai | 3 | 12
The table shows that the most frequent Lithuanian (Baltic) suffix in settlement names is -ynė (about 57% of all suffixal place names under discussion); the other suffixes can be ranked by frequency as follows: -inė (~15%), -iškė(s) (~12%), -iškiai (~12%), -avas (~4%).
2.3.3. COMPOUND SETTLEMENT NAMES (COMPOUNDS). There are not many of these in this district. The first components of the attested compounds are derived from personal names and an appellative denoting a person; the second components come from the appellative lexemes būda, kaimas, laũkas, polis: Gùst-a-būdisofficially (‖ Radžiūninė) village (Šn): surname Gùstas or similar, and Lithuanian būda ‘tent, shelter, little house (for a guard, shepherd, etc.)’; Karō-laukis (< *Karol-laukis) village: surname Kārolis or similar, and Lithuanian laũkas; Marijām-polerailway station; Marijām-poleofficially (‖ Starapolė) town: *Marijanpole, from Lithuanian marijõnas ‘monk of the Marian order’ and the loanword polis, from Greek polis ‘city, fortress’ (Vanagas 1996: 144–145); Žemk-a-kaimispart of a village: personal name *Žemka or similar, cf. surname Zemkauskis, also cf. Polish surname Zemka (SNPₓ 480) and Lithuanian kãimas.
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2.3.4. One compound genitive place name is recorded in Marijampolė rural district: Žilinskų Senynė farmstead: personal name Žilinskas, Žilinskai and Lithuanian *senynė, cf. Lithuanian sėnas, -à ‘one that has been around for some time, appeared long ago <...>’.
2.4. Place names of potentially dual origin
Several derivatives with the suffixes -in- and -yn- have been recorded: Diėl-inė village (Šn) – one might think that this is a place name of anthroponymic origin, derived from the personal name *Dielis, *Dielius or similar, cf. surname Diėlininkas; on the other hand, the place name may derive from Lithuanian dielė ‘board’ or dielė ‘a blood-feeding worm found in freshwater, a leech (Hirudo medicinalis)’; Gryb-inė village (Šn) – may derive from the personal name Grýbas, but the possibility of origin from Lithuanian grýbas ‘a soft, fleshy spore-bearing plant; a bolete’ cannot be ruled out; Sidabr-ýnė village: personal names Sidabra, Sidabras and similar, or Lithuanian sidãbras ‘a precious, non-rusting white metal’.
The table below shows the tendencies in the formation and origin of the place names of settlements in Marijampolė rural district (see Table 4).
TABLE 4. METHODS OF FORMATION AND ORIGIN OF SETTLEMENT PLACE NAMES
Settlement place names by origin
Settlement place names by formation
Primary
Derivatives
Ending-based
Suffix-based
Prefix-based
Compound (compositional)
Complex
Total
From common nouns
6
–
3
–
6
–
15 (~21%)
From other place names
–
–
1
3
–
–
4 (~5%)
From personal names and appellative designations of persons
19
–
26
–
5
1
51 (~70%)
Possibly of dual origin
–
–
3
–
–
–
3 (~4%)
Total
25 (~34%)
–
33 (~45%)
3 (~4%)
11 (~15%)
1 (~1%)
73
Thus, in this district, settlement names of personal-name origin formed with suffixes predominate, although primary toponyms (especially those expressed in the plural) are also quite numerous.
3. LAND NAMES
A total of 345 (about 71%) were recorded in the questionnaires.
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3.1. Land names derived from common nouns (appellative lexemes)
3.1.1. PRIMARY: Akulioriai e.g.: loanword akulioriai ‘glasses’; Álksna dialectal: Lithuanian álksna ‘a place overgrown with alders, an alder grove’; Alksnynas e.g.: Lithuanian alksnynas ‘alder forest, small alder grove’; Apskritainė e.g.: Lithuanian apskritainis, -ė ‘elongated-round; circular’; Aukštoji dialectal: Lithuanian aukštoji, cf. Lithuanian aukštas, -a ‘having great height, extending a great distance from bottom to top’; Bedruškė or., e.g.: Lithuanian bedruškis, -ė ‘without salt’; Blusynė dialectal word: Lithuanian blusynė ‘poor-quality place, land’; Cigānska Belarusian: Lithuanian *cigānska, cf. Polish cygański (WSPR 114), Belarusian цыганскі (SBM 862) ‘of the Roma’; Degimas Belarusian, e.g.: Lithuanian degimas ‘a burned area (meadow, bog, forest), burnt residue’; Draustinė e.g.: Lithuanian draustinė ‘a meadow where grazing is prohibited for a time’; Dubióji e.g.: Lithuanian dubióji, cf. Lithuanian dubùs, -i ‘hollow, sunken, deep; uneven, full of hollows’; Dūburys or., dialectal: Duburys e.g.: Lithuanian duburys, duburỹs ‘a depression in the ground, a pit, a hollow’; Dūbusis e.g.: Lithuanian dūbusis, cf. Lithuanian dùbus, -i ‘hollow, sunken, deep; uneven, full of hollows’; Duobė local: Lithuanian duobė ‘a dug-out or otherwise sunken place in the ground; a grave’; Dzelkà land parcel: *dzelka or similar, cf. Polish działka (Vaitkevičiūtė 1979: 109) ‘plot’; Epušótas e.g.: Lithuanian epušótas ‘aspen forest, aspen grove’; Garždžas dialectal: Lithuanian garždžas ‘soil with a gravel subsoil’; Giraitė forest, wood: Lithuanian giraitė ‘small forest’; Gražioji e.g.: Lithuanian gražioji, cf. Lithuanian gražùs, -i ‘fertile, loose, lush’; Gruinė e.g.: Lithuanian gruinė ‘barren, poor meadow’; Ilgóji e.g.: Lithuanian ilgóji, cf. Lithuanian ìlgas, -à ‘extending lengthwise, far (in space)’; Išdaga (|| Išdaginė) e.g.: Lithuanian išdaga ‘a place in a meadow, forest, or peat bog burned out or scorched by the sun; a burned area’; Išgrauža (|| Žydšėsūpė) e.g.: Lithuanian išgrauža ‘a place eroded by water’; Išmata dialectal, dialect word: Lithuanian išmata ‘infertile field land (left unsown, untilled); the total area of village land’; Kaktà dialectal: Lithuanian kaktà ‘the part of the face above the eyes’; Kalkýnė hill: Lithuanian kalkýnė ‘a place with many limestone rocks; a lime-rich place’; Karklynė e.g.: Lithuanian karklynė ‘a place overgrown with willows’; Káulinyčia e.g.: Lithuanian káulinyčia ‘a place where bones are laid’; Kelmýnė e.g.: Lithuanian kelmýnė ‘a place where many stumps were left after the trees were felled’; Kepùrė e.g.: Lithuanian kepùrė ‘a clump’; Kūkis e.g.: Lithuanian kūkis ‘a hook, a stake’; Kupstýnė bog, e.g.: Lithuanian kupstynė ‘a hummocky place, meadow’; Liepýnas highland: Lithuanian liepýnas ‘a place overgrown with lime trees’; Lūgas local: Lithuanian lūgas, lūgas ‘a low-lying hollow flooded by a river’; Márgas land: Lithuanian márgas ‘a measure of land’; Nadáuka dialectal; Nadáukos (also Nada’vkos) dialect word: loanword *nadáuka, cf. Polish naddawka, naddawki ‘that which is given in excess of the specified norm’ (SJP₃₃ 34); Opatkà dialectal: *opatkà, cf. Polish opatka ‘a plant of the spurge family (Euforbia mirsinites)’ (SJP₃₃ 791); Pálios dialectal: Lithuanian pálios ‘large bogs, wastelands in the sites of silted-up lakes’; Papartýnas dialectal: Lithuanian papartýnas ‘a place where ferns grow’; Piliakalnis dialectal, hill, hillfort; Piliãkalnis (|| Maskoliãkalnis) hill: Lithuanian piliak alnis, piliãkalnis ‘a hill where a castle stands or once stood; castle hill’; Plynià e.g.: Lithuanian plynià ‘an open place, plain’; Prūdas pond, e.g.: prūdas ‘pond’; Pūsinė e.g.: Lithuanian pūsìnis, -ė ‘comprising half’; Rāvas or.: rāvas ‘ditch’; Salà or., e.g.: Lithuanian salà ‘a small plot of arable land among meadows’, also cf. Lithuanian saloj ‘in remote, hard-to-reach places’; Sénkelis path: Lithuanian sénkelis ‘old road’; Senóvė dialectal, e.g.: Lithuanian senóvė ‘a field left fallow for a long time’; Skeršakelis path: Lithuanian skeršakelis ‘a path running across fields’; Slabadà settlement name: *slabada, cf. Polish sloboda ‘a small inhabited rural locality <...>’ (SJP₆ 209); Sodyba or., dialectal, e.g.: Lithuanian sodyba ‘a place where farmsteads stood, a former homestead site’; Šaltinis e.g.: Lithuanian šaltinis ‘a spring of water flowing from the ground’; Šilainė dialectal: Lithuanian šilainė ‘sandy, light-
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‘soil, forest soil’; Taukióji field: Lithuanian taukióji, cf. Lithuanian taukùs, -ì ‘lush, fertile’; Vengelniča stream, streamlet: *vengelníca, cf. Polish węgelníca ‘charcoal kiln’ (WSPR 1136); Zagáinikas forest: *zagainikas, cf. Polish zagajnik ‘grove, copse’ (WSPR 1239); Žardis hill: Lithuanian žardis ‘long pole’; Žiogis field: Lithuanian žiõgis ‘quagmire, marsh at the edge of a river or lake’.
This group could also include plural names of landform features (so-called pluralia tantum): Atšėliai field: Lithuanian atšėlys ‘field where a spring crop was grown and a winter cereal crop sown in the same year, or where the same crops or vegetables were sown successively for two or more years’; Brókai stream: Lithuanian brókas ‘beet’; Degìmai village, field; Degìmai (|| Pabaliai) field: Lithuanian degìmas ‘burnt area (meadow, marsh, forest), patch of burned ground’; Dūburiai field: Lithuanian dūburys ‘depression in the ground, pit, hollow’; Duõbės village: Lithuanian duobė ‘excavated or otherwise depressed place in the ground’; Kapináitės cemetery; Kapináitės (|| Prancūžkapinės) meadow: Lithuanian kapináitės ‘village cemetery; burial plots’; Ká pinės cemetery, hill: Lithuanian ká pinės ‘burial place for the dead, cemetery’; Líėpos riverside: Lithuanian líepa ‘tree with serrated leaves, nectar-bearing flowers, and a broad crown (Tilia)’; Magýlos stream, cemetery: borrowed magýlos ‘cemetery (usually Jewish)’; Pabaliai (|| Degimai) field: Lithuanian pabalỹs ‘meadow (usually grazed or mown); edge of a meadow adjoining arable land’; Paklanai field: borrowed pàklanas, paklãnas ‘gift offered to gain favor or ingratiate oneself’; Rūdos (|| Šaltiniai) field: Lithuanian rūdà ‘naturally occurring mineral substance from which metals are obtained’; Šaltiniai (|| Rūdos) field: Lithuanian šaltìnis ‘spring flowing from the ground’; Užgrabiai stream, hill: Lithuanian ùžgrabis ‘ravine’; Varýklos road: Lithuanian varyklà ‘route along which livestock are driven to pasture, drove’; Vìganės field: *viganė, cf. Polish wygoń ‘place where a herd grazes, pasture’ (WSPR 1146); Zascenkos field: *zascenka, cf. Polish zaścianki ‘place behind the wall’ (SJP VIII 303).
3.1.2. DERIVATIVES:
3.1.2.1. Derivatives with the ending -ė: Dūb-ė field: Lithuanian dūbai ‘loose brown soil’, also cf. Lithuanian dūbai ‘graves’; Rūd-ė stream: Lithuanian rūdas, -à ‘dark yellow’.
3.1.2.2. Suffixal derivatives:
-aitė: Bal-aitė field: Lithuanian balà ‘puddle, pool’; Plyn-aitė stream: Lithuanian plỹnė, plynìa ‘open, level place’;
-aitis: Kampin-aitis field: Lithuanian kampinis, -ė ‘edge, side; direction’;
-elė(s): Buiz-ėlė field: Lithuanian buizà, buĩzė, buizė ‘large muddy, boggy place’; Daub-ėlė field: Lithuanian daubà ‘valley, hollow, ravine’; Kalv-ėlė village: Lithuanian kalvà ‘elevated place, small hill’; Rūd-ėlė field; Rūd-ėlės field: Lithuanian rūdà, rūdė ‘soil containing ore’;
-elis, -eliai: Lauk-ėlis stream: Lithuanian laũkas ‘cultivated land, area under crops’; Marg-ėliai stream: Lithuanian márgas ‘land measure’;
-ėlis: Alksnyn-ėlis stream, field: Lithuanian alksnýnas ‘alder forest, alder grove’; Apatk-ėlis field: *apatkas, cf. Polish opatek, opątka, opątki ‘plant of the spurge family (Euforbia mirsinites)’ (SJP III 791); Vidgir-ėlis field: Lithuanian vidgìris, vidgirỹs ‘middle of a forest’;
-ienė: Kūl-ienė (also Kūlijenė) stream: Lithuanian kūlė ‘cereal fungus, a parasite that turns grain into a black mass (Ustilago)’ or Lithuanian kūlė ‘threshing of cereals; threshing season’;
-ynas: Totork-ýnas field: Lithuanian totorkà, totõrkė ‘marsh sweet flag (Acorus calamus)’;
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-inė: Blus-inė e.g.: Lithuanian blusà ‘a parasitic jumping insect (Pulex irritans)’; Dil-gėl-inė e.g.: Lithuanian dilgėlė ‘a herbaceous plant with stinging hairs on its stem and leaves (Urtica)’; Dilg-inė e.g.: Lithuanian dilgė, dilgė ‘nettle’; Išdag-inė (|| Išdaga) e.g.: Lithuanian išdaga ‘a place in a meadow, forest, or peat bog that has burned out or been scorched by the sun; a burned area’; Kam̆p-inė forest, e.g.: Lithuanian kam̆pas ‘edge, side; half’; Kast-inė dialectal: Lithuanian kāstas, -à, cf. Lithuanian kāsti, kāsa, kāsė ‘to dig; to grub; to make a hole or ditch’; Maišyt-inė e.g.: Lithuanian maišytas, -a, cf. Lithuanian maišyti, maišo, maišė ‘to feel, cause disorder; interfere, hinder’; Plik-inė e.g.: Lithuanian plikė ‘an empty, treeless place’; Saul-inė e.g.: Lithuanian sáulė ‘the rays and light of that celestial body; a sun-warmed place’; Vogt-inė e.g.: Lithuanian vōgtas, -à, cf. Lithuanian vōgti, vãgia, vōgė ‘to take something (belonging to another) without permission, unlawfully (usually secretly), or to seize it by force’; Žolyn-inė dialectal: Lithuanian žolynas ‘any herbaceous plant, growing or cut; weed’; Žuv-inė hill, e.g.: Lithuanian žuvìs ‘a vertebrate aquatic animal that breathes through gills and moves with fins (Piscis)’;
-inis: Kam̆p-inis forest, e.g.: Lithuanian kam̆pas ‘edge, side; half’; Karčem-inis village field: borrowed word karčemà, karčėma ‘tavern’;
-ynė: Barsuk-ynė e.g.: Lithuanian barsùkas ‘a furry predatory mammal (Ursus meles)’; Džindr-ynė dialectal: Lithuanian džindra ‘a hardened object’; Lenkt-ynė land part: Lithuanian leñktas, -à ‘bow-shaped’, cf. Lithuanian leñkti, -ia, -ė ‘to make something bow-shaped, to bend’; Pakul-ynė dialectal: Lithuanian pākulos ‘fibers of combed flax or hemp; tow, combings’; Pemp-ynė dialectal, e.g.: Lithuanian pémpė ‘a small marsh bird of the lapwing family (Vanellus vanellus); Žalt-ynė e.g.: Lithuanian žaltys ‘a nonvenomous snake-like reptile (Natrix)’;
-iškis: Lazdyn-iškis e.g.: Lithuanian lazdynas ‘a shrub or tree that bears nuts (Corylus avellana)’; Septyniok-iškis dialectal formation: Lithuanian *septyniokas, cf. Lithuanian dvejokas, -a ‘twofold, of this or that kind’, Lithuanian trejokas, -a ‘of three kinds’; Žąsl-iškis dialectal: Lithuanian žąslai ‘bridle’;
-ka (Slavic): Alej-kà path: borrowed word alėjá, alėjà ‘a path in a park or garden’;
-lė: Durp-lė (|| Durpabalė) e.g. – associated with Lithuanian durpti, -sta, -o ‘to waste away’, cf. Lithuanian dūrpė, dūrpes ‘compacted and charred remains of marsh plants’;
-(i)ukas, -(i)ukai: Alksnyn-ukas forest: Lithuanian alksnynas ‘alder forest, alder grove’; Kakl-iùkas e.g.: Lithuanian kāklas ‘the part of the body connecting the head to the torso; something resembling a neck (a part of an object)’; Lap-ùkai e.g.: Lithuanian lāpas ‘a plant’s respiratory organ, usually in the form of a thin green blade (folium)’; Šanč-iùkai hill: Lithuanian šančius ‘an earth embankment; an embankment marking a boundary between fields or forests’; Taks-iùkas e.g. – associated with Lithuanian taksėti, tàksi, -ėjo ‘to flicker, beat’;
-(i)ukė(s): Aps-ùkės village: e.g. – associated with *apsis or the like, cf. Old Prussian abse ‘aspen’ (Mažiulis 1988: 42); Smalin-iùkė e.g.: Lithuanian smalinė ‘a pit for making tar; a tar kiln’;
-utė: Duob-utė e.g.: Lithuanian duobė ‘a place dug out or otherwise depressed in the ground’; Lank-utė dialectal, e.g.: Lithuanian lankà ‘a large, level meadow, usually near a river and flooded during high water’; Plyn-utė e.g.: Lithuanian plýne ‘a swamp, marsh’.
The table below shows the distribution of derivational suffixes for land-surface features (see Table 5):
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TABLE 5. SUFFIXES OF PLACE NAMES DERIVED FROM COMMON NOUNS
Place names
Suffixes
Numerical expression
Percentage expression
1. Lithuanian (Baltic)
-ait- | -aitė | 2 | 4
-aitis | 1 | 2
-el- | -elė(s) | 5 | 9
-elis, -eliai | 2 | 4
-ėlis | 4 | 7
-ienė | 1 | 2
-yn- | -ynas | 1 | 2
-ynė | 7 | 12
-in- | -inė | 13 | 23
-inis | 3 | 5
-ishkis | 3 | 5
-lė | 1 | 2
-(i)uk- | -(i)ukas, -(i)ukai | 5 | 9
-(i)ukė(s) | 3 | 5
-utė | 4 | 7
Total | 55 | 98
2. Slavic
-ka (Slav.) | 1 | 2
Total | 1 | 2
The table shows that the most widespread suffix in Marijampolė rural district is -inė, which forms about 23% of the derivatives. In second place in terms of frequency is -ynė (~12%), followed by: -(i)ukas, -(i)ukai, -elė(s) (~9%); -ėlis, -utė (~7%); -inis, -iškis, -(i)ukė(s) (~5%); -aitė, -elis, -eliai (~4%); -aitis, -ienė, -ynas, -lė (~2%). About 2% of the derivatives are formed with the Slavic suffix -ka.
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3.1.3. COMPOUND PLACE NAMES:
3.1.3.1. The second elements of these place names derive from appellatives—geographical nomenclatural terms (swamp, lake, forest, hill, meadow) and names of other objects (shelter, garden, cutting, unit of land measurement, place):
balà: Álksn-ia-balė pv.: liet. álksnis ‘beržinių šeimos medis (Alnus)’; Dùlk-ia-balė pv.: liet. dùlkė ‘labai smulkus krislelis, dalelytė, nuotrupa’, plg. liet. dulkėti, dùlka (-ėja), -ėjo ‘kilti, darytis dulkėms’; Dùrp-a-balė (|| Dùrplė) pv.: liet. dùrpa, dùrpė, dùrpės ‘susigulėjusios ir apanglėjusios pelkių augalų liekanos’; Gáiš-balės drb. ž.: liet. *gaišas ar pan., plg. liet. gaišti, gaišta, gaišo ‘nykti, dingti, prapulti’; Gal-ù-balis drp., pv.: liet. gãlas ‘mažas kokio daikto gabalas’; Garn-ã-balė pv.: liet. garnys ‘gūžas, gūžutis, garnys, starkus, busilas, didutis (Ciconia)’; Kãrkl-a-balė pv.: liet. kãrklas ‘gluosninių šeimos medis ar krūmas (Salix cinerea)’; Karõs-balė pv.: liet. karõsas ‘kaulingoji atvirapūslė karpinių (Cyprinidae) šeimos žuvis’; Kiãul-ia-balė pv.: liet. kiaũlė ‘nam inis gyvulys, auginamas mėsai, riebalams (Sus domesticus)’; Kùmp-a-balė pv.: liet. kùmpas, -à ‘su iškilimu, kauburiu, nelygumu’, plg. liet. kùmpti, -sta, -o ‘darytis pilnam, pampti’; Málk-a-balė pv.: liet. málkos ‘supjaustytų ir suskaldytų medžių pagaliai kurui’; Mùrg-a-balė pv.: liet. mùrgas ‘žemės matas’; Peléd-balė drp., pv.: liet. pelėda ‘plėšrus didelėmis akimis nakties paukštis (Strix)’; Prūd-balė pv.: liet. prūdas ‘tvenkinys’; Saũs-balė pv.: liet. saũsas, -à ‘be drėgmės, be vandens, nesušlapęs, išdžiūvęs’; Spárd-a-balė pv. – sietina su liet. spárdyti, -o, -ė ‘judinti kojas, kepestuoti, kebernotis, kabaruotis’; Stadál-balė pv.: liet. stadalė ‘daugiametis dekoratyvinis krūmas arba medis (Cornus)’; Šáltin-balė pv.: liet. šáltinis ‘iš žemės tekanti vandens versmė’; Šùn-ia-balė pv.: liet. šuo, šùnìs ‘naminis gyvulys, laikomas namams saugoti, medžioklei ir kt.’; Tarp-ù-baliai pv.: liet. tárpas ‘daiktus skirianti erdvė, vieta’; Trák-a-balė pv.: liet. trãkas ‘aukšta, sausa pieva, apaugusi retais krūmais bei medžiais, miško aikštelė; pieva, kur yra beržų’; Várl-ia-balė pv.: liet. varlė ‘varliagyvių klasės gyvūnas su ilgomis užpakalinėmis kojomis (Rana)’;
shelter ‘tent, shelter, small building (for a watchman, shepherd, etc.)’: Pakūč-būdis cf.: borrowed word pã-kūčia, pakūčià ‘the corner of a house where an idol stands’;
garden ‘a plot of land beside a homestead for growing vegetables’: Karčėm-daržis dialectal, place name: borrowed karčėmà, karčėma ‘tavern’;
lake: Ákl-a-žėris (< *Ákl-a-ežeris) cf.: Lithuanian ãklas, -à ‘dark; closed, sealed’;
forest ‘a large forest’: Saũs-giria forest name: Lithuanian saũsas, -à ‘without moisture or water, not wet, dried out’; Tárp-giris cf.: Lithuanian tárpas ‘space or place separating things’;
hill: Barabón-hill kln.: school dialect barabònas ‘drum’; Barsù-hill (< *Barsuk-kalnis) kln.: Lithuanian barsùkas ‘a predatory animal with coarse fur; badger (Ursus meles)’; Red-hill or., kln.: Lithuanian red, reddish ‘brownish and reddish’; Špic-ã-hill aukšt.: loanword špicas ‘pointed end, tip’; Žvýr-ia-hill dr.: Lithuanian žvyras ‘a mixture of sand, gravel and pebbles’;
cutting: ‘a cut mark, notch; an area cut with one stroke of a scythe’: Šikn-a-kirtispart of a cemetery: Lithuanian šiknà ‘buttocks, seat’;
unit of land measurement: ‘a measure of land’: Bùl-ia-margisdialectal: Lithuanian bùlius ‘breeding bull’; Lauk-margis cf.: Lithuanian laũkas ‘an open, treeless area; cultivated land, a crop field’;
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meadow: Blùs-a-pievė e.g.: Lithuanian blusà ‘a parasitic blood-sucking insect (Pulex irritans)’; Čyk-ā-pievė e.g.: Lithuanian čykas ‘formerly, porcini mushrooms were called čykai’; Ìlg-a-pievė e.g.: Lithuanian ìlgas, -à ‘extending lengthwise, far (in space)’; Jáuč-ia-pievė e.g.: Lithuanian jáučias, jáutis ‘domestic animal, male cow’; Plyt-ā-pievė e.g.: Lithuanian plytà ‘a quadrangular lump of clay for construction’; Šùn-pievė e.g.: Lithuanian šuo, šūns ‘a domestic animal kept to guard the home, for hunting, etc.’; Višt-a-pievė e.g.: Lithuanian vištà ‘a domestic bird kept for eggs and meat (Gallina)’; place ‘an area, space where something is or happens’: Brāvor-vietė deriv.: loanword brāvoras ‘distillery or brewery’; Šiùr-vietis e.g. – associated with Lithuanian šiūrti, šiūra, šiūro ‘to become bare’. The table below presents the distribution of second components (see Table 6):
TABLE 6. SECOND COMPONENTS OF PLACE NAMES DERIVED FROM COMMON NOUNS
Second components Quantitative expression Percentage expression -bal- 24 49 -būd- 1 2 -darž- 2 4 -ežer- 1 2 -gir- 2 4 -kaln- 6 13 -kirt- 1 2 -marg- 2 4 -piev- 7 15 -viet- 2 4
As the results of the study show, the lexeme balà occurs most often as the second component of compounds (~49%), while pìeva (~15%) and kálnas (~13%) occur considerably less often. The other lexemes are very rare. 3.1.3.2. Second component – a proper name (river name): Sén-šešupis deriv., e.g.: Lithuanian sėnas, -à ‘having existed for some time, having appeared long ago <...>’ and the river Šešupė.
3.1.4. COMPOUND PLACE NAMES. According to their first component, they are divided into genitival and qualificational types (cf. Vanagas 1970: 25, 258, 273). The latter may be further divided into metaphorical and topographical types (for terminology, see Savukynas 1963: 237).
3.1.4.1. Genitival types:
3.1.4.1.1. Metaphorical genitival types: Āšarų kelėlis track: Lithuanian āšara, āšaros ‘a clear, transparent fluid from the eye glands’ and Lithuanian kelėlis, cf. Lithuanian kėlias ‘a strip of land along which one walks or travels’. As the written form shows, the first component functions as an uninflected modifier, while the second is the nominative of a common noun used figuratively.
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3.1.4.1.2. Topographical genitival types: Ievų kalnas hill: Lithuanian ievos, cf. Lithuanian ievà ‘a tree with white, fragrant blossoms (Prunus padus)’ and Lithuanian kal̃nas; Kapinių salà island: Lithuanian kapìnės ‘a place where the dead are buried, a cemetery’ and Lithuanian salà ‘an area of land surrounded on all sides by water’; Karčemõs daržas deriv.: loanword karčemà ‘tavern’ and Lithuanian daržas ‘a plot of land beside a homestead for growing vegetables’; Lýdimo lankà e.g.: Lithuanian lýdimas ‘an area cleared or burned in a forest, a clearing’ and Lithuanian lankà ‘a large, level meadow, usually by a river and flooded during high water’; Plýtnyčios kal̃nas hill: loanword plýtnyčia ‘brick factory’ and Lithuanian kal̃nas; Vidūkaĩmio kapìnės cemetery: Lithuanian *vidùkaimis ‘the middle of a village’, cf. Lithuanian vidùs ‘inner cavity, area, inner part, side’ and Lithuanian kãimas; also cf. Lithuanian vidùpievis ‘the middle of a meadow’. These recorded forms show that in some place names the first component is the genitive of a common noun denoting a feature of the place—ievų, vidūkaimio—while in others it has a locative meaning: kapinių, karčemõs, lýdimo, plýtnyčios. The second components of all recorded compound place names are most often geographical nomenclature terms (kal̃nas, kapinaitės, kapìnės, lankà, piẽva, salà, etc.) and other names.
3.1.4.2. Qualificational place names: Ìlgosios piẽvos e.g.: Lithuanian ìlgosios, cf. Lithuanian ìlgas, -à ‘extending lengthwise, far (in space)’ and Lithuanian piẽvos, cf. Lithuanian piẽva; Naujos kapìnės cemetery: Lithuanian naujas, -à ‘recently arisen <...>’ and Lithuanian kapìnės; Sėnos kapinaitės cemetery: Lithuanian sẽnas, -à ‘having existed for some time, having appeared long ago <...>’ and Lithuanian kapinaitės, cf. Lithuanian kapìnės.
3.2. Land names derived from other place names
3.2.1. PRIMARY: Skriaudūtis e.g.: Skriaudūtis (|| Skriaudutėlis) river.
3.2.2. SUFFIX DERIVATIVE in -inẽ: Balsup-inė field name: Bálsupiai village (MŠKČ).
3.2.3. COMPOUND LAND NAME: Nãrt-kelis meadow name: Nãrtas village (LDVN) and Lithuanian kẽlias ‘a strip of land along which one walks or travels’.
3.2.4. COMPOUND NAMES OF LAND-SURFACE FEATURES. All the recorded names are place-name genitives (topographical) with a topographical noun as the second element: Nemurų smiltynė meadow, meadowland: Nemurãi village and Lithuanian smiltynė ‘a place with much fine sand, a sandy area’; Pempynės kelel̃is (|| Pimpiakelis) road: Pempynė village and Lithuanian kelẽlis, cf. Lithuanian kẽlias ‘a strip of land along which one walks or travels’; Raũsvės piẽva field name, e.g.: Raũsvė river (Gž) and Lithuanian piẽva ‘meadow’; Šimýnės kelẽlis road: Šimýnė village and Lithuanian kelẽlis, cf. Lithuanian kẽlias; Tarpūčių kapinaitės burial ground: Tarpūčiai village (Šn) and Lithuanian kapinaitės ‘small cemetery’, cf. Lithuanian kapìnės.
3.3. Land names derived from personal names and appellative designations of persons.
3.3.1. PRIMARY: Čigánka ditch: borrowing čigánka ‘Gypsy woman; figuratively, a scheming woman’.
3.3.2. DERIVATIVES. Suffixes:
-auka (Slavic): Dambr-áuka meadow: anthroponym *Dambra or surname, cf. personal name Dambráuskas; -ynas: Rusl-ýnas cemetery: personal name Ruslỹs; -inė: Abrom-inė field name: anthroponym Abrõmas; Arminait-inė field name: personal name Armináitis; Bender-inė meadow: personal name Beñderis; Bielsk-inė meadow: personal name Biẽlskis; Boguš-inė field name: personal name Bògušas or
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etc.; Buož-inė, e.g.: surname Buóžis or Lithuanian búožė ‘<...> wealthy peasant, exploiter of others’; Degut-inė, e.g.: surname Degùtis or Lithuanian degùtis, -ė ‘one who burns tar, makes a living from it’; Didval-inė, from a person’s surname: surname Didvalis; Gavėn-inė, from a person’s surname: surname Gavėnas; Gram-inė, from a person’s surname: surname Grāmas; Kėlert-inė, from a person’s surname: surname Kėlertas; Lasavič-inė, from a person’s surname: surname Lasāvičius; Miliauck-inė, from a person’s surname: surname Miliaūckas, Miliaūckas; Petrušk-inė, from a person’s surname: surname Petruškà; Raduš-inė, from a person’s surname: surname Radušis; Senk-inė, from a personal name: surname Senkus; Tad-inė, e.g.: given name Tãdas, cf. surname Tadáuskas; Žyd-inė, e.g.: Lithuanian žýdas, -ė ‘a person of Jewish nationality’; Žitk-inė, from a person’s surname: surname Žitkus; -ynė: Abrom-ynė (|| Žydýnė), from a personal name: given name Abrōmas; Antan-ynė, from a personal name: given name Antãnas; Baltrukon-ynė, from a personal name, from a person’s surname: surname Baltrukónis; Bučinsk-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Bučinskas or similar; Girait-ynė, from a person’s surname, e.g.: surname Giráitis; Grin-ynė, e.g.: surname Grinius; Gvazdik-ynė, from a personal name, from a person’s surname: surname Gvazdikas; Janulait-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Januláitis; Jaudeg-ynė, from a personal name: surname Jáudegis; Jer-ynė, from a personal name: surname Jerýs; Jurgel-ynė, from a personal name: surname Jurgėlis or similar; Jusel-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Jùselis; Katil-ynė, from a person’s surname, e.g.: surname Katilius or Lithuanian katìlius ‘maker, repairer, or seller of cauldrons’; Kibiz-ynė, e.g.: personal name *Kibiza or similar, cf. Lithuanian kibyza ‘a thin, tall person; a beanpole’; Mauš-ynė, e.g.: personal name *Mauša or similar, cf. personal name Wojciech Mauszas in 1662 (IAK), also cf. nickname Maušà, Maušas, Maušius (Butkus 1995: 304); Miliausk-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Miliauskas, Miliaūskas; Minuk-ynė, from a personal name: personal name *Minukas, cf. surname Miniūkas; Mokol-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Mōkola; Oliadrisk-ynė, e.g.: personal name *Oliadriskis, cf. surname Ōlis and Lithuanian drìskis, -ė; driškius, -ė ‘ragged’; Ol-ynė, from a person’s surname, e.g.: surname Ōlis; Paliok-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Paliōkas; Plečkait-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Plečkaitis; Raul-ynė, from a nickname: nickname Raūlas; Silvestr-ynė, from a personal name, e.g.: given name Silvèstras, Silvėstras; Skink-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Skiñkis, Skinkys; Smalensk-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Smalénskas; Tamoš-ynė, from a personal name: personal name Tamōšius; Virbick-ynė, from a person’s surname: surname Virbickas; Žyd-ynė (|| Abromýnė), from a personal name: Lithuanian žýdas, -ė ‘a person of Jewish nationality’; -iškė(s): Ašmon-iškė, from a personal name: surname Ašmōna, Ašmōnas; Barbėn-iškė, from a person’s surname: personal name *Barbėnas, cf. surname Barbėnka, also cf. Polish surnames Barba, Barbas (SNP₁ 171, 172); Kaž-iškė, from a personal name: surname Kažys; Mėlnyk-iškė, from a personal name: surname Mėlnykas; Žil-iškės, e.g.: surname Žìlis, Žìlius or similar; -iškis: Bób-iškis, e.g.: surname Bóbis or similar, or Lithuanian bóba ‘a married woman; an old woman, an elderly woman’; Malv-iškis, e.g.: personal name *Malvis or similar, cf. personal name Brasowa Malwiene in 1673 (IAK); also cf. Polish surname Malwa (SNP₁ 159); Mántvil-iškis, e.g.: surname Mántvila, Mántvilas; Paulel-iškis, e.g.: personal name *Paulel is, cf. given name Pãulius, surname Paulėvičius; Šiačiūk-iskis, e.g.: surname Šiačiūkas or Lithuanian šiačiūkas ‘a shoemaker’s son’.
See Table 7 for the distribution of suffixes in land names derived from other place names.
TABLE 7. SUFFIXES IN LAND NAMES DERIVED FROM OTHER PLACE NAMES
Land names
Suffixes
Quantitative expression
Percentage expression
-auka (Slavic)
1
1,5
-ynas
1
1,5
-inė
19
29
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TABLE 7 CONTINUED
Field names; Suffixes; Quantitative expression; Percentage expression; -ynė; 35; 53; -išk; -iškė(s); 5; 7.5; -iškis; 5; 7.5; Total; 66; 98.5
As the table shows, most derivatives are formed with the suffix -ynė (~53%); fewer with -inė (~29%), -iškė(s), and -iškis (~7.5%). Other suffixes are uncommon (about 1.5% each).
3.3.3. Compound field names (compounds):
3.3.3.1. Second components from appellatives—geographical nomenclature terms (balà, kálnas, kėlias, laũkas, piẽva, salà, ùpis) and names of other features (daržas, kãpinės, lankà, márgas):
balà: Brazak-balė meadow: personal name *Brazakas or the like; cf. Polish surname Brazek (SNP₁ 472); Daukš-ia-balė meadow: surname Daukšys; Nemūr-balė meadow: surnames Nėmura, Nėmuras; Prancūz-balė meadow: Lithuanian prancūzas, -ė ‘a person of French nationality’; Prūs-balė meadow: surname Prūsas or Lithuanian prūsas, -ė ‘a resident of former East Prussia or the Klaipėda Region, a German; a Lutheran’; Ramošk-a-balė meadow: surname Ramoška; Skerdž-ia-balė meadow: Lithuanian skerdžius ‘chief shepherd, herd keeper, herdsman’; Šab-a-balė meadow: surname Šabas; Šik-a-balė meadow: surname Šikas;
daržas: Kálv-ia-daržis garden: surname Kálvis or Lithuanian kálvis ‘one who works as a metal smith’; Saldūk-daržis garden: surname Saldūkas;
kálnas: Bliūdž-ia-kalnis hill: surname Bliūdžius or Lithuanian bliūdžius ‘seller of bowls; bowl mender’; Gudãč-kalnis hill: personal name *Gudãčius or the like; cf. surname Gudačevskis, and also Polish surname Gudacz (SNP₃ 577); Kėdž-ia-kalnis hill: surname Kėdys or the like, or Lithuanian kedýs ‘a short person’; Páuž-ia-kalnis hill: surnames Páuža, Pauža; Ramošk-a-kalnis hill: surname Ramoška; Raũl-ia-kalnis hill: personal name Raũlas;
kãpinės: Prancūz-kãpinės (‖ Kapináitės) cemetery: Lithuanian prancūzas, -ė ‘a person of French nationality’; Žyd-kãpinės cemetery: Lithuanian žydas, -ė ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’;
kėlias: Pìmp-ia-kelis (‖ Pempýnės kelėlis) road: surname Pìmpė; Raũl-a-kelis road: personal name Raũlas; Sikùč-kelis road: surnames Sikučius, Sikutis;
lankà ‘a large, flat meadow, usually beside a river and flooded during high water’: Žyd-lankė meadow: Lithuanian žydas, -ė ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’;
laũkas: Gudýn-laukė field: surname Gudýnas;
márgas: Kazùk-margis pasture: personal name *Kazukas or the like; cf. surname Kazukáitis, and also personal name Shymon Kazukas, 1816 (IAK);
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meadow: Dumč-ia-pievė e.g.: surname Dumčius or Lithuanian dumčius ‘thinker, adviser; prominent chief, overseer’; Merg-a-pievė e.g.: Lithuanian mergà ‘an adult unmarried woman, a girl’; Šemš-ia-pievė e.g.: surname Šemšys; Žyd-pievė e.g.: Lithuanian žydas, -ė ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’;
island ‘an area of land surrounded by water on all sides’: Biėl-salė e.g.: surname Bielys or the like; river: Kament-upis e.g.: personal name *Kamentas or the like, cf. surname Kamentavičius.
The distribution of the second constituents of land names is shown in Table 8.
TABLE 8. SECOND CONSTITUENTS OF LAND NAMES DERIVED FROM OTHER PLACE NAMES
Second constituents Quantitative expression Percentage expression
-mud- 9 29 -garden- 2 6 -hill- 6 19 -cemetery- 2 6 -road- 3 10 -meadow- 1 3 -field- 1 3 -colourful- 1 3 -meadow- 4 13 -island- 1 3 -river- 1 3
The table data show that the second constituent of most compounds contains the lexemes balà (~29%), kal̃nas (~19%), and pieva (~13%). Less frequent lexemes are kė̃lias (~10%), daržas and kãpinės (~6%); occurring singly are lankà, laũkas, márgas, salà, ùpis.
3.3.3.2. Second constituent—a proper name (river name): Žyd-šešupė (|| Išgrauža) e.g.: Lithuanian žydas, -ė ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’ and the river Šešupė.
3.3.4. SUDETINIAI ŽEMĖVARDŽIAI. Visi užrašytieji – kilmininkiniai: Brūndzų giraitė grv.: avd. Brūndza ir liet. giraitė, plg. liet. girià; Evangelikų kapai kp.: liet. evangelikai, plg. liet. evangėlikas, -ė ‘protestantas’ ir liet. kapai; Kálvio daržas dr.: liet. kálvis ‘kas verčiasi metalo kalimo amatu’ ir liet. daržas ‘žemės sklypas prie sodybos daržovėms’; Marijonų kapai kp.: liet. marijōnai, plg. liet. marijōnas ‘Marijos ordino vienuolis’ ir liet. kapai; Stačiūtiškių kapai kp.: liet. stačiūtiškiai, plg. liet. stačiūtiškis, -ė ‘kas išpažįsta
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‘Orthodoxy’ and Lithuanian graves; Žuvėlės Meadow e.g.: personal name Žuvėlė, Žuvelis and Lithuanian meadow. All the place names presented have a possessive meaning.
3.4. Place names of possibly dual origin
In several cases, it was difficult to determine whether the place names were formed from personal names derived from names of plants, birds, and other animals, geobotanical terms, or the like, or from appellatives—plant names or other common nouns. In terms of word formation, these are derivatives and compounds.
3.4.1. SUFFIXAL DERIVATIVES:
-inė: Baland-inė e.g.: personal name Balandis or Lithuanian balarādis ‘a bird of this kind, a dove; a wild pigeon (Columba)’; Mešk-inė e.g.: personal name Meška, Meškis or Lithuanian meška ‘bear’; Lithuanian meškis, meškis ‘bear, male bear; a fat, fairly large foal’; Padaž-inė e.g.: Lithuanian padažas ‘food seasoning, dip’ or from Lithuanian padažinis, -ė ‘sauce-like, liquid’; Šer-inė e.g.: personal name Šerys or Lithuanian šerys ‘poor, coarse grass’; on the other hand, derivation from Lithuanian šerinis, -ė ‘rough, stiff like bristles’ cannot be ruled out; Vanag-inė e.g.: personal name Vanagas or Lithuanian vānagas ‘a species in the hawk subfamily, a bird of prey with a short hooked beak and sharp talons’;
-iškė: Kātar-iškė village, e.g.: personal name *Katara or similar, cf. personal name Katárskis; further cf. village resident Stanislaw Katarunes in 1638 (IAK), or borrowed katara ‘hut, tent’; Šaln-iškė e.g.: personal name Šalna or Lithuanian šalna ‘hoarfrost, frost’;
-iškis: Brid-iškis derivative, e.g.: village resident *Bridys or similar, cf. personal name Bridžius, or Lithuanian bridà ‘a ford; wetness, mud’; Kanap-iškis e.g.: personal name Kanāpis or Lithuanian kanāpė, kanāpis ‘a cultivated plant whose stem yields fibre and whose seeds are pressed for oil; the seed or grain of that plant (Cannabis sativa)’.
3.4.2. COMPOUNDS:
balà: Strāzdž-ia-balė compound: personal name Strāzdas or Lithuanian strāzdas ‘a songbird (Turdus)’; Šārk-a-balė e.g.: personal name Šārka or Lithuanian šārka ‘a member of the crow family with white feathers on its wings (Pica pica)’; Šlek-balė e.g.: personal name Šlekys or related to Lithuanian šlek ‘rough (a shimmering effect described by repetition)’, cf. Lithuanian šlekėti, šleka, -ėjo ‘to flow, trickle’; Vanag-balė e.g.: personal name Vānagas or Lithuanian vānagas ‘a species in the hawk subfamily, a bird of prey with a short hooked beak and sharp talons’;
būda: Žebr-ā-būdis e.g.: personal name Žebrys or similar, or Lithuanian žebras, -ā ‘spotted, variegated’;
pieva: Galīn-pievė e.g.: personal name Galīnis or Lithuanian galinis, -ė ‘the end part of an object (beginning, end)’, cf. Lithuanian gālas ‘edge, boundary; limit’.
3.5. Place names of unclear origin
Several place names of unclear origin and formation have been recorded, about which one can speculate: Drapiev-iškis e.g. – perhaps a derivative with the suffix -išk-, whose stem Drapiev- (< *Drap-piev-) may be linked to the personal names Drapà, Drapas, or similar, and Lithuanian pieva ‘meadow’; Grainės stream – could be related to the loanword *grainė or similar; compare German greinen ‘to whimper, lament, moan’ (Križi-
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nauskas 1992: 450); Šilam-balė pv. – greičiausiai anketose užrašyta netiksli pievos vardo lytis; sudėtinio vietovardžio pirmojo sando šilam- leksemos atitikmenų rasti nepavyko, bet manant, kad dėl priebalsių supanašėjimo šilam- atsirado iš šilan-, tai pastarasis sandas galėtų būti asmenvardinės kilmės, atsiradęs iš avd. *Šilanas ar pan., plg. pv. Šilánskas, Šilánskis.
The table below shows which origins predominate among the names of various other surface features in Marijampolė District and which formation method is most common. The data are given as numbers and percentages (see Table 9).
TABLE 9. METHODS OF FORMATION AND ORIGIN OF LAND NAMES
Land names by origin | Land names by formation | Primary | Derivative | Inflectional endings | Suffixes | Prefixes | Compounds (compound words) | Composite | Total | From common nouns | 91 | 2 | 55 | – | 50 | 11 | 209 (~61%) | From other place names | 1 | – | 1 | – | 1 | 7 | 10 (~3%) | From personal names and appellative designations of persons | 1 | – | 66 | – | 32 | 6 | 105 (~30%) | Possibly of dual origin | – | – | 11 | – | 6 | – | 17 (~5%) | Of unclear origin | 1 | – | 1 | – | 1 | – | 4 (~1%) | Total | 94 (~27%) | 2 (~1%) | 134 (~39%) | – | 90 (~26%) | 24 (~7%) | 345
The research results show that most of the names recorded in this district are those of minor surface features derived from common nouns, while half as many derive from personal names and appellative designations of persons; the most common formation method is suffixation.
4. CONCLUSIONS
Following an analysis of the formation and origin of all three layers of place names in Marijampolė District (hydronyms, settlement names, and land names), it can be stated that these layers are distinct and characteristic, yet also share similarities. The following conclusions can therefore be drawn:
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4.1. Formation
4.1.1. Studies of place-name formation show that there are more secondary place names (their proportion ranges from 66% in the layer of settlement names to 86% in the layer of hydronyms). Primary place names are more characteristic of the layer of settlement names (they account for about one third of these place names—34%; they make up 27% of the layer of land names and 14% of the layer of hydronyms).
4.1.2. Among secondary place names, the group of suffixal derivatives is the largest in all layers. Suffixal derivatives are most numerous among settlement names (~45%) and least numerous in the layer of hydronyms (~37%).
4.1.3. Place names formed by compounding are more characteristic of hydronyms (~33%) and land names (~26%); compound place names, which are not numerous in the respective layers, are more common in the layer of hydronyms (~10%).
4.1.4. In all layers of place names, ending and prefixal derivatives are the least numerous. Ending derivatives account for ~6% of the hydronym layer, while prefixal derivatives account for only ~4% of the settlement-name layer.
4.2. Origin
4.2.1. By origin, most place names derive from common nouns (appellatives): ~71% of hydronyms and ~61% of land names.
4.2.2. In the layer of settlement names, place names derived from personal names and appellative designations of persons predominate (~70%). This basis is also characteristic of land names (~30%) and hydronyms (~23%).
ABBREVIATIONS FOR LOCATION REFERENCES
Graž – Gražiškiai (Vilkaviškis district)
Gž – Gižai (Vilkaviškis district)
JRgŽ – Jūrgežeriai (Marijampolė district)
Ldvn – Liudvinavas (Marijampolė district)
Lzd – Lazdijai
Mrj – Marijampolė
Mškč – Meškučiai (Marijampolė district)
Pdvn – Padovinys (Marijampolė district)
Prn – Prienai
Ras – Rasiai (Vilkaviškis district)
Šauk – Šaukenai (Kelmė district)
Šil – Šilavotas (Prienai district)
Šn – Šunskai (Marijampolė district)
Šst – Šeštokai (Lazdijai district)
Trkš – Trakiškiai (Marijampolė district)
Vg – Vaiguva (Kelmė District)
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OTHER ABBREVIATIONS
ar. – plowing, arable land
aukšt. – upland
b. – swamp
brus. – Belarusian
d. – hollow
dr. – soil
drb. ž. – cultivated land
drp. – peat bog
drž. – garden
dv. – manor
gyv. vt. – place of residence
gelež. st. – railway station
gn. – pasture
grv. – ditch
village
part of a village
pond
road
hill
mound
cemetery
shore
field
Latvian
part of a field
Polish
plain
Lithuanian
hollow
town
mstl. – small town
mš. – forest
niek. – pejorative, pejoratively
of. – official, officially
plg. – compare
plk. – bog
plkln. – hillfort
pkrnt. – shore
pr. – Prussian
prd. – pond
prk. – figurative meaning
ppr. – usually
pv. – meadow
rus. – Russian
s. – island
slav. – Slavic
sklp. – plot (land plot)
sod. – homestead
šlt. – spring
tk. – path
tv. – pond
upl. – stream
up. vaga – riverbed
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vok. – German; vs. – isolated homestead; vškl. – highway; vt. – place; ž. – land
ABBREVIATIONS OF SOURCES
ATSŽ – Directory of the Administrative-Territorial Division of the Lithuanian SSR 1–2, Vilnius, 1974, 1976.
IAK – Historical Personal Names Card Index of the Onomastics Department of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language
LHĖŽ –1981: Lietuvių hidronimų etimologinis žodynas, VANAGAS, A. red., Vilnius: Mokslas, 1981.
LKŽ – Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language 1–20, Vilnius, 1956–2002.
LPŽ – Dictionary of Lithuanian Surnames 1–2, edited by A. VANAGAS, Vilnius: Mokslas.
SBM – Dictionary of the Belarusian Language, Minsk: Publishing House “Belarusian Soviet Encyclopedia” named after Petrus Broŭka, 1987.
SJP – Dictionary of the Polish Language 1–8, Warsaw, 1902–1927.
SNP – Dictionary of Surnames Currently Used in Poland 1–10, published by K. RYMUT, Kraków: Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of the Polish Language, 1992–1994.
VŽ – Vietovardžių žodynas, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas, 2002.
WSPR – Great Polish-Russian Dictionary, Warsaw–Moscow: Wiedza Powszechna, Soviet Encyclopedia, 1967.
LITERATŪRA
ALMINAUSKIS, K. 1934: Instrukcija Lietuvos žemės valdymui surašyti, Klaipėda: Rytas.
BILKIS, L. 1997: Lietuvių helonimai: termino teikimas, sąvoka, vieta toponiminėje sistemoje. Lituanistica 1 (29), 35–57.
BILKIS, L. 1998: Lietuvių priesaginės darybos helonimai. Daktaro disertacija, Vilnius.
BILKIS, L. 1999: Lietuvių priesaginiai deminutyviniai helonimai. Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 41, 51–95.
BUTKUS, 1995: Lietuvių pravardės, Kaunas: Aesti.
JONIKAS, P. 1968/1990: Asmenvardžiai ir vietovardžiai, Lietuvių enciklopedija 15, Boston: Lietuvių enciklopedijų leidykla. Perleista: Vilnius: Lietuvos enciklopedijų redakcija, 1990.
KRIŽINAUSKAS, J. 1992: Vokiečių–lietuvių kalbų žodynas 1, Vilnius: Mokslas.
KUZAVINIS, K., SAVUKYNAS, B. 1997: Lietuvių vardų kilmės žodynas, Vilnius: Mokslas.
MAŽIULIS, V. 1988: Prūsų kalbos etimologijos žodynas 1, Vilnius: Mokslas.
MICKIENĖ, I. 2001: Telšių rajono toponimų daryba. Daktaro disertacija, Kaunas.
RAZMUKAITĖ, M. 1983: Asmenvardiniai priesaginės darybos Lietuvos TSR oikonimai. Lietuvos TSR mokslų akademijos darbai. A ser. 2 (83), 146–153.
RAZMUKAITĖ, M. 1991: Lietuvos oikonimai, išvesti iš kitų oikonimų. Lituanistica 2 (6), 53–60.
RAZMUKAITĖ, M. 1994a: Klaipėdos krašto oikonimija. Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 31, 152–162.
RAZMUKAITĖ, M. 1994b: Šeštokai ar Šeštokai? Gimtoji kalba 7, 12–13.
RAZMUKAITĖ, M. 1998: Lietuvos priesaginiai oikonimai. Daktaro disertacija, Vilnius.
RAZMUKAITĖ, M. 2001a: Gyvenamųjų vietų vardai. Lygumai. Stačiūnai. Vilnius: Versmė, 589–593.
RAZMUKAITĖ, M. 2001b: Raguvos apylinkių gyvenamųjų vietų vardai. Raguva. Vilnius: Versmė, 788–792.
RAZMUKAITĖ, M. 2001c: Gyvenamųjų vietų vardai. Veliuona. Vilnius: Versmė, 589–593.
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Razmukaitė, M. 2002: Viduklės apylinkių vardynas. Viduklė. Kaunas: Simono Stanevičiaus bendrija, 1062–1071.
Razmukaitė, M. 2003: Seredžiaus apylinkių gyvenamųjų vietų vardai. Seredžius. Vilnius: Versmė, 929–931.
Razmukaitė, M. 2004: Kvėdarnos apylinkių gyvenamųjų vietų vardai (kilmė ir daryba). Kvėdarna. Vilnius: Versmė, 865–869.
Savukynas, B. 1960: Ežerų vardai. Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 3, 219–226.
Savukynas, B. 1963: Kilmininkiniai lietuvių vietovardžiai. Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 6, 235–246.
Vaitkevičiūtė, V. 1979: Lenkų–lietuvių kalbų žodynas, Vilnius: Mokslas.
Vanagas, A. 1967: Lietuvos gyvenamųjų vietų vardai, kilę iš vienaskaitos asmenvardžio. Baltistica 3 (1), 111–116.
Vanagas, A. 1970: Lietuvos TSR hidronimų daryba, Vilnius: Mintis.
Vanagas, A. 1975: Vietovardžių norminimas. Kalbos kultūra 28, 48–57.
Vanagas, A. 1980: K. Būga – lietuvių onomastikos pradininkas. Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 20, 7–35.
Vanagas, A. 1990: Ойконимы Литвы с суффиксами славянского происхождения -ava, -avas. M. Kondratiuk, red., Balto-słowiańskie związki językowe. Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków: Zakład Narodowy imienia Ossolińskich, Wydawnictwo Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 381–388.
Vanagas, A. 1991a: Vietovardžių norminimo principai. Gimtoji kalba 4, 11–14.
Vanagas, A. 1991b: Vietovardžių norminimo principai (2). Gimtoji kalba 5, 4–7.
Vanagas, A. 1996: Lietuvos miestų vardai, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla. Vilnius: Mokslas.
Dalia Sviderskienė Lietuvių kalbos institutas P. Vileišio g. 5, 10308 Vilnius, Lietuva [email protected]
Gauta 2004 09 14
