LIETUVIŲ AREALINĖS LINGVISTIKOS KLAUSIMAI LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA

A. VANAGAS

PARALLELS BETWEEN LITHUANIAN AND LATVIAN HYDRONYMS AND THEIR DISTRIBUTION

Lithuanian hydronyms are highly diverse in origin, meaning, and formation. This diversity can be analyzed from many perspectives, though even then it would scarcely be possible to encompass the full range of problems and questions. One of the many possible lines of inquiry is a lexical and semantic survey of Lithuanian hydronymy in terms of its connections with the names of other Baltic languages or, more broadly, with the Indo-European onomasticon. Such a survey is, to be sure, possible only on the condition that the hydronyms under analysis have etymologies. In the absence of an etymological dictionary of Lithuanian hydronyms, the stratigraphic excursuses and remarks that appear in this article are in many cases based on the author's etymological studies of Lithuanian hydronyms.

The most frequent and, at the same time, most characteristic Lithuanian hydronyms are those that formed latest, that is, within the Lithuanian language itself. In many respects they are highly interesting and valuable; nevertheless, it is the ancient, most archaic layer that secures Lithuanian hydronymy an important place in Baltic and Indo-European studies.

This article examines a number of relatively archaic Lithuanian hydronyms that link the Lithuanian onomasticon with the Latvian language and its onomasticon¹.

The connections between Lithuanian hydronymy and the Latvian language, taken in the broadest sense, are extensive, since, in fact, all hydronyms and place names in general derived from words common to Lithuanian and Latvian are shared by the Lithuanian and Latvian onomastica. For example, the word for ‘stone’ is common to Lithuanian and Latvian: Lithuanian akmuo, Latvian akmens. Hundreds of names of bodies of water and all kinds of other places have been formed from these appellatives in Lithuanian and Latvian (cf. Lithuanian Akmenà, Akmenas, Akmenė, Akmenynė, Akmenis, Akmėnupis, Akmenių upėlis, etc.; Latvian Akmene, Akmenu-upīte, Akmenijas-dūksts, Akmenica, Akmens-grava, Akmens-strauts, Akmeņupe, etc.). Thus, place names containing akmen- are one of the strongest links connecting Lithuanian and Latvian onomastica. There are hundreds of cases in which hydronyms or place names in general are shared by Lithuanian and Latvian in the sense that they derive from appellatives common to these languages. They could be the subject of a separate study². Here, what chiefly concerns us are Lithuanian hydronyms derived from appellatives no longer found in Lithuanian but preserved in Latvian. Ant-

¹ It should be explained that the phrase “links with the Latvian language” is used provisionally, for convenience. In fact, the hydronyms in question are lexically, in a certain sense, and geographically connected not only with Latvian but also with other extinct northern Baltic dialects (Curonian, Semigallian, and Selonian).

² Latvian–Old Prussian onomastic correspondences have already been analyzed from a similar perspective; see B. Дамбе, Соответствия в топонимии Латвийской ССР с древнепрусским языком, “Baltistica,” Supplement I, 1972, 55—62.

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Here, hydronyms whose etymology relies more on Latvian and its lexicon are also presented, in the sense that Latvian has preserved common nouns whose meanings are better suited to explaining the origin—and above all the semantics—of the hydronyms under discussion. The river and lake names that can be associated with corresponding Lithuanian appellatives without much doubt are not excluded either, although these appellatives themselves may in turn be Baltic dialectal words (substratal or relic words of Latvian, Curonian, Semigallian, or Selonian origin).

Clearer Baltic “phonetic” dialectal forms are also presented, i.e. hydronyms displaying phonetic changes characteristic of Latvian, Selonian, Semigallian, and Curonian.

About 120 Lithuanian hydronyms are examined in all.

Akny stà river Lel., Aknystėlis lake Lel., Akny stās lake Rk. Cf. Aknýščiai village, Anykščiai district, Aknýstos village, Anykščiai district. These place names have a clear parallel in Latvian nomenclature; cf. Aknīša or Aknīste village (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 17). J. Endzelynas connects this Latvian place name (albeit with a question mark) with Latv. aka ‘well’ (ibid.). Further, Latv. aka may be compared with Latv. acs ‘eye’ and Lith. akis ‘a small hollow; a water-filled depression in a bog or in a lake in the process of becoming overgrown’ (LKŽ I 64). See also W. Porzig, Gliederung, 205.

Alangà river Trg. The origin of this river name raises various questions. Among other possibilities, it may even be Finno-Ugric; cf. Fin. Alanga, Olanga, Olonga (for further discussion, see A. Vanagas, FS 151). In any case, however, its connection with Latv. aluõgs ‘spring, hollow in water’ (LVV I 69) is fairly clear. Some doubt also attaches to the Baltic origin of the word itself (see V. Dambe, Gidronimy s formantom -v-, 141).

Alaukstis river Tl. This river name is known only from written records. The authenticity of its underlying form is doubtful. In any case, however, it can be associated with the Latvian place names Alauksts lake (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 19), Aluoksne river, Alūksne river, Aluokste river (ibid., 24), and Latv. alukšna ‘a boggy place’ (J. Endzelynas, DI II 372; K. Būga, I 500; III 625).

Āunuva river Lk., Aun-upis Rdš. Cf. Latv. Auna-grāvis ditch, Aunuezers lake, Aūnu-straūts, Aunene meadow, etc. (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 54—55): Latv. auns ‘ram’. For the semantics, compare Lith. Avinuostas lake Antz., Avin-upis river Šl., Avinėlis lake Aln.

Aūslas lake Dgč. Probably a “fish-related” lake name; cf. Latv. aūsleja and Lith. aūkšlė ‘a fish, Alburnus lucidus’ (see B. Savukynas, LKK III 299).

Bėdrė river Stč., river Všk. Cf. Lith. (from Latvian?) bēdrē ‘hollow; pothole; puddle, bog, valley’ (LKŽ I 711), Latv. bedre ‘same’ (LVV I 276—277).

Bėlys lake Švnč. (and Bėlaitis lake Švnč.). The origin is unclear. It most likely belongs among hydronyms with a “puddle—whiteness” meaning; cf. Lith. belà ‘puddle, bog’ (LKŽ I 738), Latv. bęlute ‘pool, water-filled hollow’ (see E. Fraenkel, LEW I 30). Also compare East Slavic белъ ‘puddle’ (E. Kotonova, BH 82).

Blākė river Varn. Cf. Lith. blākas ‘level, flat’ (LKŽ I 876), Latv. blaks ‘calm sea; level’ (LVV I 308).

Blidakė river Krt. Perhaps a compound name: Blid-akė (for further discussion of -akė, see HD 82, 83). The root blid- may be a later (irregular?) reshaping of blid- (cf. Latv. Blīdiene, Lith. blind-): *Blind-akė. For blind-, cf. Lith. Blindis river Rs., Blinda river Als., Blindājus river Jon., and Blendā river Šr.

Būgėnis river Nv., river Šd. Cf. Latv. Budzene meadow (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 139). The long vowel ū in the Lithuanian river name Būgėnis raises some doubts. Recorded forms are known

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with short u. Incidentally, K. Būga’s Nomina propria card index also contains several slips with this river name, and short u is written in every instance. Short u is also indicated by Latvian Budzene. Latvian Budzene is associated with Latvian budzis ‘boil, carbuncle, lump’ (J. Endzelynas, ibid.). Perhaps Lithuanian Būgėnis (or Bugėnis) should also be associated with Lithuanian būgius ‘without a finger’ (LKŽ I 1130).

Burkālė lake, Lkv. Perhaps associated with Latvian burka ‘ice hole’; compare Lithuanian būrkti ‘to swell, puff up, become swollen, swell up’ (LKŽ I 1191).

Cedvė river, Yl. The underlying form, known only from written sources, is doubtful. Compare Latvian Cede river (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 156). Perhaps a Curonianism from *Kedūe. For ked-, compare Lithuanian Kėdilės village, Skd.: Lithuanian kedénti ‘to tangle, ruffle, loosen, shake, tear’ (LKŽ V 480), kėdarotis ‘to branch out irregularly’ (ibid., 479). See also Čėdasas lake, PnmR.

Ciūgriovis river, Sk. — see Cūkų Grāvis.

Cūkų Grāvis river, RdN., Ciugriovis river, Sk. (<*Ciuk-griovis).

The root cūk- (ciuk-, cuk- < *cūk-) comes from Latvian cūka ‘pig’; compare Latvian Cūkas-dzelme, Cūku-dūkis, Cūku-ežers, etc. (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 173—175). For the semantics, compare Lithuanian Paršėzeris lake, Lkv.

Čėdasas lake, PnmR. A Selian lake name, from *Ked-asas (K. Būga, III 275); compare Lithuanian Kėdilės village, Skd.: Lithuanian kedénti ‘to tangle, ruffle, loosen, shake, tear’ (LKŽ V 480), kėdarotis ‘to branch out irregularly’ (ibid., 479). See also Cedvė river, Vl.

Čerč-iupys Serč-iupys river, lake, Km. The Latvian village name Cęrsupji (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 164) indicates the following evolution of the river name Čerčiupys: *Kersiupys > *Cersiupys > *Cerciupys > Čerčiupys. The variant Serčiupys confirms this development: *Cersiupys through metathesis > *Serciupys > Serčiupys.

This would be a Selian place-name, whose first element čerč- < *cers- is associated with Latvian šķērs ‘crosswise’ (Latvian Cęrsupji: Latvian šķērs, Prussian kērschan ‘across’ and Latvian upe ‘river’ — see J. Endzelynas, ibid.). Perhaps this is a Selian-Prussian parallel (for *kers-: Prussian kērschan). Compare Lithuanian Skersupys river, Krk., Skeršupis river, Vl.

Čeriaūkštė, Čerauḳštė, Šeriaūkštė river, Slč.: Ceraukste (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 161). A Latvian (Semigallian) river name: the root čer- derives from *ker-; compare Lithuanian Ker-ės-upis (K. Būga, I 337), Kerūlė river, Vdk., Kerūtis lake, Klt.

Čiaunas lake, Ds., lake, Jž. A Selian lake name, from *Kiaunas; compare Kiáunas lake, Lkm., Kiaunà river, Klt. (K. Būga, III 276).

Chiausha river Krtv., cf. Човша (J. Sprogis GŽ 326). Perhaps Chiausha < *Kiausha, cf. Kiaush-hill hill Sd., Kiaushine meadow Pp. This would apparently be one of the easternmost Curonianisms.

Čičiŕys lake, Imb. (and Čičiraitis lake, Imb.), Čičirė river, Antz. A Selian name, from *Kikirys. This would be a reduplicated hydronym, associated with Kiriena river, Jnš. (K. Būga, III 275).

Damašā, Damāšė river, Rsn. The underlying form is not entirely certain — it could also be Dumašā, Dumāšė. But compare Lithuanian Damāšės village, Tl. The origin is unclear. Perhaps a Curonianism (Latvianism?), associated with Latvian Damākša forest, Damākša bog, Damakša marsh: Latvian damākša, damakša ‘ancient large forest; wet place overgrown with grass and bushes’ (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 191).

Dangė river, Nmk., Dangaučius river, Krk., Dangavinis part of a lake, Dkšt., Daňg-upis river, Šauk. Compare Lithuanian Dangaï sinking meadow, Lk., Danguš meadow, VIkj. Compare Latvian Danga

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E.g., Dangas—a stream, Dangas marsh, Dangu—purvs marsh: Latvian danga ‘a muddy lowland; a boggy, marshy place’ (J. Endzelīnas, LV I 1. 194–195). See also I. Duridanov, TBSpr. 27.

Driūgis, Driūgiai lake, Lkm. (and Dringýkštis lake, Ign.), Dring-upis river, Čk. Perhaps it is related to Latvian drieg n is ‘a marshy place: a morass, a boggy spot’ (LVV I 502)—see B. Savukynas, LKK V 145. Cf. Lithuanian dringti ‘to swell, dry up; diminish, disappear, recede’ (LKŽ II 721).

Drukys, Drūkis river, Slč. Cf. Latvian Drukis river, Drukis settlement, Druki settlement: Latvian drukis ‘body; a small, stout child’ (J. Endzelīnas, LV I 1. 229).

Dublis river, Žml. Cf. Lithuanian Dublė marsh, Pnm., Dūblabalė meadow, Stč. (from which the genitival stream name Dublabalės upėlis, Rz.), Dūblės field, Vad., Dūblis lake, Lnkv., field, Pn. Apparently related to Latvian dubli ‘mud’ (see J. Šliavas, NeBAigti ieškojimai, 28). Cf. Lithuanian dublūs ‘hollow, deep’ (LKŽ II 784).

Dūksta lake, Krtv., Dukstýna river, Ukm., Dūkštā river, Mšg., Dūkšias lake, Dkšt., Dūkštėlis lake, Rš. Cf. Latvian dūksts ‘swamp, marsh, marshy place, lowland’ (LVV I 525), Lithuanian dūksinas ‘muddy, dirty’ (LKŽ II 808). See also B. Savukynas, LKK V 196; L. Nevskaja, Nazvanija bolot, 162.

Dūkšmė river, Varn. Perhaps from the root dūkš- with the determinant m: Latvian dūksts ‘swamp, marsh, marshy place, lowland’, dūksne ‘swamp, pool, lowland’ (LVV I 525).

Dūlk-upis river, Šll. Perhaps related to Latvian dūļke ‘pool; marsh, swamp’ (LVV I 513; see also L. Nevskaja, Nazvanija bolot, 161). However, cf. Lithuanian personal name Dulkys.

Duor-upis river, Pn., Duōr-upis, Duor-upýs, Duōrpis < *Duor-upis river, Lkč. The following probably also belongs here: Duōrpis river, Pn., derived from *Duor-upis (see A. Vanagas, Sinkopė, 262). Cf. Latvian Duōres—purvs marsh, Duōrupe village, Duorupe river, Duōrup-valks marsh (J. Endzelīnas, LV I 1. 249).

The root duor- is related to Latvian duore ‘a tree trunk with a hollow in which bees nest; a hollow tree; a hole, indentation’, etc. (LVV I 534).

Gariava river, Pn. Perhaps related to Latvian garš ‘long’ (LVV I 607).

Gātė river, Lk., Gātuonas river, Gdr., Gāt-upis, Gat-upȳs river, Nmk. Cf. Lithuanian Gātė meadow, Varn., Gātė riverbank, Mšg., Latvian Gate lake, Gatsgal-purvs marsh, Gatenes-ezers lake, Gatenes—ezeriņš lake, Gatiņu-grāvis ditch: Latvian gātis ‘causeway’. Further, it is apparently related to Тать river, a tributary of the Volma, a tributary of the Svisloch, itself a tributary of the Berezina (V. Toporov, O. Trubačiov, 182), Russian гать ‘fascine filling, a path laid with branches across a swamp’, Ukrainian гать ‘same’, Serbo-Croatian rât ‘dam, dike’, Czech hat ‘fascine filling’, Old Indian gātūs ‘road’, Avestan gātu- ‘place’ (for further discussion see M. Vasmer, I 397).

Glaužinys river, Ktk. The origin is unclear. Perhaps it is related to Latvian glužes ‘smooth, pure, clean’ (LVV I 630); cf. Lithuanian glūžnūs ‘kind, amiable’ (LKŽ III 446), glūšti ‘to calm down, subside’ (ibid., 444).

Grīva river, Krš. Cf. Latvian Grīva river, Grīva meadow, Grīvi meadow. It is related to Latvian grīva ‘river mouth’; cf. Dacian griva ‘river mouth’ (see J. Endzelīnas, LV I 1. 327–328; O. Trubačiov, DUUV 95; I. Duridanov, TBSpr. 25).

Gruōtė river, Lnkv. Cf. Latvian Gruōtė village, Grot (Gruot?) spring, Gruōtes-lauks field, Gruōtes-kalns hill, Gruot-lāma pool (J. Endzelīnas, LV I 1. 334). Perhaps it is related to Latvian gruōti: gruōdi ‘bridge floorboards’ (LVV I 671); cf. Lithuanian grindas ‘wood used for paving a bridge; flooring’ (LKŽ III 515). Thus, because of its diphthong uo, Lithuanian Gruōtė would be a Latvian, more precisely, Semigallian river name. For the semantic parallel, cf. Grandenu river, Klm.

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Guopÿs, Guõpis river Nj. Most likely through syncope (see A. Vanagas, Sinkopė, 261 ff. for more detail) from *Guov-upys, -is, cf. Latvian Guov-upe river: Latvian guòvs ‘cow’ (J. Endzelīns, LV I 1. 344).

Ylėlis lake Smn., Ylyčià river Smn., Ỹl-upis river Tl. Cf. Lithuanian Ỹl-a-balė swamp Smn., Ỹl-a-kalnis hill Blnk., Ỹl-a-raistis marsh Mrk., and perhaps Ilaitės grove Rd., Il-brastas forest Mšk., Il-brastis village Žr.; Latvian Īle river, Īle swamp (J. Endzelīns, LV I 1. 371). The root yl- may be related to Latvian ils ‘completely dark’ (LVV I 836). The latter word is cognate with Russian ил ‘lowland, bog’ and Polish il ‘clay, mud’ and so on (M. Vasmer, II 126).

Ižitas lake Dgč. (and Ižitėlis lake Dgč.). The consonant ž here occurs in place of Lithuanian ž, so this lake name is considered Selonian (K. Būga, III 279). Cf. Iženà river Šmn.: Lithuanian ižas ‘ice floes floating in a freezing river; very thin, newly formed ice; ice floes; hoarfrost, frost’ (LKŽ IV 283).

Jūžintas Lake Ant., Lake Jž. (and Jūžintėlė River Jž.). The root is jūž- < *jūž-; cf. (?) Ūžimas Lake Šmn. (see) – a Baltic dialectal form in which the consonant ž occurs in place of Lithuanian ž. The lake name Jūžintas was also formerly pronounced Jūžintas (P. Skardžius, Hydronyms with -nt-, 22). Further, it may perhaps be possible to reconstruct the root *iug'-: PIE *ieug- ‘agitated, stirred, restless’; cf. Arm. (from Iranian) yuzem ‘I move, stir’, Tocharian A yok-, AB yuk- ‘to defeat, overcome’ (J. Pokorny, IEW 512).

Kalimbėtiškis River RdN. Cf. Latvian Kalimbji, Kallimbji village < *Kaln-limbji: Latvian kalns ‘mountain’ and Limbji village (J. Endzelynas, LV I 2. 15), i.e. ‘Mountain Limbji’.

Kaltis, Kalčià River Yl., Kaltānis Lake Klt., Kalt-upis River Ob. Cf. Latvian Kalte ‘a shallow place in a lake’, Kaltene settlement, Kaltik-ezers lake. These Latvian place names are associated with Latvian kalte ‘a sandy place in a deep lake where horses can swim and where fishermen lay their nets; drying, a drying shed’ (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 26). J. Endzelynas connects Latvian kalte with Latvian kālst ‘to dry, desiccate’ and considers it to derive from the Proto-Baltic word *kaltas ‘hardened, stiffened, hard, dry, dried up’ (LVV II 145).

Kėlė River Jon. It may perhaps be connected with Kėlve River Lap. (for kel-: kelv-, see further HD 213). Cf. Latvian Cēlis village, Cēļēn-ezers (J. Endzelynas, LV I 1. 163). It may be connected with Latvian cēls ‘tall, slender, excellent; tall, elevated, prominent’ (LVV I 377); cf. Lithuanian kėlti: kėlias (see E. Fraenkel, LEW I 236).

Kerbėšas river, Vkš. It is associated with Prussian Carbeyne river, Karben, and further with Latvian kirba “marshy place, bog, swamp, quagmire” (LVV II 383), Lithuanian kirba “quagmire, swamp”; compare Dak. kerba “marshy place, blockage” (see I. Duridanov, TBSpr. 38; V. Toporov, TBP 54).

Kėvė river, Vg.; Kėvė lake, Vg. Compare Latvian Kēves-aste meadow, Kēves-dikis pond, Kēve meadow, Kēvs-ezers lake, Kēvups stream, Kēvene meadow, and many others, all of which are derived from Latvian kēve “mare” (J. Endzelynas, LV I 2. 216—217); compare Lithuanian kėvė “a poor, thin animal, a nag” (LKŽ V 672). Thus Lithuanian Kėvė is most likely a Latvianism. It seems to us that the Lithuanian common noun kėvė itself, which, incidentally, is known only from the area bordering Latvia (northeastern Lithuania), is also a loanword from Latvian. Place-names would confirm this, among other things. There are dozens of place-names in Latvia associated with Latvian kēve, but only the one under discussion, Kėvė, in Lithuania. Latvian kēve is apparently indeed a Finno-Ugric loanword (for references, see A. Sabaliauskas, Naminių gyvulių pavadinimai, 157). As for Prussian kaywe, it may have entered Prussian either as a Lithuanian word (A. Sabaliauskas, ibid., 158) or as a loanword from Latvian. See also V. J. Zeps, Convergences, 132.

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Kniāvas, Kniāvasis river, Plng. Cf. Latvian Kn̄āvi village, Kn̄āvinis swamp: Latvian kn̄āva ‘a stick with a bent end’ or, more likely, Latvian kn̄āvs ‘a species of gull’ (J. Endzelin, LV I 2. 114).

Krėvė river, Gdž. Cf. Lithuanian Krėvė village, Kltn., l. Tl., Krevėliai swamp, RdN., Latvian Kreve village, Krevi village, Kreveļu-purvs swamp. Apparently related to Latvian kreve, krevelis ‘a flowing ravine’ (J. Endzelin, LV I 2. 133).

Krýn-upis river, Užv. Perhaps related to Latvian krina ‘pig’ (LVV II 283). Cf. also Lithuanian krynis (a word known only from Leskien) ‘tail?’ (LKŽ VI 601).

Krūoja river, Pkr., Kruojėlė river, Šl. Cf. Latvian Kruoja river, Kruõ-valks swamp (J. Endzelin, LV I 2. 156). Perhaps related to Latvian krūtīties ‘to strive to move forward’, krujāties ‘to move forward sluggishly, with difficulty, slowly’ (LVV II 285–286). For kruj-: kruoj- cf. Druja river, Varn.: Drūoja river, Is.

Kulkā, Kulkālis river, Pln. Cf. Lithuanian Kulkis, part of the Curonian Lagoon; Latvian Kuļka ‘muddy place, quagmire’, Lielā-kulka ‘fishing place in Saka’, Brasl-kulka and Mal-kulka ‘confluence, river mouth’; Latvian kuļka ‘road hollow; deep place in a river’ (J. Endzelin, LV I 2. 168). Latvian kuļka is a borrowing from MLG kulk ‘a water-filled hollow, oxbow lake’ (LVV II 306; see I. Olsson, GT 87–89 for more). But cf. Finnish kolkka ‘corner, nook’ (K. Būga, III 252; V. J. Zeps, Convergences, 123). M. Rudzytė associates the Latvian river name Koļka with the Latvian Finnic term kolka ‘a sandy promontory in the sea’ (M. Rudzīte, Somugriskie hidronīmi, 183).

Kuōpis, Kuõpė river, Tl. Cf. Lithuanian Kuõpis village, Trš., Latvian Kuōpas—plava swamp, Kopas-purvs swamp, Kuōpu-dīķis pond, Kuōpu-plava swamp, Kuop-ežers lake, Kuōpene swamp. Apparently related to Latvian kuōpa ‘heap; sand dune, mound’ (J. Endzelin, LV I 2. 344), Lithuanian kuopa, kuopà ‘heap, pile, mound, hillock; heap, embankment’ (LKŽ VI 914); cf. Lithuanian kuõpti ‘to heap up, dig’ (ibid., 916).

Kūra river, Grz. Cf. Latvian Kūra river, Kūra-plava swamp, Kūr-lejas swamp. These Latvian place names may most likely derive from Latvian (possibly a Finnic loanword?—see LVV II 337) kure ‘crucian carp’ (J. Endzelin, LV I 2. 189; M. Rudzīte, Somugriskie hidronīmi, 184). For more on this fish name, see B. Laumane, ZN 109–110.

Lėšk-upỹs, Lėšk-upỹs river, Km. Perhaps related to Latvian lekste (gen. lešku) ‘a kind of fish’ (B. Laumane, ZN 172).

Lėst-upỹs river, Čk. Perhaps related to Lithuanian Lėstis lake, Plt., and Latvian leste (gen. lešku) ‘a kind of fish’—see B. Laumane, ZN 172 for more.

Lėvūo river, Ps. (and Lėvenėlis river, Pmp.). Related to Latvian Lēvenis swamp: Latvian lēvenis, lēvenis ‘marsh, quagmire’ (J. Endzelin, LV I 2. 304). Cf. Trakai Lithuanian leva ‘swamp, marshy place’, Celtic Leven river (see I. Duridanov, TBSpr. 14, 89). See also Livintà river, Kš.

Livintà river, Kš. Cf. Prussian Lywa river, Liwencz, Lewencz lake. Prussian Lywa most likely has the root liv- (P. Skardžius, Vandenvardžiai su -nt-, 26–27). It is further connected with Lithuanian Lėvūo (see entry)—P. Skardžius, ibid.; G. Gerullis, AO 90. Cf. Latvian livans ‘low; flat, level’, livenis ‘marshy, boggy place; marshy, boggy lake shore’, līvens ‘marshy, boggy’, līvis ‘marsh, bog, quagmire’ (E. Blese, Liepāja un Saldus, 109). It is true that some scholars hold that Prussian Lywa river may be a Finnic loanword (H. Górnowicz, Suffix-it-, 234), but this view, particularly in light of the Latvian linguistic evidence, still requires further substantiation. Perhaps Liuvýnas river, Žgč., also belongs here: dialectal luvenis ‘marsh, quagmire’ (LVV II 545; see also L. Nevskaja, Nazvanija bolot, 161).

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Lõnas river, Sd. Cf. Latvian Lānes-mežs forest, Lāns settlement, farmstead, Lāņa-pļava meadow, Lānīte marsh, Lānītis river, Lānītes meadow: Latvian lānis, lāns ‘wet meadow; extensive, impassable forest’ < Estonian län (J. Endzelynas, LV I 2. 286).

Lūkalnis, Lūkainis lake. It seems that the first variant is secondary, having arisen through substitution from the second by analogy with the many compound place names and appellatives whose second component is -kalnis. The earlier variant Lūkainis is comparable with Latvian Lūkaini meadow, Lūkaini village (J. Endzelynas, LV I 2. 350), and Latvian lukains ‘drooping, hanging down’ (for further discussion, see V. Urbutis, “Etimologija,” 208); further, with Lithuanian Lukčiojus lake, Klm., and so on.

Lūkstas river, Krš.; Lūkstas lake, Varn. Because of the consonant s after k, these hydronyms should be regarded as Baltic dialect forms (Curonian or perhaps Latvian as well). Cf. Latvian Lukste river, Luksts meadow, Luksta-ezers lake, Lukstu-ezers lake: Latvian luksts ‘wet, marshy meadow, lowland’ (J. Endzelynas, LV I 2. 346). See also Lūkštą river, Jdp. For further discussion, see V. Urbutis, “Etimologija,” 208.

Lūkštà river, Jdp.; Lūkštas lake, Aln., lake, Imb.; Lūkštėlis lake, Lzd. It is apparently related to Latvian Lukste and Lithuanian Lūkštas river, Krš. (see entry).

Magūlis lake, Ktk. Cf. Lithuanian Magėlė stream, Žl. A connection with Lithuanian magùs ‘attractive, appealing’ (LKŽ VII 732) is doubtful. It is most likely related to Latvian Māg-upe river, Mā-gā-zalktene meadow, Māg-ezers lake: Latvian mags ‘small’ (J. Endzelynas, LV I 2. 366—367).

Māinia lake, Dg. It is most likely related to Latvian maiņa ‘swamp’ (LVV II 550); cf. Irish móin ‘bog, marsh, peatland’, Latin māno ‘flow, run’ (J. Pokorny, IEW 699—700; H. Krahe, AF 93).

Marč-ežeris lake, Antz. Perhaps, if the first component marč- is not of personal-name origin, it derives from *Merč-ežeris (cf. the older spelling Мерчежерис), where *merč- may be a Baltic (Selonian) dialect form from *merk’-. This assumption is especially supported by the name of a lake near Molėtai, Marč-iō-žeris < *Marč-iā-ežeris, whose variant form is Mark-ežeris. Thus in both cases we apparently have the root mark’- (see K. Būga, III 276). In this connection, cf. Markiją river, Nv., Merkýž river, Mrk.: Lithuanian merkti ‘put or plunge into water or another liquid; wet, moisten; rain, drizzle’ (LKŽ VIII 37). Cf. Russian мяреча ‘quagmire’ (K. Būga, I 414). See also M. Vasmer, II 602; L. Kurkina, NB 137, 143.

Melik-upis river, Vgr. Cf. Latvian Mellick village: Latvian mēlikis ‘liar’ (J. Endzelynas, LV I 2. 408).

Miklinys river, Pp. Cf. Lithuanian Miklė pond, Krž.; Latvian Mikluojis lake, Mikkli village: Latvian mikls ‘wet’ or mikls ‘flexible’ (J. Endzelynas, LV I 2. 435), Lithuanian miklus ‘slender, flexible; agile, nimble, swift, lively’ (LKŽ VIII 179—180).

Nykà river, Kriu. (and Nykūtė river, Kriu.), Nýkis, Nikis, Nikyš river, Srv. Cf. Latvian Nica river, Nica meadow. It may be related to Latvian nīca ‘place downstream, down the river’. Further, with Old Church Slavonic ницъ ‘stooped’, Old Indian níca-h ‘low’ (J. Endzelynas, LV I 2. 480—481; LVV II 745—746). Cf. also Lithuanian nỹkti ‘diminish, dwindle; weaken, decline’ (LKŽ VIII 800).

Páltis river, Grg.; river, Gdž.; river, Krkn.; river, Pšl.; Páltis part of a lake, Dkšt.; lake, Vb.; Paltys river, Krt.; Palt-upis river, Plt. (and Palt-upalis river, Plt.). Cf. Paltė meadow, Lk.; Páltis meadow, Plt.; marsh, Kdm.; meadow, Rdd.; Paltys forest, Slnt. It is related to Latvian paltis, palte ‘swamp, pool, puddle’, and further to Lithuanian Palà river, Pkr., pãlios, and so on (see W. Schmid, Zur primären -u- Ableitung, 474—475; J. Otrębski, Les mots slavo-baltes, 149). The association with Lithuanian páltis ‘bacon’ is incorrect (HD 47; R. Eckert, BS 32).

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Plunkė River Rt. Cf. Latvian pluncī, “small marsh” (LVV III 372; see also L. Nevskaja, Nazvanija balot, 161), Lithuanian plūkti (plūnka, plūko) “to become covered with water, sweat, or something else; to flow, stream” (DLKŽ).

Rąžė River Plng., Rąžuolė River Lk. Possibly related to rąža, Latvian ruoža “a small stream between fields; a small meadow between fields; a cliff; a hollow; a mountain ridge in a forest; a chain of elevations in a bog, etc.” (LVV III 585; L. Nevskaja, Slovarj, 358); cf. Lithuanian rażytis “to writhe, struggle” (LKŽK), ržuž “one who is constantly writhing” (ibid.). Lithuanian rażytis and related forms are further associated with Lithuanian rėžtis “to exert one’s strength,” Latin regere “to direct, extend,” Old Indian rñjati “to writhe, stretch out,” etc. (for more, see E. Fraenkel, LEW II 726; J. Pokorny, IEW 854–857).

Rovėjė River Ppl. Related to Latvian rava “flood deposits in a meadow,” rāva “a deep place in the sea; a waterfall, rapid” (LVV III 499), and Lithuanian rova “flood deposits; a kind of clayey soil” (LKŽK).

Ruo tis River Žml. From Latvian ruotēt “to turn, twist” (J. Šliavas, Nebaigti ieškojimai, 28).

Ruvešys River Tj. There is also a meadow of the same name, Ruvešys. The origin is unclear. Nevertheless, there seems to be reason to associate it with Latvian ruvēties “to become calm, fall silent, grow quiet” (LVV III 565).

Šarkainis River Kv. Possibly related to Latvian sārkans “red” (LVV III 721) and Lithuanian sárkanas “bright; flushed, red” (LKŽK). Cf. Latvian Sarkanā upe, Sarkane River, Sarkan-valks River (J. Endzelin, LG 126).

Stridinis (or Strýdinis; cf. Strýdenė Lake in the same area) River RdN. Cf. Lithuanian Stridinis Meadow Kri., Strýdinė (or Stridinė?) Lake Jnš. Possibly related to Latvian strīdņš, strīde, strīds, strīds “enclosure, fence” (LVV III 1091).

Strigūtinė River Vrn. Cf. Lithuanian Strygā Hill Mlt., Strygales Forest Žd., Strigelis Grove Krv. Possibly related, especially the river name Strigūtinė, to Latvian striegūonis, striegūons “marshy, muddy place; pit for excrement and slops” (LVV III 1092). But cf. Lithuanian strigúoti “to drizzle,” at-strigúoti “to hop back, run back” (LKŽK). For further discussion of these words, see E. Fraenkel, LEW II 922–923.

Tamša River Tl. The official form may be later and secondary, perhaps even, in a sense, a contamination. It is pronounced Tomša ir Tūmša; cf. Tūmša Lake Lk. Apparently related to Latvian tumsis “dark” (LVV IV 263). Thus Tamša may be the result of blending Latvian tumsis and Lithuanian tamsūs.

Tūolas Lake Ign. Possibly related to Latvian tiōls “hornless, without horns” (LVV IV 285).

Užinas Lake Šmn. The consonant z is most likely a Baltic (Selonian) dialectal feature—see further Jūžintas Lake Ant.

Vašaknas Lake Ant. Perhaps Vasakų ežeras Lake Lgl. should also be mentioned here. As the village name Pa-vasakė indicates, the lake name may earlier have been non-genitival as well—*Vasakai or the like. Whether Vasyną River Ds. should also be mentioned here is unclear, since this name may be a dialectal form of *Uosyną (cf. Ūosis Lake Kpč.). K. Būga connected the root vas- with Latvian vasa or ie-vasa “soil moisture” (K. Būga, I 509–510). Cf. also Latvian vass “raw, damp” (LVV IV 486). It is further associated with Lithuanian at-važā “shoot, sprout,” vešėti “to thrive, grow, flourish,” Old High German waso “moist ground (feuchter Erdgrund),” wasal “water, river,” Old English wós “moisture, sap,” etc. (E. Fraenkel, LEW I 23).

Vazaja River Km., Vazājis, Vazajys, Vazājus Lake Jž. (and Vazajėlis Lake Jž.). Because of the consonant z corresponding to Lithuanian ž, these may be regarded as Baltic dialectal forms (Selonian place names) and associated with Važ-upys River Srv., Važis Lake Lgl.

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Vāzm-upis river. Vkš. Cf. Lithuanian Vazminė swamp. Yl. Perhaps it is related to Latvian vazma ‘idler, vagabond’, vazmuot ‘to chatter?’ (LVV IV 488), and Lithuanian (from Latvian) vazmà ‘vagabond’ (E. Fraenkel, LEW II 2009).

Vegėrė river. Pp. Cf. Lithuanian Vegėriai small town. Associated with Latvian vedzere ‘a narrow stream extending into a forest’ (LVV IV 521; K. Būga, II 328). Derived from Indo-European *uegʰ- ‘to be wet: Indo-European *uegʰ- ‘moist, to wet’; cf. Thracian *Vegera (see I. Duridanov, TBSpг. 31).

Viekščia river. Msn. In the same place, a meadow, bog Viekščia. Cf. Latvian Viekšta-mežs village, Viekšta river, Viekštini village (LVK). Apparently associated with Latvian viėksta ‘water eddy, whirlpool, unfrozen place; deep place in a river’ (LVV IV 654).

Viekšnia river. Jz. (and Viekšnėlė river. Jz.), Viekšn-upis river. Lk., Viekšn-upis, Viekšn-upỹs, Viešn-upis river. Zp. Cf. Lithuanian Viekšna meadow. Tv., Viekšnaliai forest. Varn., Viekšniai small town. Perhaps it is related to Latvian vėksnis ‘forest, bushes’ (L. Nevskaja, Nazvanija balot, table II). Also cf. Latvian vieksis ‘deep place in a river’ (LVV IV 654). See also Viekš-čia river. Msn.

Vigailis river. Sb., Vīgala river. Tt. (cf. Prussian Wigal – G. Gerullis, AO 200), Vīg-tinė river. Kltn. Cf. Lithuanian Vigaus pieva Pmp., Vygėnė ar Vigėnė meadow. Dbk., Vīgietis ar Vigietis bog, hill. Imb., Latvian Viga meadow, Vīgs meadow, Vigas meadow. The origin of the root vig-, vyg- is uncertain. Perhaps it is related to Latvian viga ‘a lowland between dunes (which may be marshy), grassy lowland; pond grass’, whose earlier meaning may have been ‘bend, curve’, whence Livonian viga ‘swamp, wet lowland’; cf. Norwegian vik ‘bend’, English veikja ‘to bend’ (for more details see LVV IV 582).

Vinkurė river. End. Cf. Lithuanian Vinka or Graž., Vinkėrė bog. Krty. According to K. Būga, from the root vink-, whose meaning was ‘to bend, incline’; cf. Latvian (Curonian) vinkal’ât ‘to shirk work’ (K. Būga, III 276).

Virgė river. Pkr., Virg-upis, Virg-upỹs river. Gdž. Cf. Lithuanian (?) streams Virga (see K. Būga, III 231), Latvian Virdzes village, Virdzīte river, Virgulica river. Apparently related to Latvian virga ‘marshy meadow’ (if, of course, this word is indeed an appellative – see LVV IV 604), virgi ‘small waves on the water caused by the wind’ (ibid., 605). Also cf. Latvian verdze ‘large heap; much, a great quantity’ (ibid., 604), Lithuanian virgėti ‘to shimmer, move’, virginti ‘to make tremble’ (LKŽK).

Zaduojỹs, Zadúojas lake. Ds. Because of the consonant z in place of the more characteristic Lithuanian ž, it is considered a Selonian place name; cf. Žadalīs river. Šll.

Zálvas lake. Dgč., Zálvē river. Antz., Zálvē lake. Antz., Zalvēlis lake. Dgč., Zalvỹs lake. Antz. Cf. Latvian Zalva river, Zalvīte river, Zalve bog (LVK). Because of the consonant z, all are considered Selonian hydronyms; cf. Žalvē river. Užv.

Žarasas lake. Zr. (and Zarasáitis lake. Zr.). According to K. Būga, this is a Selonian hydronym, shortened from *Ežerasas > *Azarasas (in other dialects *Ezarasas, *Ezerasas) > Žarasas (K. Būga, II 19–21; J. Otrębski, Lit. Žarasas, 327 ff.).

Zirnajỹs, Zirnejas lake. Antz. Because of the consonant z at the beginning of the word, it is considered a Selonian place name. Cf. Latvian Zirnājis meadow (LVK). It is further related to Žirnaja river. Pbs.

Understandably, not all Lithuanian hydronyms that, in the aspect discussed above, are associated with Latvian and its toponymy are listed here. There may perhaps be somewhat more such hydronyms. However, it is unlikely that their total number can be increased very much.

As one would expect, most of the Lithuanian hydronyms in question are found in the northern part of Lithuania. They are somewhat more numerous in Žemaitija and northeastern Lithuania, although apparently we could not identify any area with a particularly high concentration of them. But the very

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The fact that most of these hydronyms are located in the northern part of Lithuania suggests that we are dealing with the southward extension of features characteristic of the Latvian language (primarily lexical ones), beyond the borders of today’s Latvian SSR. It is possible that many of these hydronyms are remnants of extinct Baltic dialects—Curonian, Semigallian, and Selonian. This seems to apply particularly well to most Samogitian hydronyms. For example, the names of Samogitian rivers and lakes Alangà Trg., Alaukstis Tl., Blãkė Varn., Blidãkė Krt., Burkėlė Lkv., Cedvė Yl., Damašà Rsn., Dūkšmė Varn., Gãtė Lk., Gãt-upis Nmk., Grýva Krš., Kaltis Yl., Kerbėsas Vkš., Kėvė Vg., Kniãvas, Kniãvasis Plng., Kryn-upis Užv., Kulkà Pln., Kuõpis Tl., Liuvýnas Žgč., Lõnas Sd., Lūkainis Tv., Lūkstas Krš., Varn., Miklinỹs Pp., Puñkė Rt., Rąžė Plng., Sárkainis Kv., Tamšà Tl., and others, may be regarded as Curonisms.

Hydronyms Bėdrė Stč., Čeriaukštė Slč., Drukỹ Slč., Dūblis Žml., Grūtė Lnkv., Krūoja Pkr., Kūrà Grz., Ruõtis Žml., and Vegėrė Pp. may perhaps be considered remnants of the Semigallian substrate.

Water names Aknystà Lel., Aūslas Dgč., Čėdasas PnmR., Čerč-iupỹs Km., Čiaũnas Ds., Jž., Čičirỹs Imb., Driñgis Lkm., Duõr-upis Pn., Duõrpis Pn., Gariavà Pn., Glaužinỹs Ktk., Guopỹs Nj., Izitas Dgč., Jūžintas Ant., Jž., Lėšk-upỹs Km., Lėvũo Ps., Maguilis Ktk., Maič-ežeris Antz., Rovėjà Ppl., Tūolas Ign., Ūzinas Šmn., Vãsaknas Ant., Vazajà Km., Vãzajis Jž., Zaduojỹs lake Ds., Zálvas lake Dgč., Zálvė river Antz., and Zirnajỹs lake Antz. would be more closely associated with the former Selonian territory.

Some of the hydronyms under consideration are apparently direct Latvianisms, owing to their geography or certain other characteristics (e.g., Ciūgriovis Sk., Ciãkų Gravis RdN., Kalimbėtiškis RdN., Stridinis RdN., Vāzm-upis Vkš., etc.).

But it should be emphasized that many Lithuanian hydronyms more closely associated with the Latvian language may also be substrate forms and should not be regarded as such. This is indicated, among other things, by hydronyms found in southern Lithuania or in other parts of Lithuania that cannot be directly linked to the former lands of the northern Baltic tribes (the Curonians, Semigallians, and Selonians).

Apparently, this group of Lithuanian hydronyms under discussion is directly Baltic; however, it is harder to analyze them on the basis of Lithuanian-language evidence alone because the corresponding appellatives have disappeared from Lithuanian or their meanings have changed considerably. This assumption is supported by quite compelling evidence. In the former East Prussia, in the vicinity of Insterburg, flows the river Pisa. This river name has counterparts in the Prussian name stock: Pissa lake, Pisse lake (G. Gerullis, AO 123–124). Yet the origin of this hydronym, situated far from Latvia, can be explained primarily on the basis of Latvian—cf. Latvian pisa ‘boggy marsh, mire (where only small birches and spruces grow); impenetrable forest’ (LVV III 233–234). The reliability of this connection is indicated by Greek πῖγεα ‘damp, wet place, meadows’ (see G. Gerullis, ibid.; LVV, ibid.; K. Būga, I 510). Undeniable parallels with the Thraco-Dacian languages have recently been noted: Thracian pisa ‘marshy, wet meadow’ (I. Duridanov, TBSpr. 55, 89).

There are more examples of this kind. The origin of the name Mãinia, belonging to a lake in southern Lithuania (in the vicinity of Daugai), cannot be satisfactorily explained on the basis of either Lithuanian or Prussian. The Latvian physiographic term maiņa ‘bog’ (LVV II 550) almost says it all. Cf. also Irish mīn ‘bog, mire, peatland’, Latin māno ‘to flow, run’ (J. Pokorny, IEW 699–700; H. Krahe, AF 93).

These and similar cases are not merely parallels between Lithuanian and Latvian onomastics. They are isoglosses linking the entire Baltic name stock.

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Literature Abbreviations

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BNF — Contributions to Name Research, Heidelberg, 1949 ff.

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V. Dambe, Hydronyms with the Formant -у- — В. Ф. Дамбе, Гидронимы Латвийской ССР с формантом -у-. — Questions of Hydronymy, Kyiv, 1971, 137–141.

DLKŽ — Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian, Vilnius, 1972.

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R. Eckert, BS — E. Eckert, Baltische Studien, Berlin, 1971.

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А. П. ВАНАГАС

LITHUANIAN–LATVIAN HYDRONYMIC PARALLELS AND THEIR AREAL

Summary

Lithuanian and Latvian hydronymy are united by numerous correspondences. Among them are features that belong geographically to different (Lithuanian or Latvian) linguistic areas but are etymologically continuations, extending southward, of linguistic phenomena (mainly lexical) that are more characteristic of Latvian alone. First and foremost, these are Lithuanian hydronyms derived from appellatives that are now unknown in Lithuanian but are used in Latvian. Secondly, they are the names of rivers and lakes in Lithuania whose etymology is most clearly revealed by Latvian. The article analyzes about 120 such and similar toponyms in total.

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Most of these Lithuanian hydronyms are located in the northern part of Lithuania. These are chiefly substrate water names—relics of vanished Baltic tribes: the Curonians (Alangā, Alaukstis, Blākē, Blidakē, Burkālē, Cedvē, Damašā, Dākšmē, Gātē, Gātupis, Grūvā, Kaltis, Kerbēšas and others), the Semigallians (Bēdrē, Ceriņkāistē, Dūblis, Gruōtē, Ruōktis and others), and the Selonians (Čēdasas, Čiāunas, Drīgijis, Duōrupis, Lēyuō, Roveijā, Tuōlas and others).

Alongside these possibly substrate hydronyms, there are also names of another kind, including water names that point to older lexical connections between Lithuanian and Latvian.