CHRISTIANE SCHILLER Humboldt University of Berlin Technical University of Darmstadt ORCID id: orcid.org/0009-0004-5792-7680 Research areas: Baltic, especially Prussian-Lithuanian onomastics, German-Baltic linguistic, literary and cultural relations, Curonian of the Curonian Spit. DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all89-14

Justyna B. Walkowiak LITHUANIAN SURNAMES OF POLES. AN ETYMOLOGICAL-FREQUENCY DICTIONARY

Poznań: Faculty of Modern Languages at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, 2019, 401 pp. ISBN 978-83-954144-1-1

The name lexicon by Justyna B. Walkowiak discussed here, published as early as 2019 and presented as a dictionary, offers the most comprehensive compilation to date of family names (hereinafter FamN) of established or assumed Lithuanian provenance in present-day Poland. Her work builds on the corresponding works of Wojciech Smoczyński (1982, 2002) and on the works of Zigmas Zinkevičius (2010, 2011), which concern only the immediate Lithuanian-Polish contact areas in the regions around Suwałki and Augustów and the historical Białystok Voivodeship, but far surpasses them in scope.

The FamN of Lithuanian origin in present-day Poland considered by the author in her dictionary reflect the diverse historical relations and interactions between Poles and Lithuanians. The oldest layer of names includes the Polonized forms of Lithuanian two-stem personal names, which are widespread in present-day Poland through the descendants of Lithuanian noble families (e.g. Radziwiłł). In this connection, Jagiello must also be mentioned, who, through his bearer of the name, the

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Lithuanian Grand Duke Jagiełło (Jogaila), as king on the Polish throne, also became popular as a personal name in Poland. The FamN derived from it, Jagiella, was historically widespread especially in the area around Kraków. In Lithuania itself, Lithuanian FamN were Polonized by the Polish-speaking administration, and later Polish FamN were Lithuanianized. Bearers of FamN from both name layers reached the territory of present-day Poland particularly after the Second World War. A special concentration of Lithuanian FamN is found in the area of autochthonous Lithuanian settlement in present-day Poland in the border region with Lithuania, in the regions around Suwałki and Augustów. In the territories of former East Prussia that have belonged to Poland since the Second World War, strongly Germanized FamN of Prussian-Lithuanian origin have survived, some of which were Polonized. Accordingly, FamN with Lithuanian etymology or in Lithuanianized form, of very different origins, are to be expected in the dictionary.

Without mentioning this in the title, however, the author also considers in her dictionary FamN of Latvian and Old Prussian origin, as well as Polish and German FamN that go back to settlement names of Lithuanian or Old Prussian origin. In this respect, the title of the work should more aptly have been Baltyckie Nazwiska Polaków or Nazwiska pochodzenia bałtyckiego w Polsce. This enumeration of the layers of FamN included by the author leads one to expect extremely heterogeneous onymic material.

The data basis of the dictionary is the second edition, published on CD, of Słownik nazwisk używanych w Polsce na początku XXI wieku by Kazimierz Rymut, which contains data on the frequency of FamN widespread in Poland, broken down by counties, on the basis of the 2002 census. From this enormous corpus, comprising more than 13,000 pages, the author selects, on the basis of formal and semantic criteria, the FamN supposedly of Baltic origin for presentation in her name lexicon.

Her procedure resembles that of Zinkevičius (2010, 2011), who, however, relies on telephone-directory data, with the difference that Walkowiak’s corpus is incomparably larger and the occurrences of the FamN in question are not geographically restricted to the historical Lithuanian-Polish contact areas in Poland. This approach is evidently unavoidable if FamN of Lithuanian provenance are to be recorded in their entirety and not restricted to FamN with unequivocal morphological or graphic features pointing to Lithuanian. It nevertheless entails, as will still be shown, considerable risks of misidentifying the Baltic provenance of FamN.

As the subtitle indicates, the author offers an etymological dictionary of the relevant FamN, with an indication of the frequency of their

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occurrence in present-day Poland. In the preface, the author does not address the principles of the graphic and phonetic Polonization of Lithuanian proper names. Nor are they discussed in the individual entries. Users of the dictionary should be familiar with them if they wish to examine the etymologies presented by the author. The dictionary is preceded by a list of Lithuanian name elements and their meaning.

The FamN are presented in the dictionary as main and cross-reference entries. The variant closest to the supposedly Lithuanian FamN, or the FamN itself, forms the main entry, to which spelling variants, sometimes in longer chains, refer. This is followed by information on the presumed Lithuanian (Baltic) base form of the FamN, to which an onymic base or one or more Lithuanian, Old Prussian, or Latvian etyma are assigned. The author frequently fails to provide information on word formation (e.g. diminutive formations with –elis/–ėlis or patronymic formations with –aitis). Each entry concludes with the frequency of the FamN in Poland, as well as its frequency broken down by counties, which the author took over from Rymut (2005). Here the user certainly regrets having a print version and being unable to check the distribution of the FamN ad hoc. However, this is easily possible with the mapping program cited on the page Nazwiska polskie. Rozkład występowania nazwisk w powiatach (access: http://nlp.actaforte.pl:8080/Nomina/Ndistry?nazwisko=), which likewise uses data from the 2002 census in Poland.

Alongside FamN with clear Lithuanian (Baltic) etymology and comprehensible word-formation patterns, such as Burba (p. 72), Gintowt (p. 124), or Kalwajtys (p. 159), which in their Lithuanian form are also widespread in Lithuania, the author is particularly intent on recording hidden Polish FamN of Lithuanian or Baltic provenance that have not previously been included in other name lexicons. However, she is too quickly led by the phonetic similarity of a FamN to a Lithuanian appellative or onym to consider a Lithuanian origin, without consistently checking whether the FamN is widespread in Lithuania at all, whether the derivation is plausible for a FamN, and whether the Polish or Polonized FamN is widespread in areas where autochthonous Lithuanian settlement has been demonstrated or immigration is probable. This applies, among others, to the entries Batanda (p. 45), Diews (p. 91), Dulka (p. 100), Nawra (p. 235), Wojnar (p. 366), to name only a few. Nor should FamN with

^¹ See, for example, the distribution of Diews, Dulka and Nawra 1890. Access: https://nvk.genealogy.net/map/1890:Dulka,1890:Nawra,1890:Diews.

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the ending –as be classified categorically as Lithuanian (in the Polonization of Lithuanian FamN, this generally drops), which applies, among others, to the FamN Adamas (p. 27), Babilas (p. 40), Kieras (p. 168), Tarnas (p. 327), Warpas (p. 350), for which an extra-Baltic interpretation must likewise be sought.

The selection of FamN supposedly of Baltic origin according to formal and semantic features has, as already indicated above, its pitfalls. Here it is particularly important to look at the frequency of the FamN. FamN recorded in the corpus with fewer than 5 occurrences should warn the author to exercise caution, especially when the FamN cannot be interpreted and does not otherwise occur in Lithuania. This applies, for example, to Detrait, cf. “DETRAIT – Polish hypothetical form *^Detraitis26, Detreit²⁷. Rejection of the ending characteristic of ML. LPŽ does not record it” (p. 91). As the source for the Lithuanian form Detraitis, a supposed Anne Detraitis, listed in the 1940 US Census, is given, although the name form can easily be explained there as a misspelling of Petraitis. As the source for Detreit, a Jacob Detreit is cited, who is said to have lived in Germany in 1681! A glance at the page https://forebears.io is sufficient, however, to recognize that the FamN Detrait originates in France or Belgium, where 615 and 171 occurrences of the FamN², respectively, have been documented. It is therefore evidently a French FamN whose female bearer apparently has only recently been living in Poland. Further examples such as ^Baradat, ^Barat, ^Barbat (p. 48), and others could be cited. Apparently, the underlying corpus also contains FamN that are misspelled and do not exist in this form (cf. Cigua p. 78 for Cigula; Narwot p. 234 for Nawrot, Otrowski p. 242 for Ostrowski, among others), which the author should have filtered out beforehand.

The author should likewise regard with suspicion highly frequent FamN that, like Wojnar (3778⁶, p. 366), Dziewulski (2414, p. 104, see below on the FamN), or Darul (957, p. 87, see below on the FamN), do not occur in Lithuania or whose occurrence in Lithuania and Poland stands in a marked

^² Source: Access: https://forebears.io/x/de/surnames/detrait. The figures given in Forebears are only approximate values. They nevertheless reliably indicate whether and on what scale a FamN is widespread in a country.

^³ Baradat: 1097 occurrences in France (access: https://forebears.io/x/de/surnames/baradat).

^⁴ Barat: 106,786 occurrences in Kazakhstan, 24,662 in Afghanistan, 13,066 in India, 4,720 in France, and further occurrences in other countries (access: https://forebears.io/de/surnames/barat).

^⁵ Barbat: 1330 occurrences in France, 742 in Romania (access: https://forebears.io/de/surnames/barbat).

^⁶ The information immediately following the FamN refers to the frequency of the FamN in the corpus.

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marked imbalance. The FamN Wojnar is particularly widespread in southern Poland,^⁷ which argues against a Lithuanian origin. The author is quite aware of the significance of the geographical distribution of FamN for assessing the Lithuanian (Baltic) origin of a FamN, as she emphasizes on pp. 17f.; however, she may not have checked the distribution consistently or drawn the necessary conclusions from it (e.g. a strong concentration in southern Poland, which could never have arisen through immigration). In any case, the existence of Lithuanian forms, as in the case of Darul^⁸ versus Darulis (p. 87), should not induce one to include the Polish or East Slavic base form (cf. also Fursa, p. 110) in the name lexicon.

Although Walkowiak acknowledges that the etymologies she proposes are sometimes hypothetical in character, which is more than understandable given the number of FamN presented, careful and rigorous etymologization and consideration of Lithuanian word-formation principles could nevertheless have prevented some obvious errors.

A particularly glaring example in this respect is the attempted interpretation of the FamN Baldyga (p. 45), for which the Polish dictionaries offer a convincing Polish interpretation.^⁹

BALDYGA – cf. Polish appellative Bauda (German Baude, formerly also Bauda, Bawde) < Old Prussian appellative baudīntun ‘to awaken’, Lithuanian baubti ‘to shout, scream, roar’. Cf. also Bełdycki. GG Baldyga/Buldyga Wąsosz, Grajewo County, 1705, Bałdyga Suwałki 1725, Bełdygowna Miastkowo, Łomża County, 1743. GenWiki Bauda, Baude, Bawde (Polish appellative). [...]

Only linguistic laypeople can relate Old Prussian baudīntun (which, however, is listed neither in PKEŽ nor in PJa^¹⁰ and is apparently unattested) to Lithuanian baūbti. Here the author cites GenWiki as her source; more precisely, the page https://wiki.genealogy.net/Baude_(Fluss). is involved. It contains the (clumsy) attempted interpretation of the river name Baude, which is traced to “Prussian ‘baudint’ = to awaken” or “Prussian-Nadruvian ‘baubti’ = to roar.” Neither does the location of the river Bauda accord with the

^⁷ Cf. Nazwiska polskie Rozkład występowania nazwisk w powiatach http://nlp.actaforte.pl:8080/Nomina/Ndistr?nazwisko=Wojnar.

^⁸ Cf. Nazwiska w Polsce: Dar-ul, an abbreviation of Old Polish two-stem personal names with -dar in the second part, such as Bogudar, Bożydar, NAp (access: https://nazwiska.ijp.pan.pl/haslo/show/id/6826).

^⁹ Nazwiska w Polsce: Bałdyga, from the appellative bałdyga ‘large, clumsy stick’; figuratively ‘a clumsy person, a lanky fellow’ SGP, SW (access: https://nazwiska.ijp.pan.pl/haslo/show/id/1270).

^¹⁰ Neither of the two standard works on Old Prussian is listed in the bibliography.

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the distribution of the FamN Baldyga, nor has the meaning of the suffix –(y)ga in this case been clarified. If a Baltic interpretation is to be considered, a connection with Lithuanian belsti, bāldyti ‘to knock, rap’ would be much closer.

The interpretation of FamN of Prussian-Lithuanian origin also causes the author difficulties, since phonetic and graphic adaptations to German must be taken into account in etymologization. Thus, for example, with Dirschuweit (p. 92), it must be considered that the Lithuanian form underlying the German name form could, alongside the form she gives, *Diršuvaitis, also be *Diržuvaitis or *Diržiuvaitis. German has no /ʒ/ except in loanwords and substitutes it with /ʃ/, and it also has no palatal consonants. Thus Dirschuweit is not, as the author traces it to Middle High German türs(e) (she cites Kohlheim/Kohlheim 2005: 192 as the source, although there only Dirscherl, and not the Dirsch and Dirschuweit she cites, is given), but rather to Lithuanian diržius ‘strap maker, harness maker’, a derivation with the suffix –ius for forming occupational designations from Lithuanian diržas ‘belt, strap’.¹¹ Elsewhere, as with the FamN Steguweit (p. 300), she makes no attempt at an etymology, although one is already given in Christiane Schiller (2008: 55), whom she lists in the bibliography but evidently did not consult. In general, the author scarcely takes Lithuanian word-formation rules into account when interpreting FamN. Since, for example, derivatives formed with the suffix variant –iuvaitis presuppose a form in –ius as their derivational base, no derivation of the FamN Kailow eit (p. 157) from Keilis, which the author regards as a loanword from German Keil, can be considered, especially since a suitable Lithuanian etymon exists in kailius. Therefore, the first interpretation is unnecessary. Balandat (p. 42) is traced to Lithuanian balandītis ‘young pigeon’, although among Prussian-Lithuanian FamN, all FamN ending in –a(i)t(is) must be assumed to derive from the corresponding patronymic suffix. Even though the FamN are presented as individual names in a dictionary of this kind (which is in the nature of the matter), they must nevertheless be considered within a systemic context. For FamN of Prussian-Lithuanian origin, the patronymic suffix –aitis/–atis is characteristic; that is, FamN formed with these suffixes are generally patronyms, not diminutives.

The interpretation of FamN of Old Prussian origin is generally fraught with great difficulties because of the poor state of the transmitted evidence, owing to insufficient attestation and a lack of continuity in transmission

¹¹ Schiller 2012: 51–52, 55; Schiller 2022 (access: http://www.namenforschung.net/id/name/202942/1).

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and has so far been carried out only fragmentarily in onomastic literature. For the most part, the corresponding interpretations have remained hypothetical. In this respect, it is surprising that the author includes FamN of Old Prussian origin in her work, although she mentions FamN of Old Prussian origin neither in the title nor in the structure, and therefore there would have been no necessity to do so. However, the Old Prussian-Polish contact area in present-day Poland also leads one to expect FamN of Old Prussian provenance there, so that their inclusion would be an important contribution to the interpretation of these FamN. The author’s contribution to interpreting Polish FamN of Old Prussian provenance is, however, limited. The proposed Old Prussian interpretation is often unlikely, for example when the historical distribution already points to areas outside Prussia, as with Alke (p. 31), Makurat (p. 209), Man(n)igel (p. 210), Wysgalla _{(S. 273)}^¹², among others. An interpretation as a German FamN is often more plausible, e.g. with Man (p. 209, cf. also Mann), Meinike (p. 217), Rajnike (p. 268). In the case of FamN for which an Old Prussian interpretation may be considered, the etymological information is imprecise; the author often merely strings together information from the secondary literature, as with the FamN Korinth^¹³ (p. 183).

KORINTH – cf. Old Prussian place name Corinth, Korin, Korreynen and Old Prussian appellative kurint ‘to warm oneself’. However, E. Breza rather connects the name with the place name Korynt (Greece). OG Corinth, Korinth. GenWiki Korinth (Familienname). Breza 2000a: 220; Traut and LPŽ do not record it.

As above with the FamN Baldyga, Walkowiak unfortunately uses the GenWiki source here as well, whose entries, made by linguistic and onomastic laypeople, she apparently did not critically examine here either. The author fails to explain the relationship between the cited FamN and Korin or Korreynen (the latter two are historically attested as settlement names), nor did she verify here either the existence of the Old Prussian etymon kurint that she cites in the Prussianist reference works.^¹⁴

^¹² Cf. the historical distribution in 1890 (access: https://nvk.genealogy.net/map/1890: Alke, 1890:Makurat,1890:Manigel,1890:Mannigel,1890:Wisgalla,1890:Wysgalla).

^¹³ Most recent attempted interpretation in Graszilda Blažienė (2011: 114).

^¹⁴ Cf. the information at https://wiki.genealogy.net/Korinth_%28Familienname%29 “Origin and meaning: Prussian ‘kurint’ = to heat oneself” and “Variants of the name: Corinth, Korin, Korreynen.” The information there goes back to the entry “Corinth – place Korin/Korreynen, kurint = to heat oneself” in Heinz G. Podehl (1987: 16), a book that is essentially useless for interpreting FamN of Old Prussian origin because the author is a linguistic layperson and did not use the scholarly literature on Old Prussian personal names, such as Reinhold Trautmann (1925).

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The second layer of names not already mentioned in the title, which the author includes in her dictionary, consists of FamN of Latvian provenance. Here she focuses particularly on immigration from Latgale (also German Polish Livonia, Polish Inflanty), where the most intensive Polish-Latvian contacts occurred in the past. In identifying the relevant FamN, the author relies primarily on Ilmars Mežs (2017). Alongside Latvian FamN Berzin (p. 53), Jaunzems (p. 150), or Kruminsz (p. 187), FamN such as Bokisz (p. 61), Kejster (p. 165), or Gejda ^{(S. 115)} are also traced to supposedly Latvian forms that were already historically widespread in the territories now belonging to Poland. Here too, the author relies uncritically on the source (Mežs is a historian, not a linguist) when she traces Kejster to Lithuanian keisti ‘to change, replace, transform’, without this being plausible in any way, since such a formation in -er is not to be expected.

In the proposed interpretations of supposedly Lithuanian or Baltic FamN, the word-formation principles of Polish FamN should also always be taken into account. In Polish, the suffix -owicz or -ewicz generally forms patronyms from personal names, nicknames, or occupational designations, while the suffix -ski forms names of origin from corresponding settlement names. Consequently, for the FamN Azarewicz (p. 40), it is not obvious (the author follows Zinkevičius 2010: 12 here) that it should be traced to Lithuanian ežeras, āžeras ‘lake’. Given other FamN widespread in Eastern Europe, such as Azarenka, Azarov and others, it should have become clear that Azar or Azarij¹⁶ is a (extra-Baltic) personal name. Given that Polish FamN in -ski can generally be traced to settlement names, for these FamN one should first search for a corresponding settlement name rather than attempt an appellative interpretation. Thus the FamN Dziewulski (p. 104) derives not from Lithuanian dievas ‘God’ (according to LPŽ I 543, and likewise Zinkevičius 2010: 50), but from the settlement name Dziewule (Siedlce County, Masovian Voivodeship, or, less frequently, Łuków County, Lublin Voivodeship),¹⁷ to which Dziewulak (p. 104) can also be traced as an inhabitant name.

To conclude, a word on citation practice. The Digital Family Names Dictionary of Germany (DFD) is cited as a source in 37 entries

^¹⁵ For the historical distribution, see https://nvk.genealogy.net/map/1890:Bockisch, 1890:Keister,1890:Geida. Bokisz, Kejster and Gejda are Polonized forms of the German FamN Bockisch, Keister, Geida (cf. Polish Gajda in this connection).

^¹⁶Unbegaun 1972: 51.

^¹⁷ Cf. the entry Dziewulski in Nazwiska w Polsce https://nazwiska.ijppan.pl/haslo/show/id/5372,; also Siwik (2010: 156).

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mentioned, and the reviewer is cited as the author of the articles.¹⁸ However, for a large proportion of the FamN for which the DFD is cited as the source, the name articles had not yet been created at that time (e.g. Dirschuweit, Kailoweit), nor have they been created to this day (Diews, Dewileit, Dirwelat, among others). It is unclear what information the author extracted from the DFD data, apart from the fact that the respective FamN is widespread in Germany.

Compiling a dictionary such as this is a major challenge, given the complex language-contact situation and, consequently, the heterogeneity of the material, as well as its scope. Insofar as this is concerned, the author’s work cannot be valued highly enough. It is her merit that FamN of Lithuanian (Baltic) Provenienz have once again been brought into scholarly discourse as an expression of the shared Polish and Lithuanian history. Notwithstanding the critical comments, Justyna Walkowiak has presented a comprehensive reference work on Polish FamN of Lithuanian (Baltic) Provenienz and has thus made an important contribution to Polish onomastics. Future onomastic research, which can draw on additional historical and genealogical sources and mapping possibilities for FamN, will surely be able to confirm many of the etymologies offered by the author.

LITERATURE

Blažienė Grasil­da 2011: Familiennamen aus dem Altpreußischen im Deutschen. – Familiennamen im Deutschen. Erforschung und Nachschlagewerke. Familiennamen aus fremden Sprachen im deutschen Sprachraum, vol. 2, ed. K. Hengst, D. Krüger, Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 105–129.

LPŽ I – Vanagas Aleksandras, Maciejauskienė Vitalija, Razmukaitė Marija. Lietuvių pavardžių žodynas 1 (A–K), scholarly ed. A. Vanagas, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1985.

Mežs Ilmārs 2017: Latvian Surnames in Archival Materials. Latgale, Riga: Latvian Language Agency.

PKEŽ – Mažiulis Vytautas. Prūsų kalbos etimologijos žodynas 1–4, first edition, Vilnius: Mokslas (vol. 1, 1988), Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla (vols. 2–3, 1993–1996), Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas (vol. 4, 1997).

Podehl Heinz G. 1987: 4444 East Prussian Names Explained in Prussian, Leer: Rautenberg.

¹⁸ “DFB (sic!) – Digitales Familiennamenwörterbuch Deutschlands (autorka objaśnień etymologicznych nazwisk z ML – Christiane Schiller). http://www.namenforschung.net/dfd/woerterbuch/liste“ (p. 393).

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Pr] – Toporov Vladimir N. Prusskij jazyk. Slovar’ 1–4, Moscow: Nauka, 1975–1984.

Schiller Christiane 2008: Family Names of Prussian-Lithuanian Provenance in the Federal Republic. – Zunamen 3/1, 38–58.

Schiller Christiane 2012: Berufsnamen im Preußisch-Litauischen. – Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 66, 48–63.

Schiller Christiane 2022: Dirschuweit. – Digitales Familiennamenwörterbuch Deutschlands. Access: http://www.namenforschung.net/id/name/202942/1.

Siwik Jan 2010: Encyklopedia nazwisk i przydomków szlacheckich, 1st ed., Warsaw: Kastor.

Smoczyński Wojciech 1982: Les noms de famille polonais d’origine lituanienne. – Proceedings of ^13th International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Bd. 2, red. K. Rymut, Kraków: PWN, 437–446.

Smoczyński Wojciech 2002: Nazwy osobowe ‘litewskie’. Próba objaśnienia. – Słownik etymologiczno-motywacyjny staropolskich nazw osobowych. Część 7: Suplement. Rozwiązanie licznych zagadek staropolskiej antroponimii, ed. A. Cieślikowa, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe DWN, 19–30.

Trautmann Reinhold 1925: Die altpreußischen Personennamen. Ein Beitrag zur baltischen Philologie, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Unbegaun Boris O. 1972: Russian Surnames, Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Zinkevičius Zigmas 2010: Lietuviškas paveldas Suvalkų ir Augustavo krašto Lenkijoje pavardėse: an outline of polonization, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos centras.

Zinkevičius Zigmas 2011: Lietuviškas (baltiškas) paveldas Balstogės vaivadijos Lenkijoje pavardėse: an outline of slavicization, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos centras.

Submitted on 25 May 2023.

CHRISTIANE SCHILLER Humboldt University of Berlin, Institute of German Language and Linguistics, Unter den Linden 6, D-10099 Berlin, Germany [email protected]

Technical University of Darmstadt, Institute of Linguistics and Literary Studies, Residential Palace Darmstadt, Residenzschloss 1, 64283 Darmstadt [email protected]

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