M. Petkevičiaus katekizmo (1598) deverbatyvai

Anželika Smetonienė

doi:10.35321/all84-03

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ANŽELIKA SMETONIENĖ

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

ORCID id: orcid.org/0000–0003–0352–84X

Research focus: word formation.

DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all84–03

M. PETKEVIČIUS’S CATECHISM (1598) DEVERBATIVES

Deverbatives in the Catechism of M. Petkevičius (1598)

A B S T R A C T

The article examines the suffixed deverbal verbs of M. Petkevičius’s catechism, published in 1598 (hereafter – PK). This source attests derivatives belonging to nearly all derivational categories of deverbatives—those expressing causative, iterative, resultative-state, and momentary meanings. The most numerous derivational category in PK is that of causative deverbatives. The article also presents the frequency of PK deverbal suffixes, the characteristics of base words, and vowel alternation occurring in derivatives, which encompasses only part of the words belonging to a derivational type and is irregular.

KEYWORDS: verbs, deverbatives, derivational category, suffix, vowel alternation.

A N N O T A T I O N

The article analyses suffixed verbs deverbatives in the Catechism published by M. Petkevičius (CP). The derivatives of four categories of deverbative formation are testified in this source, i.e. derivatives of causative, iterative, resultative state and momentive meanings are found. Causative deverbatives make up the largest derivation category in the CP. The frequency of deverbative suffixes, features of base words and vowel change in derivatives are presented. Only isolated instances of apophony are found in the CP, the vowel change occurs only in part of derivative words and is of irregular character.

KEYWORDS: verbs, deverbatives, category of derivation, suffix, vowel change.

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M. Petkevičiaus katekizmo (1598) deverbatyvai

INTRODUCTION

Merkelis Petkevičius’s catechism (hereafter – PK) is a typical Reformation work of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and therefore had to encompass many aspects: it contains prayers and hymns, specifies the order of church rites, and discusses the foundations of faith. Although it is the second book in the Lithuanian language in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, it has so far been studied relatively little. PK has mainly been studied as a literary object (Meller 1984; Pociūtė 2000; Kuźmina 2002; Pociūtė-Abukevičienė 2005; Niedźwiedź 2008), and, apart from more general observations about the lexicon of this catechism (Palionis 1967; Zinkevičius 1988), there have been only a few articles on its language. Jonas Kruopas (1970) has contributed most extensively to research on this source.

The language of the work under discussion has been studied fragmentarily, and consequently the verbs of M. Petkevičius’s catechism have not been investigated either. Lithuanian verb formation in general has not been studied extensively (Jakaitienė 1968, 1973; Pakerys, 2006, 2011, 2011a; Pakerys, Rimkutė, Utka 2012; Gaidienė 2012), especially in the writings of Old Lithuanian. The most recent research in this area has been conducted by Jurgis Pakerys (Pakerys 2005, 2017, 2019; Arkadiev, Pakerys 2015) and Dalia Pakalniškienė (Pakalniškienė 2018, 2019), yet the suffixed verbs of PK have so far remained unstudied. The object of this article is suffixed deverbal verbs, i.e. derivatives from other verbs. It is assumed that all languages have significantly more deverbatives than denominatives (Pakalniškienė 2019: 10). In Lithuanian, these two groups of verbs are approximately equal in number, and their formation also differs little; that is, their principal derivational formative is a suffix, unlike, for example, in Polish, where verbs from other verbs are most often formed with prefixes (GWJP 1984: 465).

The material for this article was collected from the glossary of M. Petkevičius’s catechism compiled by J. Kruopas and from the 1939 facsimile edition of this catechism. All non-repeated suffixed verbs were extracted from them and generalized, i.e. prefixed derivatives were excluded when the forms of their unprefixed verbs were regular, there was no essential difference in meaning between them apart from that arising from the suffix. Thus, slightly more than 300 suffixed verbs were found in PK. This source was searched for verbs and their derivatives attesting the infinitive, present tense, and simple past tense of a verb. For example, when no direct attestation of the simple past tense was available, a derivative with the suffix -imas based on the verb’s simple past tense was also used. Those principal verb forms that are only inferred from the system of modern Lithuanian and from verb formation in general, but are unattested in PK, are written in square brackets []. Examples from this 1598 source are given alongside the attested principal verb forms in PK. Traditionally, suffixed verbs,

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that retain their suffixes in all stems are called suffixed even-syllable verbs, whereas those that do not retain the suffix in the present or (and) past tense are called mixed verbs. Both morphological types of suffixed verbs are examined in this study, based on the synchronic method of word-formation analysis, whose main principles were formulated by Vincas Urbutis (Urbutis 2009). The aim of the article is to determine how the word-formation system of PK deverbatives differs, if at all, from the tendencies of deverbatives in contemporary Lithuanian. To achieve this aim, all suffixed verbs found in PK were first analyzed derivationally, thereby identifying derivatives from verbs; the latter were divided into derivational categories and presented in the first section of this article. Since vowel alternation (also called apophony or vowel alternation) cannot be separated from deverbatives, cases of apophony occurring in PK deverbatives are presented in the second section.

As mentioned, all the extracted suffixed verbs from PK were analyzed derivationally and divided into derivatives from verbs, from other parts of speech, and those that are synchronically indivisible derivationally. It should be recalled that “a derivative is a word made or functioning as if made from one or two other words” (LKE 1999: 150). A word is considered a derivative only when it is formally and semantically based on a base word, that is, when the principal condition of word formation is fulfilled: there is a derivational opposition whose first member is the derivative and whose other member is the derivational base; they must necessarily be linked by derivational motivation (Urbutis 2009: 70, 81). The latter may change. First, the relationship with the base word may be severed, and the derivative may then become associated with another word, which may belong to the same or a different morphological class from the former base word. Second, derivatives may move from one derivational category to another if the categories are semantically related (Ambrazas 1993: 12). Finally, when derivational motivation is lost, a verb is considered synchronically indivisible, although historically it may be a derivative.

When examining the verbs of Old Lithuanian writings, it is necessary to define how borrowings are to be evaluated, since their derivational interpretation is problematic. A borrowed verb, when a borrowed cognate nominal functions alongside it in Lithuanian, may be regarded as a possible Lithuanian derivative; that is, a nominal may have been borrowed into Lithuanian and a verb derived from it using productive Lithuanian suffixes. Slavisms that have easily adapted to Lithuanian may be potential base words, as is also shown by frequent derivatives from Slavism verbs with the suffix

-imas

derived from Slavism verbs. In assessing such a possibility of Lithuanian word formation, it is necessary to take into account the possible derivative’s derivational category, accentuation, the meanings of both words—the possible derivative and the possible base word—and their chronology (for more on this, see Smetonienė 2015, 2016). This study adopts the view that if a borrowed suffixed verb has a possible member of the opposition functioning at the same time, they are linked by a derivational relationship. This issue is in fact more relevant to denominatives—PK contains no deverbatives whose

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base word would be a borrowing. However, calques whose forms coincide with indigenous Lithuanian words pose difficulties. An example is the calque prigulėti ‘to belong’ (cf. Old East Slavic przynależeć) (prigul PK6, 10). In this case, the verb cannot be linked derivationally with prigulti, although the analogous verb (pri)gulėti is derivationally related to it. To avoid ambiguity, calques are not analyzed.

1. DERIVATIONAL CATEGORIES OF DEVERBATIVES IN PETKEVIČIUS’S CATECHISM

A derivational type is a formal and semantic scheme for word formation. A type consists of derivatives that coincide in three features: 1) their categorical derivational meaning, 2) the part of speech of their base words, and 3) their derivational formative (LKE 1999: 148). A derivational category is broader than a derivational type and may include several of the latter. A derivational category is independent of the derivational formative with which a derivative is formed. While certain suffixes are more or less characteristic of nominal derivational categories, the situation is more complex in the verb system: the suffixes of verbs do not have meanings as specific as those of nouns, and there are considerably fewer of them. In this study, suffixed deverbal verbs in PK are divided into categories based on the “Grammar of the Contemporary Lithuanian Language” (DLKG: 742).

Deverbatives are formed with variants of all the principal verb-forming morphemes (–auti, –enti, –inėti, –inti, –yti, –oti, –ėti, –uoti, –telėti). The same suffix may be used in several derivational categories (for example, iterative and causative verbs are formed with the suffix –yti), precisely because there are few verb suffixes compared with nominal suffixes. Certain suffixes (for example, –dinti) are regarded only as variants of the principal derivational morphemes for several reasons. First, variants of the same morpheme have the same derivational meaning. Second, their phonetic composition is almost the same as that of the principal derivational morpheme, expanded only by certain sounds. The formation of deverbatives is generally more complex than that of denominatives because vowel alternation, which is very rare in nominal derivatives, is frequent in verbal derivation. Vowel alternation may encompass only part of the words belonging to a derivational type and is irregular. It is a secondary derivational device because it does not affect derivational meaning.

Although PK is a source of limited scope, it contains derivatives belonging to four (of five possible) derivational categories of deverbatives: derivatives expressing causative meanings (causatives), iterative meanings (iteratives), resultative-state meanings (resultatives), and momentary meanings. Causatives are the most numerous, accounting for 56 percent of all PK deverbatives.

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1.1. Derivatives expressing causative meanings denote an active action directed toward a particular object. The general meaning of the category is ‘to cause the action or process denoted by the base word to take place’ (DLKG 398): budinti ‘to cause to wake’, deginti ‘to cause to burn’, derinti ‘to cause to be suitable’ and so on. Lithuanian causatives are formed only with variants of two morphemes—-inti and -yti. Lithuanian dialects and Old Lithuanian writings contain many derivatives differing only in suffixes, for example, aušyti / aušinti, gesyti / gesinti; PK also contains such pairs. In total, 45 even-syllable and mixed-type causative deverbatives are attested in PK. The derivational bases of nearly all PK causative derivatives are transitive primary verbs; only in several cases are the base words mixed verbs: derėti, judėti, kabėti, krutėti, skubėti, viskėti, which have -a in the third person of the present tense.

1.1.1. Most even-syllable causatives are formed with the principal morpheme -inti, and 4 with its variant -dinti. Usually there is a slight difference in meaning between these suffixes: the effective causative derivatives formed with -inti, -ina, -ino express causing an action, whereas those formed with -dinti, -dina, -dino, whose bases are verbs denoting active actions, have a procurative meaning. There is no such distinction in PK. PK attests 29 even-syllable causative verbs with the suffix -inti: budinti (pabudintumbim PK211,12), [budina], [budino]: busti, bunda, budo ‘to emerge from a state of sleep’ LKŽe; deginti (iszdegintos PK90,17), [degina], [degino]: degti, -a, -ė ‘to be affected by fire; to give light, shine’ LKŽe; derinti (derintu PK185,16), [derina], derino (fuderinay PK24,21): derėti, -a, -ėjo ‘to negotiate, make an agreement, bargain; to get along well; to suit, fit, be appropriate, acceptable’ LKŽe; gadinti (Ißgadinta PK73,5), gadina (gadina PK72,20), [gadino]: gesti, genda, gedo ‘to decay, malfunction; deteriorate; rot’ LKŽe; gaišinti (gaysinti PK20,9), gaišina (gayfinu PK90,21), [gaišino]: gaišti, gaišta, gaišo ‘to waste time; wither, disappear, perish; meet one’s end’ LKŽe; gandinti (pergandink PK142,26), [gandina], [gandino]: gąsti, gąsta, gando ‘to become suddenly frightened, be afraid’ LKŽe; gramzdinti (nugramzdinta PK103,16), [gramzdina], [gramzdino]: grimzti, -ta, -do ‘to sink’ LKŽe; gražinti (gražindams PK138,22), gražina (atgražina PK87,6), gražino (fugražinay PK30,13): grįžti, -a, -o ‘to go back’ LKŽe; judinti (judintu PK28,9), [judina], [judino]: judėti, -a, -ėjo ‘to move’ LKŽe; [kabinti], [kabina], kabino (uzkabine PK98,4): kabėti, -a, -ėjo ‘to be hanging, dangling, suspended, swinging’ LKŽe; kaitinti (iszkaytink PK51,17), [kaitina], [kaitino]: kaisti, kaista, kaito ‘to become warm; burn with anger or some other excitement; become sultry, crave, decay from moisture and warmth’ LKŽe; krutinti (pakrutint PK91,9), [krutina], [krutino]: krutėti, -a, -ėjo ‘for a creature, object, or its parts to move in place, rustle; to be alive; etc.’ LKŽe; maršinti (marfinti PK20,8), maršina (marfina PK20,5), [maršino]: miršti, -ta, -o ‘to fail to retain in memory, not remember’ LKŽe; naikinti (isznaikint PK62,4), naikina (naykinančiu PK208,22), [naikino]: nykti, nyksta, nyko ‘to decrease, wither, cease to exist’ LKŽe; nykinti

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(įникint PK141,22), [nykina], [nykino]: nykti, nyksta, nyko ‘to decrease, wither, cease to exist’ LKŽė; [rūdinti], [rūdina] (srudina PK59,19), [rūdino]: rūsti, –ta, rūdo ‘to grieve, be distressed; lament’ LKŽė; rūginti (rugin toy PK219,5), [rūgina], [rūgino]: rūgti, –sta, –o ‘to become sour, ferment’ LKŽė; skandinti (pafkandint PK139,23), skandina (skandina PK61,18), skandino (pafkandinima PK30,14): skęsti, –ta, skendo ‘to perish in water, drown; be flooded’ LKŽė; skubinti (nesiskubintus PK145,3), [skubina], [skubino]: skubėti, –a, –ėjo ‘to try to do something quickly, accomplish’ LKŽė; [sloginti], slogina (slogin PK103,4), [slogino]: slėgti, slegia, –ė ‘not to give peace, torment’ LKŽė; [sodinti], [sodina], sodino (pasodinay PK129,12): sėsti, sėda, sėdo ‘to assume a sitting position’ LKŽė; troškinti (uzutrofkinti PK45,21), troškina (troβkin PK103,5), [troškino]: trokšti, trokšta, troško ‘to suffocate from lack of air; strongly desire to drink’ LKŽė; trukinti (usztrukintu PK230,2), [trukina], [trukino]: trukti, trunka, truko ‘to waste time’ LKŽė; trupinti (sutrupinta PK30,6), [trupina], [trupino]: trupti, trumpa, –o ‘to divide, disintegrate into small particles, crumble’ LKŽė; tukinti (nutukinti PK121,22), [tukina], [tukino]: tukti, tunka, –o ‘to grow fat, become stout’ LKŽė; ūginti (vžugint PK240,23), [ūgina], [ūgino]: augti, –a, –o ‘to grow larger from a smaller size’ LKŽė; varginti (nuuvargintas PK161,9), uargina (uargina PK160,15), [uargino]: vargti, –sta, –o ‘to lose strength, become tired, weaken; experience deprivation, live with difficulty, live in poverty’ LKŽė; vėsinti (asiwasinkit PK24,15), [vėsina], [vėsino]: vėsti, –ta, –o ‘to become cool, less warm, diminish in heat or warmth, cool down’ LKŽė; viskinti (pawiskinta PK47,18), [viskina], [viskino]: viskėti, –a, –ėjo ‘to move, tremble, stir’ LKŽė.

Four even-syllable causatives in PK are formed with the variant –dinti of –inti: keldinti (prikeldink PK134,6), [keldina], [keldino]: kilti, kyla, kilo ‘to rise upward; get up after lying or sitting; go, travel; etc.’ LKŽė; [klupdinti], klupdina (paklupdina PK88,8), [klupdino]: klupti, klumpa, –o ‘to fall to one’s knees; fall forward’ LKŽė; prapuldinti (prapuldinki PK55,12), [prapuldina], [prapuldino]: prapulti, prapuola, prapuolė ‘to disappear without trace; vanish, cease to be’ LKŽė; [žudinti], žudina (sužudina PK61,2), [žudino]: žūti, žūva, žuvo ‘to lose one’s life, die an unnatural death; suffer, be tormented; disappear; cease to exist’ LKŽė.

One PK causative has the suffixes –yti, –ija, –ijo: aušyti (atausisiu PK24,16), [aušija], aušijo (ataušies PK156,17): aušti, aušta, aušo ‘to cool; become stiff while cooling’ LKŽė. In contemporary Lithuanian this verb is also used without the suffixed element in the present and past tense—aušyti, aušo, aušė LKŽė; however, the participle attested in PK shows that in this writing it is used as an even-syllable verb. Aušyti, which today is most often used with the suffix –inti—aušinti—is one of the verbs that reflects a later process: –inti became a productive suffix and gradually displaced verbs with the suffix –yti (Otrębski 1965: 393).

1.1.2. There are 11 mixed-type causative deverbatives in PK; all of them have –o in the third person of the present tense and –ė in the past tense, while the suffixed formative

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is retained only in the infinitive. The base words of mixed-type causative verbs are intransitive verbs denoting a state or process. Three verbs are formed with the principal derivational morpheme –yti: lipyti (ilipk PK127,13), [lipo], [lipė]: lipti, limpa, lipo ‘to adhere, stick; to be suitable, fit, be appropriate’ LKŽe; nykyti (įbnikĳu PK122,7), [nyko], [nykė]: nykti, nyksta, nyko ‘to decrease, wither, cease to exist’ LKŽe; ūgyti (ugis PK94,11), [ūgo], [ūgė]: augti, –a, –o ‘to grow larger from a smaller size’ LKŽe. The remaining 8 mixed causatives are formed with the variant of the principal morpheme –dyti: [ardyti], ardo (arda PK72,16), [ardė]: irti, yra, iro ‘to crumble, fall apart; unravel; fall; decay, wither’ LKŽe; gydyti (atgydyti PK131,8), gydžia (gidžia PK83,19), [gydė]: gyti, gyja, gijo ‘to recover, revive’ LKŽe; gimdyti (gimdyti PK156,21), [gimdo], gimdė (pagimdė PK153,11): gimti, gimsta, gimė ‘to come into the world’ LKŽe; girdyti (girti PK226,3), [girdo], girdė (girdi PK71,18): gerti, geria, gėrė ‘to swallow liquid, quench one’s thirst’ LKŽe; guldyti (perguldyti PK98,22), [guldo], guldė (paguldė PK153,14): gulti, gulda, gulė ‘to lie down with one’s whole body somewhere’ LKŽe; ramdyti (nuramdit PK67,3), [ramdo], [ramdė]: rimti, rimsta, rimo ‘to be or become calm, cease to be agitated, worry, or fear, move; weaken’ LKŽe; virkdyti (wirkdisite PK45,19), [virkdo], [virkdė]: verkti, –ia, –ė ‘to shed tears, sob’ LKŽe; [žudyti], [žudo], žudė (pražudę PK168,4): žūti, žūva, žuvo ‘to lose one’s life, die an unnatural death; suffer, be tormented; disappear; cease to exist’ LKŽe.

1.2. Deverbatives with iterative meaning (iteratives) denote a repeated action, sometimes acquiring a nuance of a long-lasting action. The meaning may also be bleached, so that it is already difficult to perceive it as iterative, for example, braidyti (DLKG: 396). They may be formed with variants of as many as 7 of the 9 derivational morphemes: –auti, –yti, –ėti, –inėti, –inti, –oti, and –uoti. PK contains no deverbatives with the suffixes –inti and –uoti. Iterative derivatives differ from causative derivatives not only in the variety of suffixes but also in the ratio of mixed to even-syllable verbs and in their base words—most of them (gręžti, dėti, nešti, sekti, berti, melsti, etc.) are transitive primary verbs.

1.2.1. In Lithuanian, most derivatives with iterative meaning are formed with the suffix –oti, but in PK its productivity does not stand out from that of the other suffixes. Derivatives with this suffix may also have a nuance of diminution if the base word denotes a state, but this is not the case in PK, since the derivatives with iterative meaning in this source are derived from verbs denoting active action. The suffix –inėti often has such a diminutive nuance, but PK is again different: one verb is derived from a prefixed verb and therefore has only a clear iterative meaning. All three derivatives in –inėti and its variant –dinėti denote an action of indefinite duration. In PK, the nuances of meaning of derivatives in –auti and –ėti are typical: a derivative with the latter suffix has a diminutive nuance, whereas derivatives in –auti denote not only an action repeated frequently, but

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also one more intensive than that of the base word. In total, 11 even-syllable verbs with iterative meaning are attested in PK:

• 3 with the suffix –auti: [dūsauti], [dūsauja], dūsavo (dusavau PK47,19): dusti, dusta, dūso ‘to suffer, struggle’ LKŽE; klūpauti (klupauti PK65,20), klūpauja (klupawiame PK26,10), [klūpavo]: klūpti, klumpa, klupo ‘to fall to one’s knees’; kniubti LKŽE; [stangauti], stangauja (stangawianciu PK81,20), [stangavo]: stengti, –ia, –ė ‘to oppose, resist, struggle, argue’ LKŽE;

• 2 with the suffix –ėti: grįžėti (atsigrįžėti PK57,24), [grįžėja], [grįžėjo]: gręžti, –ia, –ė ‘to turn, twist back; return’ LKŽE; lūkurnėti (lukurnedams PK103,15), [lūkurnėja], [lūkurnėjo]: lūk urti, lūk uria (–a), lūk urė (–o, –iojo) ‘to wait, linger’ LKŽE. The suffix of the latter verb, –nėti, raises questions, since it is not listed among the variants of –ėti. The element –n– could be explained if the derivative were associated, for example, with lūkurnoti, lūkurnoja, lūkurnojo; however, deverbatives in –ėti are formed only from primary verbs.

• 1 with the suffix –inėti—[pritarinėti], pritarinėja (pritarinėja PK111,7), [pritarinėjo]: pritarti, –ia, –ė ‘to hold the same opinion, agree, support someone/something’ LKŽE; 2 with the variant of the principal suffix –dinėti: dėdinėti (pridedines PK123,8), [dėdinėja], [dėdinėjo]: dėti, deda, dėjo ‘to lay, place, find a suitable place for something, put somewhere; etc.’ LKŽE; [puldinėti], puldinėja (puldinea PK101,10), [puldinė jo]: pulti, puola, puolė ‘to descend suddenly, fall; collapse, topple; etc.’ LKŽE;

• 3 with the suffix –(i)oti: [lakioti], lakioja (lakioianciu PK79,16), [lakiojo]: lėkti, lekia, –ė ‘to move rapidly, travel through the air or space’ LKŽE; nešioti (nefiotu PK80,8), nešioja (nefioja PK163,22), [nešiojo]: nešti, –a, –ė ‘to carry from one place to another while walking, holding, wearing, etc.’ LKŽE; sekioti (fekiotu PK108,18), sekioja (fekioia PK162,23), sekiojo: sekti, –a, –ė ‘to follow, go after, trail; observe a moving object or someone’s activity in order to find something out’ LKŽE.

1.2.2. Mixed-type Lithuanian verbs with iterative meaning are interesting because, unlike causatives, some of them retain the suffixed formative not only in the infinitive but also in the past tense. Quite a few of these verbs (for example, minėti) are used in contemporary Lithuanian as even-syllable verbs as well; that is, they may be assigned both to even-syllable and mixed verbs. In several cases, the verb forms attested in PK show which model—the even-syllable verb or not—the author of this catechism tended to use. There are somewhat more mixed-type deverbatives with iterative meaning than even-syllable ones—15:

• 3 verbs have –ėti in the infinitive: 2 of them have –i (–ėja) and –ėjo, respectively, in the present and past tenses (minėti (minekit PK232,8), [mini (–ėja)],

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[minėjo]: minti, mena, minė ‘to keep in mind, remember, not forget’ LKŽe; kylėti (pakilėkim PK131,10), [kyli (-ėja)], kylėjo (pakilėiau PK91,3): kilti, kyla, kilo ‘to rise upward; get up after lying or sitting; go, travel; etc.’ LKŽe); 1 verb ends in –ia in the present tense (kentėti (kientėti PK159,16), kenčia (-ėja) (kienčiančios 242,11), kentėjo (kientėiey PK147,12): kęsti, kenčia, kentė ‘to feel, experience pain, unpleasantness, hardship; have patience, endure’ LKŽe);

• 8 mixed-type verbs are formed with the suffix –yti: [blaškyti], blaško (isz-blaszka PK87,21), [blaškė]: blokšti, bloškia, bloškė ‘to drive away, throw, fling, strike; to beat, give, cut’ LKŽe; [draskyti], [drasko], draskė (draskie PK160,16): drėksti, drėskia, drėskė ‘to take, pull, tear with force; to make cuts or strokes on a surface, draw, cut’ LKŽe; [kratyti], krato (krata PK88,24), [kratė]: krėsti, krėčia, krėtė ‘to shake; to scatter or drop by shaking; to throw; etc.’ LKŽe; [laužyti], [laužo], laužė (sulauzey PK36,9): lauẓti, lauẓo, lauẓė ‘to divide into pieces by bending, separate a part from the whole’ LKŽe; [maldyti], [maldo], maldė (numaldimą PK221,6): melsti, meldžia, meldė ‘to ask very earnestly’ LKŽe; [plėšyti], plėšo (iszplesza PK87,20), [plėšė]: plėšti, -o, -ė ‘to tear from a surface, strip; to pull away with force; to tear, dismantle; etc.’ LKŽe; [raišyti], raišo (rayszo PK88,16), [raišė] ‘to slander’: rišti, -a, -o ‘to pick on, attach oneself to, pester, make claims against’ LKŽe; spaudyti (ne spawditu PK20,13), [spaudo], [spaudė]: spausti, spaudžia, spaudė ‘to press, weigh down by force or weight; squeeze, etc.’ LKŽe; 3 mixed-type verbs have the –yti variant –styti: barstyti (ižbarstis PK 44,7), [barsto], [barstė]: berti, –ia, –ė ‘to pour or scatter somewhere (loose items)’ LKŽe; [pjaustyti], [pjausto], pjaustė (appipiaste PK159,2): pjauti, pjauna, pjovė ‘to cut, separate, divide into parts with a knife or saw’ LKŽe; [vystyti], [vysto], vystė (iwiste PK158,2): vyti, veja, vijo ‘to wrap, wind’ LKŽe;

• 1 PK deverbal has –oti in the infinitive, –ojo in the past tense, while the present-tense form is double: byloti (biloti PK79,5), byloja (bylo) (biloia PK4,2; bila PK60,14), [bylojo]: bilti, bilsta, bilo ‘to speak, testify’ LKŽe.

1.3. There are not many resultative-state derivatives in PK—8. Deverbatives in this category denote “the agent’s resultant state as a consequence of an action (process) performed by the agent itself” (DLKG: 399); in other words, they denote a state that is the result of the action expressed by the base verb. In PK, resultatives are formed with 2 derivational morphemes, –oti and –ėti; resultatives are not formed with other suffixes in Lithuanian. All PK deverbatives expressing a resultative state are derived from primary verbs denoting an intransitive action. Only one base word is a transitive primary verb. The resultative-state derivatives could be paraphrased with the word ‘to be’, for example, gulėti ‘to be lying down’, juosėti ‘to be belted’.

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV

M. Petkevičiaus katekizmo (1598) deverbatyvai

1.3.1. In this group, mixed-type verbs are considerably more numerous than equal-syllable verbs. PK contains only one equal-syllable resultative, klaidėti (klaidet PK114,7), [klaidėja], [klaidėjo]: klysti, klysta, klydo ‘to do something wrongly, make a mistake’ LKŽe, denoting a long-lasting state.

1.3.2. None of the PK mixed-type resultatives retain the suffixal formant in the present tense; one deverbal (karoti) may have a suffixal variant in the present tense as well, but no present-tense form is attested in PK, and it is unknown which type the author of this catechism used. There are 7 mixed-type resultative-state deverbatives in PK:

• 5 with the suffix –ėti, –i, –ėjo: [gulėti], guli (guli PK153,21), gulėjo (gulėjo PK166,12): gulti, –a, –ė ‘to place oneself somewhere with one’s whole body’ LKŽe; [juosėti], juosi (juosi PK88,13), [juosėjo]: juosti, –ia, –ė ‘to tie a belt, girdle, or something else around; encircle’ LKŽe; sėdėti (sėdedams PK169,12) sėdi (sedi PK151,7), sėdėjo (sedeiom PK223,17): sėsti, sėda, sėdo ‘to assume a sitting position’ LKŽe; tylėti (tilek PK86,18), [tyli], [tylėjo]: tilti, tyla, tilo ‘to become quiet, quieter, barely audible; to stop speaking, shouting, making noise’ LKŽe; [vilkėti], vilki (vilki PK88,12), [vilkėjo]: vilkti, velka, vilko ‘to pull onto the body (clothing), put on’ LKŽe;

• 2 with the suffix –oti, –o (–oja), –ojo: [kaboti], [kabo], kabojo (kaboia PK112,21): kibti, kimba, kibo ‘to cling, fasten oneself, stick to something’ LKŽe; karoti (karodams PK120,27), [karo (–oja)], [karojo]: karti, karia, korė ‘to hang’ LKŽe.

1.4. PK contains only one deverbal with an instantaneous meaning, the equal-syllable verb žvilgterėti (zwilkterek PK71,7), [žvilgterėja], [žvilgterėjo]: žvelgti, –ia, –ė ‘to direct one’s eyes or gaze, look’ LKŽe. It denotes a short, sudden, weak action, as do all derivatives in this derivational category in Lithuanian generally. In other words, it has instantaneous and diminutive meanings. Deverbatives in this category are formed only with the suffixes –telėti, –terėti, and the suffix used to form the derivative does not affect its meaning, since the alternation of l and r is merely phonetic.

The formation of suffixal derivatives from verbs attested in PK differs in no way from present-day tendencies: as usual, the causative group is the largest; alongside their primary meaning, the verbs of iterative deverbatives have additional nuances; mixed-type verbs are more characteristic of the resultative-state category than equal-syllable verbs. Some deverbatives—aušyti, byloti, karoti, kentėti, kylėti, minėti, plėšyti—have an equal-syllable variant alongside the mixed-type one in contemporary Lithuanian. PK makes it clear that plėšyti and kentėti are used in this source only as mixed-type verbs: Tegul io wifą turtą fwetimi įbplėpa PK87,20; <...> kaip rubas baltos galwos ligą prygimtą kienciančios PK242,11. That aušyti is used in PK as an equal-syllable verb is shown by the past iterative tense of this verb (O tuo fjdris ž̃moniu wifu ataujęs PK156,17), which presupposes that the present tense will also have a suffixal element. The use of the present tense of the verb byloti varies in PK: both a suffixal form is attested (Biloia Ponas Diewas wifus tuos ž̃odžius PK4,2) and a non-suffixal one (<...> kada bila tarnopi tawa <...> PK60,14).

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ANŽELIKA SMETONIENĖ

Seven primary verbs serve as base words for several derivatives. Some derivatives, although their derivational base is the same, have different suffixes and belong to different derivational categories: guldyti (a causative derivative from gulti) / gulėti (a resultative-state derivative from gulti); keldinti (a causative derivative from kilti) / kyleti (an iterative derivative from kilti); klupdinti (a causative derivative from klupti) / klūpauti (an iterative derivative from klupti); puldinėti (an iterative derivative from pulti) / prapuldinti (a causative derivative from the prefixed prapulti). As many as three causatives are derived from the verb nykti: 2 equal-syllable deverbatives with –inti, only one of which has vowel alternation (naikinti), while the other does not (nykinti), and a derivative with the suffix –yti, nykyti. A few other pairs of causatives—žudyti / žūdinti and ugdyti and auginti—also have the same base word (žūti and augti, respectively), but their suffixes differ, reflecting also the replacement of the suffix –yti by –inti in causative verbs.

2. CASES OF VOWEL ALTERNATION

A distinctive feature of deverbatives is vowel alternation in the derivatives. It also occurs in the formation of denominatives, but very rarely, and usually alongside a derivative with vowel alternation there is a derivative of the same meaning without vowel alternation. For example, alongside the verb lysinti (liesas ‘thin’) the verb liesinti is used, whose stem has the same structure as that of the base word (Jakaitienė 1974: 29).

Vowel alternation is more characteristic of some derivational types and less of others; moreover, it may encompass only some of the words of a derivational type. It is rather an auxiliary derivational device that helps distinguish derivatives from base words (Urbutis 2009: 262–268). In addition, vowel alternation helps predict which derivational formant differentiates the derivative from the base word. It is thought that this is the informative function of morphophonological alternations (Akelaitienė 1997: 49).

Vowel alternation can be observed in the formation of some PK deverbatives. Although a considerable number of alternations occur in derivatives with the suffix –inti (–inti, –inga, –ino; –dinti, –dina, –dino) (11 cases out of 33), proportionally it is much more frequent in derivatives with –yti (–yti, –o, –ė; –styti, –o, –ė; –dyti, –o, –ė) (12 cases out of 23). As Evalda Jakaitienė has observed, alternation most often occurs in all derivatives of the variants of the morpheme –yti, and it is most regular in iteratives, when e (and in mixed diphthongs), ie, ei in the base word changes to a or ai in the derivative (Jakaitienė 1974: 30). PK contains such cases (barstyti: berti; maldyti: meldė), but this alternation is more frequent in causative derivatives. According to Gražina Akelaitienė, the most productive alternation in Lithuanian is a: e (Akelaitienė 1997: 50), but this is not reflected in PK deverbatives—this source contains only one such case. The vowel-alternation pattern, the categories in which it occurs, and the number of apophony cases are presented in the table.

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV

M. Petkevičiaus katekizmo (1598) deverbatyvai

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ANŽELIKA SMETONIENĖ

When deverbatives are formed with the suffix –inti (and –dinti), vowel alternation is less frequent in them than formation without vowel alternation, but certain tendencies can be observed. When the base word contains u, it does not change to ū at all, as it does in derivatives with –auti (budinti: budo; judrinti: judėti; klupdinti: klupti; krutinti: krutėti; prapuldinti: prapulti; skubinti: skubėti; trukinti: trukti; trupinti: trupti; tukinti: tukti), regardless of whether the base word is a primary verb or a mixed-type verb. DLKG states that only “causative derivatives with the suffix –inti whose base words have e, i, y in their roots” (DLKG: 395) are formed with regular vowel alternation, but PK also contains exceptions. PK attests deverbatives in which, although their base words contain e and i, apophony does not occur: deginti: degti; derinti: derėti; viskinti: viskėti. As mentioned, vowel alternation is most frequent in derivatives with –yti and its variants. In PK it is also frequent and varied, but sometimes does not occur when the base words contain au (aušyti: aušti; pjaustyti: pjauti, although augyti: augti), y (gydyti: gyti; vystyti: vyti), im (gimdyti: gimti), ul (guldyti: gulti), i (lipyti: lipti, although raišyti: rišti), ė (plėšyti: plėšti).

CONCLUSIONS

PK contains 80 deverbatives; they constitute 26 percent of all suffixal verbs in this source, and are somewhat fewer than denominatives. The largest derivational category is that of causative meaning, accounting for 56 percent of deverbatives. The second-largest is the derivational category of iterative meaning (33 percent of deverbatives).

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV

M. Petkevičiaus katekizmo (1598) deverbatyvai

The other categories are less numerous: resultative-state derivatives account for 10 percent of all deverbatives, and the instantaneous derivative for 1 percent.

PK deverbatives are derived with the following main derivational morphemes and their variants: -auti (klūpauti, –auja, –avo); –inėti (pritarnėti, –inėja, –inėjo, deinėti, –dineja, –dinejo), –inti (deginti, –ina, –ino, gramzdinti, –dina, –dino), –yti (aušyti, –o, –ė, guldyti, –o, –ė, barstyti, –o, –ė), –oti (kaboti, –o, –ojo; nešioti, –ioja, –iojo), –ėti (grįžėti, –ėja, –ėjo, gulėti, –i, –ėjo), –telėti (žvilgterėti, –terėja, –terėjo).

The tendencies in deverbative formation in this source are similar to those of today. The most productive PK deverbative suffixes are –inti and –yti and their variants. The derivational category of iterative meaning is characterized by a variety of suffixes; it also contains the greatest number of additional nuances among the derivatives, which depend on the meaning of the suffix and the base words.

The base words of PK verbal derivatives are most often intransitive primary verbs. In rare cases, the base word is a mixed-type verb (derėti, judėti, kabėti, etc.) having –a in the third person of the present tense; however, this occurs only in the derivational category of causative meaning.

Vowel alternation occurs in the formation of 40 percent of deverbatives. It is most characteristic of iterative derivatives, especially those with the –yti suffixes. In the resultative-state category, apophony is more frequent in derivatives with –oti than in those with –ėti. In PK, the most frequent alternations are a: ė and y: i—there are 3 cases of each; there are 2 cases each of ū: u, am: im, ar: ir, ai: y, o: e, u: ū, ir: er.

The irregularity of vowel alternation in PK deverbatives is quite evident. For example, the alternation u: ū is characteristic today of iterative derivatives with the suffix –auti, and this is also the case in PK. In causative derivatives, however, this alternation encompasses only some derivatives—cf. žūdinti: žūti and rūdinti: rūdo, rūginti: rūgti. This suggests that although the verb variant žūdinti, –ina, –ino (LKŽe) is secondary, it is more regular. It is also regular in PK that vowel alternation does not occur in derivatives from mixed-type verbs. Nor does it occur when the bases of causatives are mixed-type suffixal verbs. Finally, although alternation is most frequent in all derivatives of the variants of the morpheme –yti, it sometimes encompasses only some derivatives (cf. ūgyti: augti, but aušyti: aušti, pjaustyti: pjauti; raišyti: rišti, but lipyti: lipti). Although in –yti derivatives, when the base words contain i and y, alternation does not occur, it appears in derivatives with other suffixes (naikinti: nykti, klaidėti: klydo; kaboti: kibti).

LITERATURE AND SOURCES

Akelaitienė Gražina 1997: Morfologinės balsių kaitos funkcijos. – Baltistica 32(1), 49–55.

Ambrazas Saulius 1993: Daiktavardžių darybos raida. Lietuvių kalbos veiksmažodiniai vediniai, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla.

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Arkadiev Peter, Pakerys Jurgis 2015: Lithuanian morphological causatives: A corpus-based study. – Voice and Argument Structure in Baltic, Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 2015, 39–97.

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Gaidienė Anželika 2012: Vardažodinių veiksmažodžių su priesaga -(i)auti, priklausančių kategorinei reikšmei ‘būti tuo ar tokiam, kas pasakyta pamatiniu žodžiu, daryba. – Lietuvių kalba 6. Available online: www.lietuviukalba.lt.

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Jakaitienė Evalda 1968: Priesaginiai dabartinės lietuvių kalbos veiksmažodžiai: doctoral dissertation in philology, Vilnius: Vilnius State V. Kapsukas University.

Jakaitienė Evalda 1973: Veiksmažodžių daryba (priesagų vediniai), Vilnius: Vilnius University.

Jakaitienė Evalda 1974: Root-vowel alternation in the formation of suffixal verbs eksikologija. – Kalbotyra 25(1), 29–36.

Kruopas Jonas 1970: The lexicon of Merkelis Petkevičius’s Catechism of 1598. – Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 12, 83–154.

Kuźmina Dariusz 2002: Katekizmy w Rzeczypospolitej XVI i początku XVII wieku, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Stowarzyszenia Bibliotekarzy Polskich.

LKE – Lietuvių kalbos enciklopedija, compiled by K. Morkūnas, edited by V. Ambrazas, 2nd revised and supplemented ed., Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas, 2008.

LKŽe – Lietuvių kalbos žodynas I–XX (1941–2002), electronic version, editorial board G. Naktinienė, J. Paulauskas, R. Petrokienė, V. Vitkauskas, J. Zabarskaitė, chief editor G. Naktinienė, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2008 (updated version, 2017). Available online: http://www.lkz.lt.

Meller Katarzyna 1984: O pieśniowej twórczości Jakuba Lubelczyka. – Pamiętnik Literacki 75(4), 151–175.

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Deverbatives in M. Petkevičius’s Catechism (1598)

Pakalniškienė Dalia 2019: 1759 metų „Żiwato“ denominatyviniai veiksmažodžiai. – Res Humanitariae 26, 8–36.

Pakerys Jurgis 2005: XVI a. Mažosios Lietuvos spaudinių mišriųjų ir priesaginių veiksmažodžių daryba: doctoral dissertation, Vilnius: Vilnius University.

Pakerys Jurgis 2006: Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos priesagos –ėti denominatyviniai statyviai. – Baltistica 41(1), 67–86.

Pakerys Jurgis 2011: Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos daiktavardinių veiksmažodžių priesagų ir jų pamatinių daiktavardžių kaitos klasių santykis. – Baltistica 46(2), 271–288.

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Straipsniai / Articles

ANŽELIKA SMETONIENĖ

Deverbatives in the Catechism of M. Petkevičius (1598)

SUMMARY

The language of M. Petkevičius’ Catechism (CP) has undergone only fragmentary research and the system of verbs has not been investigated either. This article focuses on suffixed verbs deverbatives, i.e., derivatives from other verbs. All the non-recurring suffixed verbs have been selected and analyzed, i.e., prefixed derivatives were excluded if their forms of non-prefixed verbs are regular and there is no essential difference in their meaning only due to the prefix. More than 300 suffixed verbs were found in the CP. The Catechism contains 80 deverbatives and they comprise 26% of all the suffixed verbs in this source. Their number is smaller than that of denominatives.

The CP is a small–volume source but derivatives of four categories of deverbative formation can be identified in it: derivatives of causative, iterative, resultative state and momentive meanings. The category of causative derivation is the most numerous and makes up 56% of all the deverbatives. The second largest category includes iterative derivatives, which makes up 33%. Fewer derivatives were found within the categories of resultative state derivatives (10%) and momentive derivative (1%).

Derivation of deverbatives is more complex than that of denominatives because the vowel change in the derivation of verbs is frequent. The vowel change was identified in 40% of all the deverbatives in the CP. The highest percentage of the expression of vowel change is characteristic of derivatives of iterative meaning, particularly with suffixes –yti. The cases of apophony in the CP are rare, the vowel change occurs only in a part of derivative words and is of the irregular character.

Submitted on 29 October 2020

ANŽELIKA SMETONIENĖ

Institute of the Lithuanian Language, 5 Petro Vileišio St., Vilnius LT–10308, Lithuania [email protected]

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV

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