PIETRO U. DINI

University of Pisa

Research interests: language history, the history of the Baltic languages, historiography of linguistics, Prussian studies.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.35321/al182-09

THE CATALAN “MEDIUM-SIZED” LANGUAGE (POSSIBLE PARALLELS WITH LITHUANIAN)¹

0. INTRODUCTION

In this overview, my aim is narrow and limited. First, I will present the Catalan linguistic area and its terminological diversity in very general terms; next, I will illustrate the history of this language synthetically and pause at some controversial points, especially the linguistic polemic between representatives of Castilian and Catalan over the use of language in public life. This polemic continued throughout the twentieth century and has persisted to the present day².

Finally, I will examine the present and future of Catalan through the concept indicated in the title—that is, as a “medium-sized” language—and reveal what this perspective entails.

To establish the general context of this overview, it is worth looking at the linguistic situation in the Kingdom of Spain—that is, multilingual Spain, which has four languages, of which only one, Castilian, is considered official throughout the state, while the others are considered co-official, but only in certain territories: Galician, Basque, and, in particular, Catalan. I will remind readers that in the Principality of Andorra, Catalan is the state’s official language.

¹ *This paper was delivered in Vilnius at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language on the occasion of the 26th Jablonskis Conference, on 3 October 2019. The author thanks J. Sabaševičiūtė for the translation and Acad. Prof. G. Blažienė for editorial assistance. The article deliberately retains features of the style of an oral presentation.

² This issue is examined, for example, in: Barbour, Carmichael 2002; Jörg 2013; Kraus 2015.

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FIG. 1. The area of the Catalan language

1. BRIEF DESCRIPTIONS

The Catalan-speaking area covers the entire Mediterranean region—Catalonia (Catalunya), Valencia (València), França de Ponent (the border area with Aragon), Andorra (Andorra), the Balearic Islands (Illes Balears), Northern Catalonia in France (Catalunya Nord), and Alghero in Sardinia (Alguer).

The Catalan-speaking community comprises people living in several regions who use a common language, although linguistic expression and the accompanying social discourse differ from region to region. Catalan is spoken by about 9 million people in Europe and a further 350,000 in South America.

The traditional internal classification of Catalan is based on a single geographical criterion distinguishing eastern from western dialects and subdialects, which in turn is based on phonetic distinctions. The neutralization of the sound /a/ in unstressed position is considered particularly important. This classification is accepted by both traditional dialectology, represented, for example, by Manuel Milà i Fontanals (19th century), and more recent dialectology, represented, for example, by Joan Veny (20th century). In addition, certain transitional dialects are also known, near Aragon, near Occitan, and elsewhere. Some other dialects are also known, but no longer exist today, such as those in Algeria, Sicily, Naples, and Sardinia (apart from Alghero).

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FIG. 2. Catalan dialects

2. A FEW HISTORICAL NOTES

In very brief terms, it is worth recalling that the linguistic variety that emerged from Vulgar Latin acquired the characteristic features of Catalan around the 11th century, and over several centuries its area changed little³.

2.1. In the 14th century, Catalan reached its zenith. At that time it was used across a vast area stretching from the Principality of Catalonia itself to what is now southern France, Aragon, and Valencia, as well as the Balearic Islands, southern Italy, North Africa, and Greece.

Until the 15th century, the language flourished in literature (initially alongside Provençal) and philosophy (one need only recall Ramon Llull (1232–1316)). In the 16th century, Catalonia’s political decline began. It lost territories such as Roussillon, among others. At the same time, Castile’s political power grew. The decisive date was 1714, when the “War of the Spanish Succession” ended, and the city of Barcelona

³ For discussion of the issue addressed in this section, see syntheses such as Tavani 1994; Nadal, Prats 2001; the reference work is Nadal, Prats 1982; 1996; Francés, Amorós 2011.

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[Catalonia] is defeated by the allied armies of Castile and France. The Bourbon dynasty begins, along with a period of subjugation for Catalonia.

The process of Castilianization continued over the following centuries; the Catalan language lost its prestige, and its regional variations became increasingly pronounced. The decline of Catalan language and culture continued until the so-called Renai­xenços. The Renai­xenços movement emerged as a poetic movement during the Romantic period. The conditional and symbolic act marking the establishment of the Renai­xenços movement was the late-Romantic-inspired poem Oda a la patria, that is, “Ode to the Homeland” (1832), written in 1833 by the poet Bonaventura Carles Aribau i Farriols (1798–1862).

2.2. Renai­xen­ça means “rebirth” in Lithuanian, both literally and historically. If we continue the comparison, we will find many interesting parallels between the situations of Lithuania and Catalonia. The two linguistic communities—the Lithuanian and the Catalan—experienced the abandonment of their languages by the upper social classes at roughly the same time; both were subjected to repeated attempts to replace their languages; and both developed a keen interest in and commitment to ecological ideas. On closer inspection, it is not difficult to find intellectual literary figures similar in style, themes, and forms of expression. I have in mind poets such as Jonas Mačiulis (1862–1932), a priest better known as Maironis, and the priest mossèn Jacint Verdaguer (1845–1902), or Simonas Daukantas (1793–1864), Motiejus Valančius (1801–1875), and, for example, Josep Yxart (1852–1895), Joaquim Casas-Carbó (1858–1943), and Carles Riba (1893–1959). I would also like to emphasize the similarities between the work of Jonas Jablonskis (1860–1930), creator of the standard language, and that of Pompeu Fabra (1868–1948), his Catalan counterpart.

There could be more comparisons… However, it should also be made clear that, alongside reasoned comparisons between Lithuania and Catalonia, there are profound differences: throughout its history, Lithuania never had a significant large bourgeois class like Catalonia’s (partly like Livonia, though it too was in the hands of a population of German composition), and as a result it always remained tied to its agrarian origins, both socially and culturally.

2.3. An important moment in the Catalans’ recovery and reclaiming of their language was the Jocs Florals (Lith. Žiedų žaidimai, “Flower Games”), that is, oral poetry competitions that were very widespread and popular. Incidentally, it is easy to notice many parallels and similarities with what happened in Lithuania itself at roughly the same time (cf. the Song Festivals).

In the second half of the nineteenth century, and especially around the turn of the century, when a modern industrial society took shape in Catalonia, the Renai­xenços movement itself acquired clearer and stronger identity and political features, which were, of course, intolerable to the Kingdom of Spain. The first marker of identity was the language, and it was precisely the language that

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was targeted by state censorship. The emergence of the Catalan nation’s patriotic movement can be dated to this period and these experiences. These ideas were developed and presented in two books that remain foundational writings of the Catalanist movement: Valentí Almirall i Llozer’s (1841–1904) Lo catalanisme (1866) and Enric Prat de la Riba’s (1870–1927) La Nacionalitat Catalana (1892). They clearly set out the idea that language is the principal marker of identity in defining Catalan nationality.

FIG. 3. Valentí Almirall i Llozer and the cover of his book. Linguists Pompeu Fabra and Antoni Alcover

From 1914, Catalonia’s main administrative provinces (diputacions)—Barcelona, Girona, Tarragona, and Lleida—were grouped together under the name Mancomunitat de Catalunya. The Mancomunitat had considerable political significance, since, for the first time after the events of 1714, the Kingdom of Spain recognized Catalonia’s territorial unity.

The Mancomunitat was even more significant for the revival of Catalan culture. It is particularly worth recalling that the Institut d’Estudis Catalans was founded at that time, that is,

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The Institute of Catalan Studies, one of whose main tasks was to standardize the language. The codification of Catalan progressed rapidly thanks to Pompeu Fabra (1868–1948), who initiated an orthographic reform based on the etymological principle. Pompeu Fabra’s role is comparable to that of Jonas Jablonskis (1860–1930). Incidentally, the two language standardizers lived at roughly the same time.

Dar minėtina, kad tais metais Antoni Alcover (1862–1932) parašė fundamentinį leksikografinį veikalą Dictionari català–valencià–balear, t. y. Katalonų–valensiečių–baleary žodyną. Kad iškart visiems būtų aišku, reikia pabrėžti, kad savo svarba šis veikalas prilygsta Kazimiero Būgos (1879–1924) pradėtam didžiajam Lietuvių kalbos žodynui.

2.4. Catalan political and national claims have always been closely connected with language and linguistic self-awareness. It can be said that language and literary tradition were the macroscopic data of this political dimension. The very concept of the history of Catalan literature was shaped on the basis of the ideas of Romanticism in the second half of the nineteenth century. The role of language and literature in the creation of Catalan identity is a political discourse that began with Renaixença and in a certain sense continues to this day.

For centuries, a linguistic polemic has raged over whether it is sensible for Catalans to use Catalan, whether Catalan writers ought to write their works in Catalan, or whether it would be wiser for them to abandon Catalan and use only Castilian... The objections have long been familiar. Many times throughout history, minority cultures, depending on circumstances, have been “encouraged” to use the linguistic codes of expression of different dominant cultures—a consequence of cultural hegemony. Incidentally, the history of the Lithuanian language itself is not without similar cases.

The experience of many “small homelands” teaches one lesson worth repeating and reflecting on: the importance of the language factor, that is, the strong connection between national consciousness and linguistic awareness. Every literature, at its inception, created a mythical bond with the language of the nation; the nation itself is a fundamental and changing element, that is, a promise of identity in the making, dynamic and ongoing.

3. LINGUISTIC POLEMICS

It is worth presenting below some episodes of this kind of linguistic polemic over the past centuries, since they will reveal the actual power relations between the two

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languages mentioned in Spanish society, as well as lead us directly to the present and its contradictions^⁴

^⁴ FIG. Leopoldo Alas Clarín, Enric Prat de la Riba, Miguel de Unamuno, Eugeni d’Ors

3.1. The first noteworthy episode is the polemic between the Castilian writer Leopoldo Alas Clarín (1852–1901) and the Catalan cultural figure Enric Prat de la Riba (1870–1917). According to Clarín, Catalan was merely a dialect, in no way comparable to much more powerful languages such as Castilian, French, or Italian. In Clarín’s view, Catalan was, in Darwinian terms, among the dialects that had not prevailed (“entre los dialectos que no han prevalecido”) and therefore Catalan writers would do well to write only in Castilian, especially works of prose.

From a linguistic point of view, Clarín’s position is, of course, unsatisfactory, but such a contrast held primarily political significance for him. The issue here is not so much the relationship between language and dialect as that between language and power. Thus the Castilian language’s supposed “glottophagic” right to “consume”—that is, to displace and incorporate—other languages was once asserted, in accordance with the well-known vision of Antonio de Nebrija (1441–1522), that “language

^⁴This section draws particularly on Rigobon 2018.

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is a companion of empire” (la lengua es compañera del imperio), if necessary using weapons as well. The aforementioned reply by Prat de la Riba may have been merely ironic. His view was, of course, quite different. He had no doubt whatsoever about the importance of language in creating Catalan identity. But saying this too loudly was, naturally, dangerous.

3.2. Another interesting polemical moment occurred between the famous Castilian writer Miguel de Unamuno (1864–1936) and his friend, the Catalan writer Joan Maragall (1860–1911). This time, too, the stance is clearly hegemonic, and the Catalans are paternalistically urged to abandon their own language and use the more widely spoken Castilian.

Let us recall the anecdote about Miguel de Unamuno, who, at once seriously and wittily, asks his friend Joan Maragall why he prefers a Catalan blunderbuss (a fourteenth-century firearm) to a Castilian Mauser. He was answered with remarkable prescience by the then little-known young Catalan writer Eugeni d’Ors (1881–1954): “Unamuno is right: as the weapon of its own imperialism, the Castilian chooses the Mauser. But other world wars require other Mausers, ‘more Mauser-like’ than the Castilian one, n’est ce pas, my dear?” (incidentally, quite unknowingly, Eugeni d’Ors was already using Europanto—that is, the artificial mixed language used by the administration of the European Union!).

FIG. 5. Julián Marías

FIG. 6. Maurici Serrahima

3.3. In Franco’s Spain of the previous century, the question was once again raised as to why obstinate Catalan writers used Catalan... Catalans are not now explicitly urged to replace their language, but it is said that Catalan should nevertheless be restricted. The representative of the state center at this time is Julián Marías (1914–2005), the best-known disciple of the philosopher José Ortega y Gasset. He dogmatically and insistently asserted that “Catalonia has never been a nation” (Cataluña no ha sido nunca una nación) and proposed the so-called “linguistic-house argument”: the Catalan house has two floors; Catalan lives on the first floor, serving all family and everyday needs, while on the second floor

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Castilian lives, serving all other functions. The extensive use of Catalan could become a factor in the “Tibetanization of Catalonia”; Julián Marías therefore proposed a solution of “asymmetrical bilingualism,” akin to diglossia, and at the same time urged Catalans to impose limits on themselves—that is, consciously not to use their own language in many social functions—even though he acknowledged the priority of Catalan in family life and poetry...

This time, too, the Catalan reply may have been cautious and polite. Maurici Serrahima (1902–1979), a representative of Catholic Catalanism and therefore more acceptable to the national-Catholic ideology cultivated by Franco, attempted to formulate it. Maurici Serrahima’s view was diametrically opposed to Julián Marías’s. The Catalans are a nation; they are monolingual by nature; Castilian is the language they have learned (understand: imposed on them); and, finally, a Catalan writer wants to write in his own language—that is, in Catalan.

3.4. As we can see, linguistic monotheism prevailed in Franco’s Spain (and, to some extent, after Franco). In all the cases discussed, Catalan writers were repeatedly urged to abandon their so-called local language and switch to the so-called more universal language, namely Castilian. They were insistently required to explain or justify why they continued to use their mother tongue...

It is interesting and, at the same time, surprising that even in 2007, when Catalonia was the guest of honor at the Frankfurt Book Fair, the question was raised whether Catalan literature could be created in Castilian... Perhaps no comment is needed.

4. THE CATALAN “MEDIUM-SIZED” LANGUAGE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION

It is now worth looking at the situation in today’s European Union^⁵. Languages there are divided into two main groups: on the one hand, officially recognized languages (so to speak, first-class languages), and, on the other, regional and minority languages (so to speak, second-class languages), which are theoretically protected under the 1992 European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (cf. Carta 1992). Catalan belongs to the second group. On the other hand, the position of languages in the Kingdom of Spain (about 47 million) differs greatly from that of languages elsewhere in Europe, for example in the Swiss Confederation (8.5 million), or elsewhere still, such as Canada (about 38 million).

^⁵ This section draws especially on Vila, Bretxa 2013; Bastardas i Boada, Boix-Fuster, Torrens Guer­rini 2018.

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Finally, I will explain the concept that gave this paper its title. To describe new and complex linguistic situations around the world properly and adequately, a new classification of languages is being developed. This is the result of a project by the Centre for Sociolinguistics and Communication at the University of Barcelona. The research focused specifically on “medium-sized” linguistic communities and “medium-sized” languages. But what is a medium-sized community, and what is a medium-sized language? And what are their characteristics? This is an unconventional classification, that is, neither genealogical nor typological; instead, it is based purely on a quantitative criterion. The indicator in this classification is the so-called “medium-sized” linguistic community. Among the languages of the world, a group of “medium-sized” languages is recognized⁶.

A “medium-sized” linguistic community is considered to be one with a population of at least one million (some say half a million) and up to 25 million speakers. In other words, these are sufficiently large communities to have administrative, academic, communication, and political resources (though perhaps not entirely autonomous ones). Based on this categorization, it is easy to see that Catalan is by no means a small language.

5. A MINORITY LANGUAGE?

To explain properly the question of Catalan as a minority language in the context of the Kingdom of Spain and Europe, it is worth considering the contrast between self-perception in the Kingdom of Spain versus territorial reality and demolinguistics in the European context.

Let us look at the Catalan-speaking area (32,108 km²). It is larger than some European countries, for example Belgium (about 30,500 km²), Albania (about 28,750 km²), Macedonia (about 25,700 km²), Kosovo (about 10,890 km²), the Netherlands (about 7,510 km²), Luxembourg (about 2,586 km²), and so on.

The same can be said about the number of speakers. In fact, around 9 million people speak Catalan, not that many fewer than Greek (10.7 million) and more than Dutch (7.0 million), Bulgarian (6.9 million), Danish (5.8 million), Finnish (5.5 million), Norwegian (4.7 million), Albanian (2.9 million), Lithuanian (2.8 million), Macedonian (1.7 million), Latvian (1.7 million), Irish (1.7 million), Estonian (1.3 million), Luxembourgish (0.6 million), and Icelandic (0.3 million).

It so happens that it is customary to view the situation through the prism of the Kingdom of Spain, which obscures the statistical reality; however, in the European context, the territorial and demolinguistic reality of Catalan is clearly visible—making it harder (or

⁶The term used in English is medium-sized language communities.

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(it is simply difficult) to speak of a minority or a minor language. It will be easier to understand the position and reality of the Catalan language if we place it in a list of languages and states.

It goes without saying that, in this context, language policy is an especially important means of maintaining the use of a minority language (in this case, Catalan). For example, the use of Catalan in schools has until now been a means of integration and cohesion, but recently it has become one of the main causes of political friction. According to data from InformeCat (2016; 2018: 23–30), Castilian-speaking families living in Catalonia complain that Castilian is discriminated against in Catalan schools.

Moreover, in recent decades, considerable migration has also been observed in Catalonia, especially from Africa (the Maghreb), as well as from South American countries. The situation is becoming particularly acute in the current context of so-called globalization, which seeks to eliminate historical nations and the very idea of nationality. At the same time, every effort is being made to turn societies into cosmopolitan ones, for example, by artificially encouraging multicultural migration, thus laying the foundations for future “wars between the poor.” All this is happening solely for the benefit of the stateless stratum of the financial elite...

Such aims, of course, run counter to traditional ecosystems, first and foremost national ecosystems, with or without a state, because a traditional way of life and a living linguistic diversity among people still exist within them.

Another important factor worth noting is so-called subjective ethnolinguistic vitality, that is, the speakers’ own perception of the importance of their language.

In Catalonia, Catalan speakers acknowledge a fairly high level of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality. Most continue to use Catalan as their first language when raising children (sometimes Catalan is also used in Castilian-speaking families). However, their perception of the importance and usefulness of their language differs when it is compared with neighbouring languages, namely Castilian, French, and perhaps Italian—and, of course, when compared with English.

Moreover, in some areas where Catalan is spoken, such as Valencia and the Balearic Islands, a powerful particularism has taken root, with Valencian and Mallorcan dialects spoken more often than Catalan. This has produced a territorial fragmentation and disintegration effect, leading not only to an actual reduction in the territory of a unified Catalan-speaking community, but also to a symbolic weakening of the Catalan linguistic domain.

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6. IN LIEU OF CONCLUSIONS

From what has been said, it is clear that Catalan is fully entitled to belong to the group of “medium-sized” languages. However, it is not a state language, except in the case of Andorra, and therefore has no state administration. All of this is compensated for, as far as it can be, by the Generalitat de Catalunya, which is in fact merely a sub-state.

In this situation, the autonomy of the Catalan-speaking community is dramatically reduced in many important respects that are essential to maintaining the vitality of any language.

Finally, the question must be raised: what might the future challenge be for the language of a “medium-sized” community? These communities exhibit a high degree of institutional complexity in every sphere of society: in families, universities, business settings, and online. It is worth noting that scholarly research is at great risk. On the other hand, this is not a challenge faced only by “medium-sized” languages. The effect of morbus anglicus is known throughout the world.

To sum up, the greatest risk factors for the language of a “medium-sized” community can be identified as follows: 1. Political subordination; 2. Mass immigration; 3. Globalization.

As we approach the end, it should be said that globalization, although it has tried in every way to erase them, has not (yet) erased state borders and the national sentiments associated with them. Formal borders remain. However, whereas it used to be customary to learn—or at least acquire some knowledge of—the languages of neighbouring states, that is no longer the case. Borders remain formally, but communication takes place in lingua franca, which is most often English. This means that borders are becoming increasingly formal; they no longer have cultural content, and no substance remains (incidentally, the content of national constitutions is also being hollowed out, diminished, and “evaporated” from within).

Finally, by way of conclusion, I would like to recall the words of the eminent novelist and recently deceased professor at the University of Basel, Germà Colon (1928–2020), from the beginning of the seventeenth year (Colon 1971: 10). He said that the future of the Catalan language was rather bleak; nevertheless, it had endured for four centuries without becoming the poor man’s patois or a mere folkloric curiosity (as happened, for example, to Occitan). This is a people, Germà Colon stressed, that, despite having endured many hardships, refuses to give up the noblest part of its identity.

I think these words are apt today as well, although, to be honest, I am not sure whether this means things are getting better or worse…

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LITERATŪRA

Barbour Stephen, Carmichael Cathie 2002: Language and Nationalism in Europe, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Bastardas i Boada Albert, Boix-Fuster Emili, Torrens Guerrini Rosa Maria 2018: El català, llengua mitjana d’Europa. Multilingüisme, globalització i sostenibilitat lingüística, Barcelona: Octaedro.

Carta 1992: Carta Europea per a les Llengües Regionals i Minoritàries, Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya. Departament de Cultura.

Colon Germà 1971: La lingua catalana, ieri e oggi. – In Sergio Salvi, ed., Il terzo mondo in Europa. Problemi delle minoranze etniche europee, Il Bimestre, 3–1/2; Catalunya, ed., Giuseppe Tavani, p. vii-x.

Francés Antoni Ferrando, Amorós Miquel Nicolàs 2011: Història de la llengua catalana (Nova edició revisada i ampliada), Barcelona: Editorial UOC.

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InformeCat 2018: Plataforma per la llengua, InformeCat 2018. 50 dades sobre la llengua catalana. Prieiga internete: https://www.plataformallengua.cat/media/upload/pdf/informecat2018_1528713023.pdf

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Nadal Josep M., Prats Modest 2001: Història de la llengua, Enciclopèdia de la llengua catalana, Barcelona: Edicions 62.

Rigobon Patrizio 2018: Lingua e tradizione letteraria: la valenza politica della singolarità catalana, in La nazione catalana. Storia, lingua, politica, Costituzione nella prospettiva plurinazionale, Napoli: Editoriale Scientifica, 25–43.

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Veny Joan 1978: Estudis de geolingüística catalana, Barcelona: Edicions 62.

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Vila F. Xavier, Bretxa Vanessa 2013: The Analysis of Medium-Sized Language Communities. – In Vila F.X., Survival and Development of Language Communities, Bristol: Multilingual Matters, 1–17.

Įteikta 2020 m. balandžio 7 d.

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via S. Maria 36, I-56126 Pisa, Italija

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