Page 1LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, XXXII (1993)
BALTŲ ONOMASTIKOS TYRINĖJIMAI
VITALIJA MACIEJAUSKIENĖ
LITHUANIAN NAMING IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY
Having examined Lithuanian naming in documents from the 15th–18th centuries, four principal ways of identifying people can be distinguished: naming by (1) a single personal name, (2) a personal name and an appellative or descriptive byname, (3) two personal names, and (4) three personal names. After discussing the circumstances in which these forms of naming arose, their frequency in documents from different centuries, and the functions, purposes, and formation of the personal names comprising them, it was established that the binary form of Lithuanian naming had been the most common since the late 15th century. Historical anthroponymy of the 17th–18th centuries attests to the final establishment and stabilization of this form of naming1. The naming of women in documents (administrative, legal, and ecclesiastical) varied more, right up to the end of the 18th century2.
It might therefore seem that there is hardly any need to discuss Lithuanian naming in the 19th century. Moreover, the surnames that had finished developing by the 18th century definitively established the purposes and functions of the personal names in binary naming, aligning it with the present-day Lithuanian naming system of first name and surname. However, when reading various 19th-century sources—both administrative and legal records and church registers—and assessing how the people mentioned in them were named, one notices certain new phenomena unattested in the anthroponymy of earlier centuries. In addition, some data help examine problems that have already been observed and studied.
The principal aim of this article is to identify and assess new phenomena within the context of Lithuanian naming in the first half of the 19th century. It also seeks to present material that broadens the claims and conclusions of earlier research.
The anthroponymic material for this article was collected from 56 historical documents dating from the first half of the 19th century (more precisely, 1800–1860). A list of them, in alphabetical order, is provided at the end of the article. All examples in the article are numbered; after each, the document number in the aforementioned list and, following a comma, the page (or folio) number are given in parentheses, e.g.: Wawrzyniec Petranis (21, 6—7), Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz (5, 9—10), Andrzej Tumas (23, 3—4). In cases where the document’s folios are unnumbered (which is relatively common in the first half of the 19th century), only the document’s serial number in the list is given in parentheses after the personal names, e.g.:
1 Maciejauskienė V. Lietuvių pavardžių susidarymas. V., 1991. P. 20—50.
2Ibid. P. 249—300.
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Page 2the document’s serial number in the compiled list, e.g.: Michał Baranowski (12), Вооруженю Дрейнис сына Мисала (45).
Sources from this period were written in Polish or Russian. The article presents the personal-name forms as recorded in the documents, without reconstructing them.
Given that the naming of men and women in 19th-century documents differs considerably and is best discussed separately, this article examines only the naming of men.
In the 19th century, as in documents from the 16th–18th centuries, the most common form of naming men was binary. During this period, its first element was the given name and its second the surname. By the 18th century, naming Lithuanians by given name and surname had become a kind of standard for recording people in various documents. This is also reflected in the sources from the first half of the 19th century that have been examined. Here is a collection of entries from various documents of the period under discussion: Iana Adamaycia (gen.³, 53, 26), Jakób Adamaytis (4, 1), Andrzej Andrulonis (43, 87), Мартинъ Ангунцъ (47, 2), Wawrzyniec Augustynowicz (23, 3–4), Andrzej Auksztolis (43, 83), Michał Auris (21, 13–14), Jzydor Auzionis (25, 5), Jerzum Bakaniukiem (inag.; 49, 1), Antoniewi Baltrynowicz (dat.; 53, 31), Antoni Baltru[z]ka (6, 20), Jozef Bernatowicz (21, 25–26), Symon Brazdžionis (26, 9–10), Jerzy Buczel (34, 52), Marcin Butinieiwicz (20, 3), Wincenty Czeponis (28, 11), Józefem Dapkusem (inag.; 52, 34), Stanislaw Darguzas (31, 1), Mateusz Degis (22, 95–96), Józef Dobrowolski (4, 1), Antoni Dopkiewicz (5, 13–14), Wawrzyniec Dulkis (26, 10–11), Викенти Гайловас (46, 7), Jerzy Gaylus (33, 2), Jerzy Gaylusz (21, 7–8), Викенти Гельжинис (7, 2–3), Jozef Gientwallo (9, 3), Stanislaw Girdzius (24, 60–61), Jakub Grygżentis (15, 1), Adam Grodzis (6, 17), Wawrzyniec Grudzinoivski (31, 3), Tadeusz Gumbulewicz (26, 5), Adam Jackunas (25, 6), Andrzej Jakuczionis (43, 85), Baltromiej Janulewicz (12), Яна Янушевичъ (42, 146–147), Stanisława Januszkiewicza (gen.; 51, 42), Ignacy Januszsonis (5, 12–13), Ambrozy Jozenas (5, 9–10), Symon Jurgielanis (6, 6), Andrzej Kadzis (11, 32), Иванъ Каснеровичъ (7, 2–3), Stefan Kazenas (26, 7–8), Michał Kownacki (20, 2), Tomasz Kuprys (43, 85), Станиславъ Квачкисъ (42, 108), Jerzy Kwietkowski (20, 1), Adam Lawrynaitis (9, 23–24), Macieja Leykisa (gen.; 52, 19), Mateusz Lile yko (30, 1), Jana Litwinasa (gen.; 55, 6), Symon Lotok (33, 17), Michał Mackiewicz (23, 4–5), Wincenty Marcinkiewicz (26, 9–10), Paweł Margis (26, 15–16), Maciej Markunas (26, 12–13), Gabryel Matuszka (49, 78), Jakub Metrykis (31, 1), Антоний Мищунацас (47, 1), Bartłomiej Mieszkello (33, 3), Михаилъ Микуневичъ (42, 87–88), Andrzej Milkintt (19, 2), Jan Milkota (13, 81–82), Tomasz Misiutaitis (21, 9–10), Stanisławowi Mockaytisowi (dat.; 54, 24), Wincenty Montrym (36, 9), Tadeusz Możejko (26, 7–8), Король Наневечъ (42, 175–176), Mateusz Narkiewicz (35, 8), Andrzej Naudziun (39, 1), Daniel Nawdułaytis (24, 58), Иванъ Невшицъ (47, 5), Михалъ Павиловский (42, 189–190), Stanisław Pietkiewicz
3The following abbreviations for case names are used in the article: gen. — genitive, dat. — dative, instr. — instrumental.
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Page 3(51, 65), Бернардъ Піотровскій (42, 73–74), Adam Pociunas (16), Stanisław Pucis (43, 85), Marcin Rakowski (22, 157–158), Иосиф Рамейко (42, 115), Jerzy Rymaszins (24, 56), Францишек Римша (42, 80–81), Jan Romanowski (22, 101–102), Игнацы Rudzinski (5, 3–4), Andrzej Sadonis (12), Tomasz Sadowski (12), Piotr Simonowicz (25, 6), Marceli Sinkiewicz (6, 22), Szymon Skaudeykis (36, 6), Jakub Skirel (22, 94–95), Michał Skreykus (51, 87), Jozef Sokolowski (36, 9), Kaemana Станолесевна (kilm.; 42, 58), Jerzy Stasiewicz (22, 96–97), Marcin Stasiunas (21, 6–7), Mateusz Staszkiełunas (26, 15–16), Franciszek Słoczkowski (9, 23–24), Кароль Страдела (42, 107), Michał Szattenas (28, 6), Kazimierz Szereyko (11, 60–61), Jozefa Szymkiewicya (kilm.; 55, 56), Jan Tomaszewski (21, 5–6), Mateusz Tomaszun (9, 3), Maciej Tumas (23, 3–4), Jan Wąworius (30, 1), Tomasz Walentowicz (14, 8–9), Францишек Бейшка (42, 287), Францишек Вильчевскій (42, 78–79), Symon Witkowski (26, 5), Piotrowi Witurysoiwi (naud.; 50, 38), Marcin Woysznar (4, 2), Jozef Woytkiewicz (19, 2), Jakuba Wołotkiewicza (kilm.; 55, 45), Wawrzyniec Zierkiewicz (12), Вукентій Жадовскій (7, 2–3), Maciej Zagrakalis (26, 13–14), Dominik Zegarewicz (39, 7), Иоанъ Жилайтица (47, 4).
The names in these designations are, without exception, Christian. As can be seen, diminutive forms or other vernacular forms of these names are no longer used. The number of baptismal names used in the first half of the 19th century was apparently not large either. For example, the large 1828 inventory of the Adutiškis estate (see source 22) mentions 946 men, who have only 50 different names. They are listed here in order of frequency (the number in parentheses indicates how many people mentioned in the inventory bear each name): Maciej, Mateusz (144 in all: Maciej — 97, Mateusz — 47), Michał, Mikołay (79 in all: Michał — 46, Mikołay — 33), Jerzy (75), Jan (66), Krzysztof (49), Symon (48), Jozef, Józef (46), Kazimierz (43), Tomasz (40), Jakub (39), Andrzej (35), Antoni (33), Marcin (29), Stanisław (26), Błażej (22), Bartłomiej, Bartłomiej (20), Lauryn, Wawrzyniec (20 in all: Lauryn — 2, Wawrzyniec — 18), Franciszek (17), Piotr (14), Gabryel (13), Stefan (12), Justyn (11), Ignacy (10), Adam (8), Wincenty (7), Tadeusz (5), Władysław (4); Benedykt, Dominik, Karol, Ludwik (3 each), Bazyl, Bazyli (2), Alexander, Augustyn, Bonifacy, Cypryan, Dawid, Felicyan, Felix, Gasper, Hieronim, Joachim, Marceli, Nikodem, Paweł, Sylwester, Walenty (1 each).
In the smaller 1806 inventory of the Pasvalio estate (see source 26), about 280 men are recorded, bearing 35 different names: Jan (29), Jozef (26), Maciej, Mateusz (21), Michał (21), Jerzy (16), Kazimierz (16), Andrzej (15), Stanisław (14), Wincenty (12), Jakub (11), Symon (10), Tadeusz (8), Franciszek, Piotr (7 each), Adam, Antoni, Marcin, Stefan (6 each), Bartłomiej, Dominik, Ignacy, Krzysztof, Wawrzyniec (5 each), Tomasz (3), Bogusław, Karol, Paweł (2 each), Benedykt, Lauryn, Felicyan, Marcyan, Modest, Nikodem, Rafał, Władysław (1 each).
The lists presented show that not all names were common. In the first list, just under half of the names occurred only 1–3 times. In the second list, there are 12 such names out of 35. People recorded in other documents from this period that were examined bear similar names. Once counted and presented
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Page 4in order of frequency, it is likely that only the position of some names in one list or another would differ slightly. This suggests that in the first half of the 19th century the Lithuanian name stock was not rich, and the constantly recurring most popular baptismal names made it monotonous. Therefore, without any doubt, the function of distinguishing individuals in this period could only be performed by surnames, which had already become established and customary.
The surnames in the documents examined are very diverse—derived from patronymics and non-patronymic personal names, of Lithuanian and non-Lithuanian origin, formed in Lithuania or borrowed from other peoples, and so on. Without attempting to discuss or analyze them in greater detail here, it can only be said that, in essence, they do not differ from the Lithuanian surnames of the 18th century already discussed4.
In documents from the first half of the 19th century, people mentioned from all social estates and of various ages are designated by their first and last names. For example, in the inventory of one estate or another, one commonly finds entries such as: pastuch (shepherd) Jozef Czarnecki (12), pastuch Jerzy Łankiewicz (12), pastuch Marcin Todorowski (12), пастух Михаил Адомайтис (47, 5), пастушек (little shepherd) Stefan Michalowski, whose age is even specified—he is 13 years old (13, 81–82), parobek (farmhand, hired laborer) Jerzy Gurski (12), parobek Franciszek Baranowski (12), батрак Антоний Марцинкус (47, 1), батрак Варфоломей Василевский (47, 1), батрак Симон Жальчонас (47, 4).
Only in two of the documents examined were there several instances in which a person mentioned had no surname and was therefore designated descriptively: Maciej bezprozwisk Syn Rozalii (32, 16), Mateusz bezprozwisk Syn Rozalii (32, 16) (these were apparently illegitimate children, recorded by their first names, followed by a statement that they had no surname and their mother's name); Kazimierz Syn Franciszki Juszkiewiczowny (32, 16), and in another document the same person is recorded as follows: Kazimierz bez Nazwiska Syn Franciszki Juszkiewiczowny (27) (also apparently an illegitimate child, recorded by his first name, an explanation that he had no surname, and his mother's first and last names); the same person is also mentioned in the following case: Piotr bez Prozwisk (32, 16)—Piotr bez nazwiska przez Wloscian nazwany Zielen iakas (27) (as can be seen, in one instance there is only a first name and the note “without a surname,” while in the other there is a first name, the note “without a surname,” and the remark “called Zielen iakas by the peasants”).
Other deviations from the first-name-and-surname naming pattern are very rare in the 19th-century documents examined. Only 7 instances of a surname alone were found. These are: Pledziewicz (12), Jazgiello (12), Jurgielewicz (11, 32), Lawrynaitys (9, 3), Pawłowski (9, 24–25), Milwid (5, 7–8), Linkiewicz (5, 13–14). In addition, 6 people are designated by three personal names—Antoni Skop Baranowski (12), Jakub Sosnowski Stanoret (11, 32), Franciszek Wencius Mozolewski (43, 81), Michal Kaliba Blaželonis (43, 83), Франц Новицкий Гецумис (56, 44), Францушек Иосифъ Гедминъ (35, 7), and 2 people by four personal names—
4 M a c i e j a u s k i e n ė V. Lietuvių antroponiminė sistema XVIII a. // Lietuvos TSR mokslų akademijos darbai. A serija. V., 1987. T. 1. (98). P. 85–94.
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Page 5Andrei Stanislavovich Aleksandrovich Zenevich (56, 3), Vincenty Frantsishek Tomashevich Gailos (35, 7).
Sometimes such forms of naming arose when two personal names were recorded. Most often, however, they apparently reflect the processes of final surname stabilization that continued into the nineteenth century, associated with the variation of different surnames, their forms, and various variants. Forms of naming found in some documents may be interpreted similarly: Jan Grygzaitis v. Tomaszuncas (27), Marcin Nowjakas v. Nowjalis (27), Maciej Wersocki alias Szykszna (43, 50) and Мачей Версоцкий иначе Шикшна (43, 51), Jerzy Szykszna v. Wersocki (43, 83), Antoni Ambrutis v. Rupeykiewicz (51, 12), Augustyn Klungis v. Ilgutis (25, 51), Gasper Ajewski v. Murgas (25, 52), Adam Szakarnis v. Bedel (25, 52), Якуб Амброшевич или Амброжес (57, 29), Францишек Борткус или Борткевич (57, 29), Tomasz Szyłuzna v. Wersocki (43, 87). Here, the personal names written after the given name are linked by the words or, otherwise (v. is an abbreviation of their Latin variant, vel, used in documents).
Alongside the convincingly predominant Lithuanian naming pattern of given name and surname, and the deviations from it discussed above, the documents from the first half of the nineteenth century draw attention to forms of naming in which the father’s name is also given, in addition to the person’s given name and surname. Isolated instances of this tendency had already been observed in some documents from the late eighteenth century5. Thus, sources from the first half of the nineteenth century attest to the further spread of this form of naming. Several types of this naming pattern can be distinguished.
1. The father’s name is inserted between the person’s given name and surname. The genitive form of the name is used, along with the word son. For example, in the 1811 inventory of the Paštuva or Kvesai manor (source 9), free people and others were recorded in this way: Stefan Syn Macieja Kozłowski (4)6, Symon Syn Iakuba Drewniewicz (4), Michał Syn Iakuba Grygzéntis (4), Tomasz Syn Michała Szauksztis (4), Tomasz Syn Michała Stankūnas (5), Karol Syn Macieja Tomkiewicz (5), Symon Syn Iozefa Laurynaytis (5), Iakub Syn Ierzego Palatenis (6), Stanisław Syn Iozefa Narkiewicz (6), Antoni Syn Iana Radyk (7), Marcin Syn Iohana Gryntalo (8), Maciej Syn Andrzeia Kasperowicz (8), and so on.
However, this form of naming is not used consistently throughout the document. In the population lists from 1804 and 1819 found in the same source, people are named only by given name and surname: Piotr Pociunas (3), Maciej Drewniewicz (3), Jerzy Siewruk (23–24), Stanisław Marmo (23–24), Symon Kierśnowski (24–25), Symon Balunas (24–25). A few instances of this type of naming also occur in the aforementioned 1811 inventory, for example: Andrzey Szukis (6), Stefan Powylaytis (7), Ian Butwillo (7).
In the 1811 population lists for the Varniai rectory and the village of Saušilis (source 30), free people (ludzie wolni) were recorded in the aforementioned manner, with the father’s name indicated,
5 Maciejauskienė V. Lietuvių pavardžių susidarymas. V. 1991. P. 48.
6 In cases where all examples are drawn from a single source, only the folio number is given in parentheses (if the source’s folios are numbered).
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Page 6for example: Jerzy Syn Jana Bydwa (2), Benedykt Syn Jana Giełżynis (2), Maciej Syn Marcina Witkus (2), Franciszek Syn Jerzego Warnelis (2), Bonawentura Syn Jakuba Eytutowicz (2). Although a few instances of naming by given name and surname alone also occur: Jakub Eytuli (2), Jan Warnelis (2), Mateusz Bombłowski (2). Beggars and disabled people living by the rectory are recorded by given name and surname alone, for example: Jan Waynorius (1), Jerzy Gumulewski (1), Jakub Lilejko (1), Alexander Wasilewski (1), Jakub Momis (1), Bartłomiej Klebyś (2), Jerzy Jakubowski (2).
The word son (Syn) may also be written after the genitive form of the father’s name. This is the practice in the 1816 population list for the Balčiai manor (source 4): Michał Woyciecha Syn Kownacki (1), Andrzej Bartłomieją Syn Milikint (1), Mikołaj Gaspera Syn Skarbalis (1), Jakób Antoniego Syn Żilis (1), Antoni Andrzeja syn Adamaytis (2), Stanisław Antoniego Syn Jonkus (2), Woyciech Mikołaja Syn Ubrys (2). However, this source also contains names recorded by given name and surname alone: Józef Dobrowolski (1), Jakób Adamaytis (1), Marcin Bartaszius (2), Jan Mackiewicz (2).
With only rare exceptions, the father’s name is given fairly consistently in this way in the extensive 1828 inventory of the Adutiškis manor (source 22), for example: Jan Kazimierza Syn Wileyta (29–30), Kazimierz Andrzeja Syn Koyra (29–30), Andrzej Mateusza Syn Sinkiewicz (43–44), Jan Prokopa Syn Szymanowski (53–54), Krzysztof Stefana Syn Szalc (100–101), Mateusz Andrzeja Syn Mackiewicz (119–120), Jakub Grzegorza Syn Rakowski (124–125), Krzysztof Macieja Syn Raiszus (135–136), Jan Tomasza Syn Stepaniaris (158–159), Mikołay Jerzego Syn Pacynkowski (159–160). A few instances of naming by given name and surname alone, for example: Michał Baranowski (41–42), Symon Semenas (48–49), Bazylij Stoma (75–76), Jerzy Stasiewicz (96–97), appear among the entries giving the father’s name. Another interesting detail also stands out: noble persons mentioned in the document are recorded only by given name and surname, for example: Pan Jerzy Lipnicki (43–44), JP. Kazimierz Rotkiewicz (56–57), JP. Benedykt Rodziewicz (56–57), JP. Cypryan Wróblewski (61–62), JP. Augustyn Girjatowicz (73–74), JPan Jerzy Grochowski (92–93).
There are documents in which the father’s name is indicated in the manner discussed here not with the full word Syn (son), but only with the abbreviation S. For example, among the various documents from the Pasvalys manor dated 1829–1837 (source 25), in which people are recorded by given name and surname, the 1837 population list contains, alongside the most common two-part names, a few instances in which the father’s name is given: Antoni Iozefa S. Czetwergas (50), Kazimierz Mateusza S. Margis (49), Bernard Modełta S. Świdenis (47), Kazimierz Jakuba S. Banialis (46). They are very rare.
The same practice—using only the abbreviation S. before the father’s name—is also found in the 1827 tax register of the Adutiškis estates (source 6). For the most part, residents here are recorded only by given name and surname; the father’s name is used rarely. And it is precisely these rare cases that define its specific purpose or function—to distinguish people with the same given name and surname. It has already been mentioned that the number of the most popular baptismal names in use was not large during this period. It was also common for more than one person with the same surname to live in any village, parish, or manor. In such cases, when those being recorded
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Page 7the clerk gives the father’s name as well when individuals have identical first names and surnames. For example, on folio 25 there are Krzysztof S: Michała Woyciechanis, Krzysztof S: Kazimierza Woyciechanis, and further on, after them, Maciej Woyciechanis. Or: Maciej S: Józefa Stepanianes, Maciej S: Macieja Stepanianes, but Symon Stepanianes, Jan Stepanianes (26). The same situation occurs on folio 27 of the document: Mateuł z S: Jerzego Galatyłec, Mateuł z S: Jana Galatyłec, but Blažey Galatyłec. Cf. also Jozef Koyro, Tomasz S: Jerzego Koyro ir Tomasz S: Tomasza Koyro (23). This practice, however, is followed only in this document. It has been observed that even when the first and last names of the individuals listed are identical, the father’s name is sometimes omitted. For example, individuals in the 1838 book of rent taxes and debts of the inhabitants of the Pasvalys estates are recorded using only two personal names (Source 5). Among the many names, the following stand out: Kazimierz Margis 1, Kazimierz Margis 2 (16–17), both inhabitants of the village of Momelėnai; Kazimierz Szatas, Kazimierz Szatas 2gi, Kazimierz Szatas 3ci, but Maciey Szatas, Michał Szatas, Izydor Szatas (18–19)—all inhabitants of the village of Pasvaliečiai; Antoni Czetwiergas and Antoni Czetwiergas 2gi, but Tomasz Czetwiergas, Nikodem Czetwiergas, Jozef Czetwiergas (18–19, 19–20). As can be seen, individuals with the same first and last names are distinguished by marking them 1, 2, 3, that is, first, second, third. This sometimes occurred in documents from earlier centuries (the seventeenth and eighteenth) as well.
2. The father’s name is inserted between the first name and surname; only its genitive form is used, without the word son or its abbreviation. This is how individuals are recorded in the 1829 list of peasants on the Adutiškis estates (Source 33), e.g.: Stefan Macieja Stasiun (2), Maciey Jana Ilgucis (3), Andrzej Józefa Misiulaitis (7), Matełz Marcina Jurgielewicz (10), Stanisław Antoniego Kayra (11), Bartłomiej Krzysztofa Degis (18), Gabryel Władysława Trabkiewicz (4), Maciey Błażeja Kuczyński (6). The father’s name is given in this way almost consistently, with only one or two exceptions, e.g.: Maciey Bumbłis (6), Jerzy Gayłus (2), Jan Lawkis (4), Antoni Urban (3). In this source, too, two apparently noble individuals are recorded without their father’s names—JP. Onufry Jasinowicz (6), JP. Tomasz Stacewicz (6).
This document also has two short appendices: a brief list of peasants from 1830 and an additional short list from 1829. In both, individuals are recorded only by first name and surname, e.g.: Benedykt Petranis, Wawrzyniec Koyra, Gabryel Unton, Symon Jasiulis, Krzysztof Szalc and others (all on folio 23), as well as Jerzy Lawkis (25), Tomasz Zemeytis (25), Józef Degis (25), Jerzy Urbel (26), Wawrzyniec Wileuta (26), Andrzej Dudetto (26), Krzysztof Wayciechanis (26).
The father’s name without the word son is also given in the 1832–1834 book of peasants’ taxes on the Adutiškis estates (Source 34), e.g.: Maciey Jana Ilgucis (5), Symon Ierzego Jurgielewicz (12), Wawrzyniec Ludwika Burak (2), Jerzy Bartłomieja Norelis (3), Stanisław Michała Bukiel (51), Krzysztof Wawrzynca Urbel (52), Iakób Iana Sienkiewicz (53), Krzysztof Macieja Rayszys (53), Ian Andrzeja Smilgin (54).
Exceptions to this naming practice are very rare. Here, too, exceptions include the names of noble individuals, e.g.: Ierzy Buczel (52), Maciey Rakowski (1), Krzysztof Łapin (1) and JP. Tomasz Stacewicz (18), JP. Stanisław Wróblewicz (18), JP. Konstanty Woytkiewicz (54), JP. Ian Kondratowicz (54), and so on.
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Page 83. The father’s name is written between the first name and surname without the word son or its abbreviation. Another form of the father’s name ends in -ov. This is a suffix used in Russian to form patronymics (отчество); later, as the three-part naming model developed, it lengthened to -ovich, which also became common in Lithuanian patronymics and surnames7. This form of the father’s name is used in some documents written in Russian in the first half of the nineteenth century, e.g.: Антонъ Антоновъ Жукъ (44, 1), Павелъ Казимировъ Бачасъ (44, 1), Иосифъ Сымоновъ Авинайтисъ (44, 2), Адамъ Васильевъ Янкусъ (44, 2), Станиславъ Сымоновъ Стаковскій (44, 2), Варфоломей Адамовъ Кминасъ (44, 4), Іозефъ Іозефовъ Марцинкусъ (57, 2), Іозефъ Казимировъ Змитровичъ или Самуйловичъ (23, 6), Степанъ Сымоновъ Пошкусъ (57, 9), Рогъ Антоновъ Вишневскій (57, 9). However, this is generally not the only way of indicating the father’s name in the source. Other forms are also used alongside it, e.g.: Іосифъ Іосифа Рудницкій (44, 1), Антонъ Бартоломея Буховскій (44, 1), Антонъ Франца Янушкевичъ (44, 2), Игнатій Станиславова Норкайтисъ (44, 2), Миколай Якуба Іосайтусъ (44, 5)—the father’s name is written between the first name and surname in the genitive; or: Владиславъ Матевуша сынъ Дашкина (57, 1), Францишекъ Іозефа сынъ Марцинкусъ (57, 1), Габріель Яна сынъ Соболевскій (57, 2), Сымонъ Матевуша сынъ Шапалагъ (57, 5), and Янъ сынъ Іозефа Олшевскій (57, 9), Францишекъ сынъ Ержаго Ралосъ (57, 3), Францишекъ сынъ Яна Марцинкусъ (57, 2)—the word son (сын) is used after or before the father’s name in the genitive; Якубъ Якубовъ сынъ Шредръ (57, 1)—the form of the father’s name ending in -ov and the word son. Both sources (see Sources 44 and 57) also contain names consisting only of a first name and surname: Матешиа Гаудынскій (44, 6), Изидоръ Бурба (44, 7), Якубъ Амброжевичъ (57, 2), Ержей Жимонтъ (57, 9).
4. A form of the father’s name customary in Russian, formed with the suffixes -ovich and -evich, is used. This is observed in documents written in Russian. For example, in the 1834 revision list of the Vaiguva manor (Source 37), individuals are named by their first name, a father’s name formed according to the Russian patronymic pattern, and their surname: Адамъ Якубовичъ Якутисъ (3), Стефанъ Адамовичъ Скаудейтисъ (3), Піотръ Казимержеевичъ Микнисъ (3), Янъ Яновичъ Урбановичъ (4), Бонифацій Антоновичъ Станкусъ (5), Іозефатъ Ержевичъ Наржевичъ (12), Піотръ Микаловичъ Гецайтисъ (5).
The same form of the father’s name is used in the 1851 list of inhabitants of the Vaiguva manor (Source 56): Адамъ Казимировичъ Скаудейтисъ (1), Людвикъ Антоновичъ Стонкусъ (2), Антонъ Яновичъ Геляжинскій (3), Винцентий Томашевичъ Гайласъ (5), Игнатій Филиповичъ Кербецъ (6), Варфоломей Павловичъ Іоцасъ (7), Матешиа Ержевичъ Дубинскій (3–4). It is also noteworthy that this document sometimes uses the previously discussed Slavic form of the father’s name ending in -ov: Михаилъ Павловъ Дудзичъ (1), Викентий Францовъ Радзевскій (1).
In the list of inhabitants of the same part of the Vaiguva manor drawn up in 1847
7 Plg. Симина Г. История отчеств // Ономастика Поволжья. Уфа, 1973. С. 177—182.
107.
Page 9(Source 35) the father’s name is indicated in highly varied ways: either Францишекъ Эржевичъ Наркеевичъ (1), Сильвестеръ Габриаловичь Барткусъ (1), Игнатий Филиповичь Кербедзъ (1), Францишекъ Томашевичъ Гайлюсъ (1), or Игнацъ Филиповъ Кербедзъ (1), or Адольфъ Иозефа сынъ Янкевичъ (1), Фрѣдмишекъ Иосифа сынъ Барткусъ (1). Sometimes, however, the father’s name is omitted: Иосефъ Борткевичъ (1), Августинъ Наркусъ (1), Иосифъ Барткусъ (1).
Taigi 1834, 1847 ir 1851 m. rusų kalba rašytuose Vaiguvos dvaro dokumentuose vyrauja šiai kalbai bei šios tautos įvardijimo sistemai būdingos tėvo vardo (rusų kalboje tai būtų tėvavardžio) formos. Tačiau kalbėti apie nuoseklų jų vartojimą rusų kalba rašytuose dokumentuose šiuo laikotarpiu negalima. To daryti neleidžia jau aptartas įvairavimas ir tai, kad, pavyzdžiui, to paties dvaro 1845 m. valstiečių sąraše (46 šaltinis) tėvo vardas nenurodomas: Акнонъ Монкусь (7), Иванъ Норкусъ (7), Викентій Гайлюсъ (7), Иванъ Фрейманъ (7), Казимиръ Норкусъ (7). Taip elgiamasi ir kai kuriuose kituose rusų kalba rašytuose šio laikotarpio dokumentuose.
5. The father’s name is given after the person’s first name and surname. The genitive form and the word meaning ‘son’ are used. This occurs in documents written in both Russian and Polish. For example, in the 1844 inventory of the Daugirdiskiai estate (Source 45), people are recorded as follows: Петръ Шерейко сынъ Казимира (the source pages are unnumbered), Доминикъ Башкевичъ сынъ Якова, Яковъ Дрешлисъ сынъ Францишка, Матейушъ Дулько сынъ Сымона, Матвей Козисъ сынъ Андрея, Томашъ Кондрашевичъ сынъ Даніеля, Яковъ Ольшевски сынъ Мацея, Казимиръ Мажолъ сынъ Адама, Матейушъ Арцимовичъ сынъ Матейша.
Source 31 is of particular interest: the 1811 list of inhabitants of the Tverai rectory in Telšiai County. The first page of the document lists the beggars of Tverai Church. Their names consist of a first name, the father’s name indicated in the manner described above, and a surname, for example: Iulian Syn Antoniego Radziszewski, Maciey Syn Jana Waynius, Izydor Syn Macieja Waynowicz, Jerzy Syn Kazimierza Ianusz, Maciey Syn Kazimierza. Waysznor. A short list of disabled people follows; they are more often recorded only by their first name and surname, for example: Iakub Metrykis, Stanisław Dargužas, Leon Rymkiewicz, or (less often) with the father’s name as well: Andrzej Iakuba Syn Gwalda, Tadeusz Leona Syn Piotrowski, Symon Iana Syn Wirszyllo. One person is listed as Stanislaw Baniewicz Syn Piotra. The second page of the document begins with a short list of free people. Most often, the father’s name is given after their first name and surname, for example: Marcin Kuczyński Syn Bazylego, Szymon Żadełło Syn Piotra, Tomasz Puszyński Syn Andrzeja, Stanisław Janikus Syn Szymona, Jerzy Ianusz Syn Kazimierza, Iozef Wiszniewski Syn Iachima, Maciej Babblis Syn Ierzego. Names consisting only of a first name and surname also occur: Marcin Węckiewicz, Ian Widman, Mikolay Baltružis. The document was written by one scribe up to the middle of page 3, as indicated by the handwriting and the intensity of the ink. From the second half of page 3 onward, an interesting detail stands out: the father’s name has been added in entirely different handwriting to most entries consisting only of a first name and surname. Of the 67 names on pages 3–6 of the document, 34 include a father’s name added later in another hand, for example: Antoni Dargis Syn Macieja (3), Tedeusz Kadaszewski Syn Janu (3), Ian Szupatъ Syn
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Page 10Mateu(z) (3), Maciej Wawsznoras Syn Kazimierza (4), Dominik Paszkiewicz Syn Jozefa (4), Ioachim Burba Syn Jana (4), Dominik Bryneiko Syn Jozefa (5), Jakub Kazragis Syn Jakuba (5), Antoni Kosjowski Syn Marcina (5). Other people (21 in all) were recorded with their father’s name from the outset, for example: Mikołaj Pocius Syn Kazimierza (3), Hieronim Gwalda Syn Jana (3), Maciej Jocis Syn Jozefa (4), Wincenty Montwid Syn Jana (4), Ignacy Rakowski Syn Jakuba (5), Stefan Boczkus Syn Piotra (6). Of the aforementioned 67 names, 12 that had been binominal remained so, for example: Jerzy Płatak (3), Jakub Kozłowski (3), Szymon Pocius (4), Stefan Kurmis (4), Ian Waynius (5), Szymon Szymkus (5), Antoni Grygalius (6). Without commenting further on the variety of names in this source, one may note the inconsistencies in the use of the father’s name, which are difficult to explain.
The father’s name is also given after the first name and surname in the 1834 list of inhabitants of the Paštuv on manor farm (Source 32). However, this is the only one of all the reviewed documents from the first half of the 19th century in which the surname of the person mentioned is written first, followed by the first name8, for example: Stankunas Stanislaw Syn Tomasza (16), Laurynowicz Jan Syn Szymona (16), Palatynis Tomasz Syn Jakuba (16), Orent Wawrzyniec Syn Jerzego (16), Romaszkiewicz Stanislaw Syn Michała (16), Grygientys Jakub Syn Michała (16). This is the pattern throughout the list, with the exception of four cases indicating that the person mentioned has no surname: Maciej bezprozwisk Syn Rozalii, Mateusz bezprozwisk Syn Rozalii, Piotr bez Prozwisk ir Kazimierz Syn Franciszki Juszkiewiczowny (all on page 16).
The data presented show that in the first half of the 19th century the father’s name was indicated very inconsistently. First, this was done not in all, but only in some of the period documents examined. And even in those sources in which giving the father’s name was customary, it was most often done for far from all the people mentioned. It is practically impossible to identify any motives or patterns behind this practice. Second, the father’s name had not yet acquired a permanent place in the Lithuanian naming system, which had long consisted of only two elements. Sometimes it is inserted between the first name and surname (this is the most frequent practice in the documents examined), and sometimes after the first name and surname (a much rarer occurrence). Third, the form used to indicate the father’s name varies considerably: from a genitive form with the word sunus (‘son’) to a patronymic (отчество) with the suffixes -ovič, -evič, characteristic of the Russian naming model.
All this suggests that the documents from the first half of the 19th century reflect not a development arising naturally from Lithuanian naming practices, but a phenomenon imposed artificially from outside. It was driven by extralinguistic circumstances: Lithuania’s incorporation into the Russian Empire made all the requirements of the Russian chancery compulsory.
8It is unclear why the document departs from the Lithuanian naming tradition that had developed and become established over several centuries. The historical anthroponymy of all periods attests only to names whose first element is a first name, followed by an anthroponym that substitutes for a surname or (later) an established surname. It is true that one document from the late 18th century has been found—the register of inhabitants of the Kelmė estate and its holdings (Manuscript Department, Central Library of the Academy of Sciences, F 37—1547)—in which the person’s surname is also written first. However, the reason for this arrangement is clear: the list of inhabitants is alphabetized. This is not the case in the document from the first half of the 19th century discussed here.
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Page 11thus, and therefore also the three-member model of naming this nation. This is confirmed both by the reference to the father’s name, which most often occurs between the recorded person’s given name and surname, and by the emergence of patronymic forms characteristic of Russian, with the suffixes -ovič and -evič, and, finally, by the very tendency to expand the two-member Lithuanian naming pattern with one more member.
The entire context of Lithuanian naming in historical documents from the first half of the 19th century provides an excellent argument in the debate over whether a father’s name should be entered in Lithuanian identity documents today. First, the two-member Lithuanian naming pattern, formed over several centuries and consisting of a given name and surname (not surname and given name!), is still the most common here; it was used in documents written in both Polish and Russian. Second, it is most clearly evident how a third naming element was artificially inserted into documents written in the language itself. And third, the source from which the reference to the father’s name entered our naming system is readily identifiable.
Only after examining documents from the second half of the 19th century will it be possible to trace the subsequent development of the father’s name becoming established in Lithuanian naming. For now, one can only note that this element, which appeared in documents from the first half of the 19th century and was undoubtedly foreign to the two-member Lithuanian naming pattern, had already become customary. Some people find it difficult even to imagine how they would be named in identity documents, for example, in a new passport, without the father’s name being specified. The main arguments for this view are that it would be necessary to distinguish people with the same given name and surname, that the use of the father’s name already has a fairly long tradition, and other similar arguments. These are easily refuted by the following observations: identity documents function perfectly well without the father’s name being specified in many countries around the world where a two-member naming system has developed. And it is precisely the use of the father’s name that disrupted the authentic, naturally formed tradition of the two-member Lithuanian naming pattern of given name and surname. This is amply attested by the historical anthroponymy of the first half of the 19th century.
To provide an even fuller picture of Lithuanian naming in documents from the period under discussion, one may mention cases of recording individuals in which the reference to the father’s name coincides with variation in the surname (or its forms), for example: Янъ Губель сынъ Станиславова или Глаудель (45), Янъ сынъ Томаша Змитровичъ или Самуйликс (57, 6), Станиславъ Габриеля сынъ Клестонъ или Марчинкевичъ (57, 7), Воеводский Тадеуша сынъ Раюсъ или Гордалевичъ (57, 10), Янъ Шимона сынъ Марчинкевичъ или Клестонъ (57, 7). As can be seen, these are long, unusual names.
The way people were recorded in one document or another was apparently sometimes determined by the specific nature of the document. In this respect, the certificates attesting that peasants were permitted to marry are of interest (see sources 54, 51, 53, 55, 48, 49, 52). Alongside the usual given-name-and-surname forms of the period, other forms are also common, for example: Antoni Iotitas Syn Gospodarza Macieja Iotity (51, 4), Jerzy Daniewicz, Syn Jerzego i Anny z Piworajciow Daniewiczow (50, 32), Dominik Nagrodzki Syn Jana i Elżbiety z Piotrow[s]kich (53, 12) — after the person’s given name and surname, it is also stated whose son he is. This is done by specifying: a) the father’s given name and surname, b) the father’s given name, the mother’s given name and the family from which she comes, together with the family’s shared surname, and c) the father’s given name, the mother’s given name and the family from which the mother comes. The latter reference (c) is often inserted between the given name and surname of the person being mentioned, for example: Kazimierz syn Bartłomieja i Katarzyny z Butawow Węckiewicz (53, 38), Stanisław Syn Jakóba i Anny z Petraytisow Filipaylis
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Page 12(48, 33), Jozef syn Mateusza i Anastazy z Szymkiewiczów Dziemedzionis (49, 6), Mateusz syn Stanisława i Juliany z Kaupiów Kemżura (55, 63), Kazimierz Syn Jozefa i Anny z Mostejków Puydokas (53, 1), Stanisław syn Władysława i Agnieszki z Pawłowskich Bartoszewicz (49, 104). Sometimes cases of surname variation occur even in such expanded forms of naming, for example: Jokūb syn Kazimierza i Judyty z Latwów Rukozielis albo Waladkiewicz (55, 29). It is easy to see that the recordings of individuals presented here also incorporate women’s naming, which could take very varied forms during this period. But that is the subject of another article.
To summarize the discussion of Lithuanian naming in historical sources from the first half of the 19th century, the following conclusions may be drawn:
1. The most common form in documents from this period is the Lithuanian given-name-and-surname form of naming, which had become the norm by the 18th century.
2. The most common deviation from naming by given name and surname is its supplementation with a reference to the father’s name. This is done inconsistently and unsystematically. The form of this reference varies greatly, and its position in Lithuanian naming also differs (most often between the given name and surname, rarely after the given name and surname).
3. Specifying the father’s name is not the result of the natural development of Lithuanian naming. It was prompted by the influence of the Russian chancellery and that nation’s naming model.
4. Other deviations from the Lithuanian given-name-and-surname form of naming are uncommon during this period. Some of them apparently also arose because of the specific nature of the documents in which the individuals are mentioned.
SOURCES*
1. Lists of the serfs of the Adutiškis estate, their property and obligations. 1816. //Central Library of the Academy of Sciences, Manuscript Department (hereafter — MACBRS), F 43—4314.
2. Petitions by residents of Adutiškis, the Hatovskis... and others, requesting that they be entered in the lists of residents of the Adutiškis estate as szlachta. 1803—1811. //MACBRS, F 43—4149.
3. Petitions by residents of Adutiškis concerning their entry as nobles in the lists of residents. 1804—1811. // MACBRS, F 43—4173.
4. Documents of the Balčiai estate. 1816—1825. //MACBRS, F 37—2899.
5. Bierczak Czynszow i Remanentow z Wlosci Poswolskiey... [Book of rent taxes and debts of the residents of the Pasvalys estate. 1838.] //MACBRS, F 43—15326.
6. Bierczak Hoducieskiey Małęt noscia na Rok 1827... [Tax book of the Adutiškis estate for 1827.] // MACBRS, F 43—4757.
7. Documents of the Biržinėnai estate... 1844—1845. //MACBRS, F 37—3295.
8. Do Przeswietney Kapituly Wilénskiey... [Complaint by the nobleman Daškevičius of the Adutiškis estate... 1809.] //MACBRS, F43—4216.
9. Inwentarz czyli Opisanie Folwarku...Pocztow alias Kwesy... [Inventory of the Paštuva manor farm... 1804.] //MACBRS, F 38—32.
* All the documents examined are held in the Manuscript Department of the Central Library of the Academy of Sciences. Their titles are given first in the original language, followed in parentheses by variants of the titles recorded in the Manuscript Department catalogue and the years in which the source was written. Both titles are usually given in abbreviated form. Where, for one reason or another, the document title in the original language cannot be provided, only the title in the catalogue is given. The repository and call number of the documents are also indicated.
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Page 1310. Inventory of the Hoduciszki Estate...[Inventory of the Adutiškis manor. 1804.] //MACBRS, F 43—4151.
11. Inventories of Gronopol... [Inventories of the Granapolis folwark. 1775—1827.] //MACBRS, F 138—1442.
12. Inventories of the Dembina Estate...[Inventories of the Dembinė manor. 1786—1828.] //MACBRS, F 138—1441.
13. Inventories of the Bolbian Estate...[Inventories of the Balbėnai manor. 1775—1830.] //MACBRS, F 138—1439.
14. Inventories of the Kurkliszki Estate...[Inventories of the Kurkliškiai manor. 1786—1819.] //MACBRS, F 138—1443.
15. Inventory of the Pocztowa Folwark... [Inventory of the Paštinė folwark, 1833.] //MACBRS, F 38—55.
16. Inventory of the Pocztowa Folwark... [Inventory of the Paštinė folwark, 1834.] //MACBRS, F 38—55.
17. Inventory of the Woyniałgowa Folwark, alias Popowce... [Inventory of the Vainiogala folwark. 1815.] //MACBRS, F 43—18900.
18. Inventory of the Hoduciszki Estate... [Inventory of the Adutiškis manor. 1809.] //MACBRS, F 43—4215.
19. Inventory of the Bolcz Estate...[Documents of the Balčiai manor. Inventory, 1814.] //MACBRS, F 37—2719.
20. Inventory of the Bolczow Estate...[Documents of the Balčiai manor. 1819.] //MACBRS, F 37—2935.
21. Inventory of the Hoduciskiey Estate... [Inventory of the Adutiškis manor... 1795.] //MACBRS, F 43—4045.
22. Inventory of the Hoduciszki Estate... [Inventory of the Adutiškis manor. 1828.] //MACBRS, F 43—4626.
23. Cadastral Inventory of the Woyniałgowa Patrimonial Estate... [Inventory of the Vainiogala estates. 1829.] //MACBRS, F 43—18911.
24. Inventory of the Vilnius Rectory, 1809 //MACBRS, F 136—79.
25. Accounts of the income and expenditure of the Pasvalys manor for 1829—1830 and 1834—1837 //MACBRS, F 43—15254.
26. Poswolski inventory... [Inventory of the Pasvalys estate. 1806] //MACBRS, F 43—15014.
27. Account with the peasants of Pocztowo... [Specification of the obligations, taxes, and labor services of the peasants of the Paštinė estate. 1835] //MACBRS, F 38—55.
28. Register of the Biercze rents from the peasants of Poswol... [Book of rent payments by the serfs of the Pasvalys estate] //MACBRS, F 43—15081.
29. Revision tale... [List of inhabitants of the Vaimagalos folwark. 1811] //MACBRS, F 43—18898.
30. Rewizka Skazka...Plebanii Wornieńskiey...[Revision tale... of the Vornenai rectory. 1811] //MACBRS, F 126—237.
31. Rewizska Skazka... Praboszcza Twerskiego... [Revision tale... of the village of Elkai, belonging to the Tverai provostry...1811] //MACBRS, F 126—232.
32. Revision tale of the Pocztowa folwark, 1834 //MACBRS, F 38—55.
33. Table of labor services... [List of peasants on the Adutiškis estates and account of the labor they performed in lieu of unpaid taxes. 1829—1830] //MACBRS, F 43—4819.
34. Verification table...by the peasants of the Hoduciszki estates... [Tax book of the peasants of the Adutiškis estates, 1832—1834] //MACBRS, F 43—4952.
35. Documents of the Vaiguva estate. 1838—1847 //MACBRS, F 37—257.
36. Documents of the Vaiguva estate: lists of taxpayers... 1849—1858 //MACBRS, F 37—228.
37. Revision lists of the Vaiguva and Pavaiguvis estates for 1834 and 1843 //MACBRS, F 37—230.
38. Verification of the peasants of the Hoduciszki estate... due... [Table of the obligations of the serfs of the Adutiškis estate. 1841—1842] //MACBRS, F 43—5173.
39. Verification... of the Poswol estate... [Book verifying the grain tribute of the peasants of the Pasvalys estate for 1820—1822] //MACBRS, F 43—15152.
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Page 1440. Two elections... [Book of taxes of the Pasvalys manor for 1816 and 1817] //MACBRS, F 43—15082.
41. Vilnius Chapter documents of the Adutiškis estate... noblemen's writings concerning proof of their nobility. 1803—1811 //MACBRS, F 43—4196.
42. Extracts from the metric book...[Book of birth, marriage, and death register entries from the churches of Verkiai, Musninkai, Sudervė, Nemenčinė, etc. 1857] //MACBRS, F 43—19247.
43. File of the Trakai District Court... [Documents of the Valkininkai eldership. 1571—1872] //MACBRS, F 11—23.
44. List of persons residing on the lands of the Rukshany Estate... 1866. //MACBRS, F 126—55.
45. Economic Inventory of the Daugirdiškės Estate... [Inventory of the Daugirdiškės estate. 1844] //MACBRS, F 138—1440.
46. Inventory of the Vaiguva Estate=Powatki... 1845 [Inventory of the Vaiguva estate. 1845] //MACBRS, F 37—233.
47. The town of Velena. List of residents: nobles, townspeople, peasants, and lodgers. 1861 //MACBRS, F 126—322.
48. Permits for peasants: 1) to marry; 2) to leave for other places for a year... 1859 //MACBRS, F 126—200.
49. Разрешения на брак. 1831—1862 г. //MACBRS, F 126—353.
50. Разрешения на брак. 1841—1862 г. //MACBRS, F 126—352.
51. Marriage permits for peasants. 1829—1830. //MACBRS, F 126—263.
52. Marriage permits for peasants. 1835—1871. //MACBRS, F 126—394.
53. Marriage permits for peasants. 1839—1843. //MACBRS, F 126—174.
54. Marriage permits for peasants. 1846—1847. //MACBRS, F 126—173.
55. Permissions for peasants to marry. 1857–1858. //MACBRS, F 126—201.
56. Revision list of 1851... of the Vaiguva parish... [Revision list of Vaiguva manor. 1851] //MACBRS, F 37—229.
57. Revision list... Druviškės estate. [Revision lists of Druviškės manor, Raseiniai district. 1834, 1850] //MACBRS, F 37—62.
WAYS OF NAMING LITHUANIANS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY
Summary
Analysis of material drawn from historical sources of the first half of the 19th century establishes that during this period naming Lithuanians by a given name and surname had already become the norm.
A more noticeable deviation from this naming pattern is the addition of the father’s name. This occurs sporadically, and various forms of the father’s name are used. As a rule, the new element in the name has no fixed position /it is written between the given name and surname or after them/. The use of the father’s name is not the result of the natural development of the Lithuanian naming system. It arose under the influence of the Russian chancery in the 19th century, following the example of this people’s three-part naming system.
Other deviations from naming Lithuanians by a given name and surname in the first half of the 19th century are very rare.
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