LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XXXVIII (1997)

Nijolė ČEPIENĖ

NON-FOLK ETYMOLOGIES (CLARIFICATION OF THE ORIGIN OF SEVERAL GERMAN LOANWORDS)

When linguists are unable to explain the origin of a loanword and cannot find a suitable base word, they sometimes associate it with a native word of similar sound and related meaning that coincides with it in part of its morphemic composition; that is, they rely on folk etymology.

Data from German make it possible to clarify the origin of some loanwords without matching them to native words.

Auslenderis, auslenderis zool. ‘cockchafer (Melolontha)’ and other variants, widespread around Tauragė (see LKA I 157, map 84) and around Šilalė and Telšiai, have the forms auslinda, auslinda, auslinda, which probably derive from German Linde ‘linden tree’; compare Old Saxon linda, North Germanic lind (Kluge 1957: 441), Prussian /hereafter Pr.v./ Lenne ‘maple’ (Fr II 20) (nn from nd through assimilation, Lasch 1914: § 323), with the addition of the German preposition aus ‘out of’. Forms with -a may have come from German dialects with vocalized -a instead of -er; compare raka ‘reckless person, rascal’, brōda ‘brother’ (Mitzka 1919: § 61), mutā, fqōtā ‘mother’, ‘father’ (Wenzel 1919: § 110). In the places mentioned, the cockchafer is called ‘linden (maple) [beetle], from the linden (maple)’, because it feeds on the leaves of these trees. The forms given above should not be associated with ‘crawl into the ear’; compare the sentence given alongside this word in LKŽ I 505: ‘Children, be careful in the evening that an auslinda does not crawl into your ear’ (Užv).

Baldė ‘wooden vessel, small tub, low little barrel’ is recorded in J. Basanavičius’s tales (BsMt II 186) and is used in Samogitian dialects (Prk, Klp, Plng); compare Prussian Balge ‘large tub for washing clothes’ (Fr 51), Middle Low German balge ‘tub, bath’ (Sehwers 1953: 8). O. Bušas (Bušs 1987: 142) believes that the consonant d may have arisen through contamination with Lithuanian baldai ‘furniture’. However, there is no need to align this loanword with baldų ‘furniture’, since W. Ziesemer’s dictionary gives Prussian forms with d: baldį, bāldį ‘wooden vessel’ (PrW I 379), which are probably the basis for Lithuanian baldė.

In addition, Lithuanian baldai in the sense ‘various household objects’, found in the writings of S. Daukantas and M. Valančius and in A. Juška’s dictionary, may derive from Prussian baldį. The association of the lexeme baldai with bélsti given in E. Fraenkel’s dictionary is unconvincing. The sentences cited in the Great Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language show the closeness of the Lithuanian meaning of the word to the German one. S. Daukantas uses baldai to refer to vessels: ‘They themselves made household baldai for themselves, namely: tubs, casks, spinning wheels, vats, barrels, racks, baskets’ (LKŽ I 589). Baldai is widespread in western and northern Lithuania, where there were contacts with German. The meaning ‘items of room furnishings (tables, chairs, cup-

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boards, etc.)’ is probably a later development from ‘wooden vessels’.

Brangynas ‘vodka’ is found mainly in the writings of the Lithuanians of East Prussia (C 1122, B 284, R II 82, MŽ, N, K, Kel 1881, 45, KlvD 168, K. Donel, PVG 287, KŽ) and also at JV 640, Rdm. K. Alminauskis derives this word from Middle Low German brantwīn, which supposedly was adapted through folk etymology to Lithuanian brángus vỹnas ‘expensive wine’. However, W. Ziesemer’s dictionary gives the East Prussian form braɣwīn ‘ditto’ (PrW I 764); compare Old High German brandewīn (Sehwers 1953: 16). In many East Prussian German dialects the sound sequence nd was gutturalized to ŋg (Mitzka 1919: §§ 74, 123, Ziesemer 1924: 123, 130, 132). Also, across a large area of Middle Low German, ŋ was pronounced instead of nd, although nd remained in the spelling (Lasch 1914: 324). Therefore, there is no need to align the loanword brangynas with brangaus vyno ‘expensive wine’.

Bušė, -is ‘metal part of a hub that holds the axle; machine part in which the axle turns; bushing’. Alongside the loanwords buksà J, KŽ, Vrn, Klm, Slčn, Krkl, bùkšė Krtn, bùkšas KŽ, Up, Vdk, Skd, Slčn, bùkšas ‘ditto’ N, K, KŽ, Br, Snt, and other variants (see LKA I 100, map 40), forms without k have also been recorded: bušė Klp, bušis BzF 104, J, Pln, Rt, Grg. K. Alminauskis believes that bušis derives from Prussian buxse ‘ditto’, with k dropped and the form adapted to Lithuanian ašis ‘axle’. But W. Ziesemer’s dictionary gives a Prussian Low German form without the consonant x (German x is usually represented in loanwords by the consonant k): busse ‘ditto’ (PrW I 853). Thus the consonant x was lost already in German. In addition, in some Prussian German dialects x was pronounced as a soft š (Riemann 1974: 44). Consequently, bušė, bušis need not be aligned with ašis ‘axle’.

Ĩṅkaras. Already in the sixteenth century, the loanword iñkaras ‘device (hook) for securing a vessel to the shore or to the bottom of the sea, lake, or river’, attested in BP I 203, R, MŽ, NdŽ, JD, KlpD and used in the standard language, was derived by K. Alminauskis, following A. Leskien (LsB 446), from German Anker ‘ditto’, supposedly adapted through folk etymology to Lithuanian kárti ‘to hang’, with the prefix in- (-į-) added. E. Fraenkel (FrnW 185) explains the word’s origin in the same way. Other researchers rely on these linguists as well. The origin of the loanword in question can be clarified. In the eastern part of East Prussia, a may have been pronounced as e or even i, especially before clusters (ll, lt, ld, lþ) and nasal consonants (Natau 1937: §§ 11, 13). In sixteenth-century German, a variant Enker ‘anchor’ is attested (ME I 570). Compare Latvian añkurs, eñkurs ‘anchor’, derived from German Anker, Enker. Thus Lithuanian iñkaras may derive from East Prussian German Enker or *Inker ‘ditto’.

And añkaras ‘iron or wooden tether’, recorded in Gružiai (Pasvalys district), probably derived directly from German Anker; compare Old High German anchar. It did not come via Polish ankra ‘clamp, hook, anchor’, as E. Fraenkel believes (FrnvW 185), following A. Leskien and K. Brugmann (LB 201).

Krimkė. Alongside the loanword primkė ‘chewing or sucking tobacco, gum’ (Ss, VIkv, Prk), the form krimkė is also attested (V.Kudir., Krok); compare German Priemchen ‘ditto’. Krimkė is probably not adapted to Lithuanian krimsti ‘to chew’, since there are other loanwords with consonant k in place of p, or variants with both p and k, for example: kraposas ‘head of a military prison’ (N, K); compare German Profoß ‘ditto’; pūrmonas ‘ferryman, driver’ (MŽ II).

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200, N, K, Nv and kūrmonas “also” OZ 28, BM 13, LB 164, Ėr, kūrmonas Ds, BM 192, Alks, A.Vien., compare German Fuhrmann, l. furman, brus. churman; plėcius “place, area, square” H, Q 354, B 850, R II 303, N, K, KŽ, JD 1162, Bs Mt II 51, Čk, Jnš and klėčius¹ Lex 68, C 333, II 221, 402, Q 391, R 63, II 148, MŽ II 374, N, /K/, KŽ, klėčius C II 61, B 927, 981, 1014, klėcis “calf pasture” LKŽ VI 23 (Rt), compare German Platz, l. plac, brus. pļac. Let us also compare the Slavisms plebōnas ir klebōnas, derived from Polish pleban, kleban (LKŽ X 121, VI 21). No German base words with the consonant k have been found for the borrowings mentioned. Therefore, perhaps these words with k entered Lithuanian via Slavic languages or from other dialects.

Luituoti “to play the kanklės” NdŽ, FrnW, compare Middle Low German lute “lute” (an instrument like the kanklės) (MndW II 754). E. Fraenkel explains that the ui in the word luituoti “to play the kanklės” may have arisen through sound imitation or folk etymology, by analogy with Lithuanian luituoti “to coat, smear (with clay)” (FrnW 389). Lithuanian written sources and dialects contain more borrowings with the diphthong ui, for example: ruìmas (rùimas) “spacious open place; premises, room,” rùilis (rùlis) “roller used to level soil,” šiùlė (šùlė) “school,” buìlis “bull,” stuìre “ship’s rudder,” etc. In the eastern part of East Prussia, German ū, ō, o were diphthongized to ui, oi (see Čepienė 1994: 158–161); consequently, the borrowings mentioned derive from base words in East Prussian German dialects. Thus the verb luituoti “to play the kanklės” is derived from the borrowing lùitas “kanklės.”

Orškis (ùrški̇s) “sausage.” A. Alminauskis derives the borrowing orškis Alm, ùrški̇s KŽ, Klp, Prk K from Old High German woršt “same” and associates it with Lithuanian varškės. However, Lithuanian has word variants with the consonants t and k, for example: builti̇s “thick nail for fastening wheel rims” G 80, KŽ, Krt and bùlkis Rt, compare Prussian German bult “bolt, screw, arrow, thick nail, rod, pin” (Alm), Middle Low German bolte “arrow, bolt” (Sehwers 1953: 20); spunta “spinning top” in East Prussian Lithuanian dictionaries from the 17th century, spùntas N, Prk, Lž, Dov and spùnka Rtr, Š, NdŽ, KŽ, S.Dauk., Sln, Rk, Rd, Slv, compare Prussian German spunt, špunt “same” (Alm (PrW)), German spund “same” (Sehwers 1953: 118). In the southeastern outskirts of Lithuania, t’ is confused with k’ (and d’ with g’) in Lithuanian words (Zinkevičius 1966: § 154; Savičiūtė, Vitkauskas 1976: 146–148). But the borrowings cited with k were recorded in western and northern Lithuania. Furthermore, in the borrowing spùnta, t is not palatalized. Lexeme variants with t and k are also found in German; compare German Mäten ir Mäken “girl, young woman” (Hinze 1985: 33), East Prussian German Stint ir Stink “smelt” (Fr II 372). Therefore, in the borrowing orškis (ùrški̇s) “sausage,” the consonant k did not arise through assimilation to Lithuanian varškė.

Ragólė (raguólė) “shelf for kitchenware.” K. Būga considered this word Lithuanian and connected it with rãgas. In the major LKŽ (XI 36), ragólė KII168, Žgč, Trg, Žv, Šk, NmŠ is derived from Polish regat. This borrowing probably entered Lithuanian

¹ Tikriausiai apsiriko Pr.Skardžius (Skardžius 1931: 103) priebalsį k skolinyje klėčius laikydamas rašybos klaida, nes šis žodis pateikiamas daugelyje Rytų Prūsijos lietuvių žodynų.

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from Prussian German ragól “shelf,” as K. Alminauskis indicates (compare Middle Low German rege “row, order” (Mnd W III 453)), and is not derived from Lithuanian rāgas.

Thus, when explaining the origins of borrowings, one should first look for the source words in the language from which the borrowing took place, including its dialects.

LITERATŪRA

A l m: A l m i n a u s k i s K. Die Germanismen des Litauischen. Teil 1: Die deutschen Lehnwörter im Litauischen, Kaunas: Šv. Kazimiero d-jos knygynas, /1934/.

B u š s O. 1987: No ģermānismu vēstures (baļa, balge, baļva). – Latviešu valodas kontaktu pētījumi, Rīga: Zinātne, 135–145.

Č e p i e n ė N. 1994: Dvibalsio ui kilmė skoliniuose iš vokiečių kalbos. – Lietuvių kalbotytos klausimai 34, 158–161.

H i n z e F. 1985: Zwei deutsche Lehnwörter im Baltischen. – Baltistica 21(1), 33–36.

K l u g e F. 1957: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, 17 Auflage, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co.

L a s c h A. 1914: Mittelniederdeutsche Grammatik, Halle: Verlag von Max Niemeyer.

L K Ž: Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, Vilnius: Mokslas [ir kt.], 1956–1996. T. 1–17.

M E: K. M ü l e n b a c h a Latviešu valodas vārdnīca I, Redig'ējs, papildinājis, nobeidzis J. Endzelīns, Rīgā: Kultūras fonda izdevums, 1923–1925.

M i t z k a W. 1919: Ostpreussisches Niederdeutsch nördlich vom Ermland, Marburg: N.G. Elwert’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung.

M n d W: S c h i l l e r K., L ü b b e n A. Mittelniederdeutsches Wörterbuch II, Münster in Westf.: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1931.

N a t a u O. 1937: Mundart und Siedelung im nordöstlichen Ostpreußen, Königsberg und Berlin: Ost-Europa-Verlag.

P r W: Z i e s e m e r W. Preussisches Wörterbuch 1–2, Königsberg, 1935–1944.

P V G: Prūsijos valdžios gramatos, pagraudenimai ir apsakymai lietuviams valstiečiams. Sudarė P. Pakarklis, Vilnius: Valstybinė politinės ir mokslinės literatūros leidykla, 1960.

R i e m a n n E. 1974: Preussisches Wörterbuch I, Neumünster: Karl Wachholtz Verlag.

S a v i č i ū t ė G., V i t k a u s k a s V. Priebalsių t:k ir d:g maišymas Švendubrės šnektoje. – Baltistica 12 (2), 146–149.

S e h w e r s J. 1953: Sprachlich-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen vornehmlich über den deutschen Einfluss im Lettischen, Berlin.

S k a r d ž i u s Pr. 1931: Die slavischen Lehnwörter im Alt litauischen, Kaunas: Akc. „Spindulio“ b-vės spaustuvė.

W e n z e l F. 1919: Studien zur Dialektgeographie der südlichen Oberlausitz und Nordböhmens, Marburg: N. G. Elwert’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung.

Z i e s e m e r W. 1924: Die ostpreußischen Mundarten, Breslau: Ferdinand Hirt.

Z i n k e v i č i u s Z. 1966: Lietuvių dialektologija, Vilnius: Mintis.

Po pavyzdžių duodami šaltinių ir gyvenamųjų vietų vardų sutrumpinimai yra tokie pat kaip didžiajame Lietuvių kalbos žodyne.

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KEINE VOLKSETYMOLOGIEN (PRÄZISIERUNG DES URSPRUNGS EINIGER GERMANISMEN IM LITAUISCHEN)

Zusammenfassung

Bei der Erklärung des Ursprungs der Wörter stützen sich die Sprachforscher manchmal auf die Volksetymologie. Die Angaben der deutschen Sprache erlauben die Präzisierung des Ursprungs einiger Lehnwörter ohne ihrer Anknüpfung an einheimische litauische Wörter.

Lit. auslėnderis (auslėnderis) zool. „Maikäfer (Melolontha)“ und die Formen auslinda, auslinda, auslindą verbinden sich nicht mit lit. lit., „listi i ausi“ („ins Ohr kriechen“), sie stammen aus dem dt. Linde. Es ist nicht notwendig lit. baldė „Holzgefäß, niedriges Fäßchen“ dem Wort baldai „Möbel“ anzupassen, da die dt. Form mit d (baldj, bâldj „Holzgefäß) im W. Ziesemers „Preußisches Wörterbuch“ steht. Außerdem ist die in E. Fraenkels „Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch“ dargebrachte Anlehnung des lit. báldai „Möbel“ an bélsti „pochen“ nicht überzeugend. Die Bedeutung „Möbel (Tische, Stühle, Schränke usw.)“ ist wahrscheinlich neu, den „Holzgefäßen“ entsprungen. Brangvėnas „Branntwein“ ist nicht dem lit. brángus vynas (teuer Wein) angepaßt, weil die Lautverbindung nd in vielen deutschen Mundarten Ostpreußens zu ng gutturalisiert war, vgl. dt. dial. bragwin.

Im Artikel wird der Ursprung noch dieser Lehnwörter präzisiert: bušė, -is (Büchse), inkaras (Anker), krimke (Priemchen), liutioti (auf der Laute spielen), orškis (ürskis) (Wurst), ragolė (ragulė) (Regal für Küchengeschirr).

Also bei Erklärung des Ursprungs der Lehnwörter muß man zuerst nach den Grundwörtern in der Lehnsprache, ihren Mundarten suchen und sich nicht auf die Volksetymologie stützen.

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