LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, XXXII (1993)

BALTŲ ONOMASTIKOS TYRINĖJIMAI

ELENA GRINAVECKIENĖ

LITHUANIAN-ORIGIN PLACE NAMES IN THE VIDŽIAI AREA

The article attempts to establish the Lithuanian origin of most place names currently used by local residents in the Vidžiai area (data from our 1991 research; Breslauja district, Vitebsk region, Belarus). Its basis is the minor toponymy of villages connected to or adjacent to the town of Vidžiai (Vidžiški = Vidiškiai, Laibūny = Laibūnai, Pakūlnia) and the names of some villages located within a radius of 3–5 km around Vidžiai. The principal informants were Jānas Šnipas (born in 1933 in Laibūnai, resident in Vidiškiai), Marija Gasperovič (born in 1912 in Laukiškiai, resident in Vidiškiai), Juziukas Šnipas (born in 1910 in Laibūnai, where he still lives), Stefanija Treigys (born in 1911 in Pakulnioje, where she still lives), Cecīlija Treigys (born in 1914 in Bičiūnai, where she still lives), Veronika Šnip (born in 1935 in Vidiškiai, where she still lives), and others. The grandparents of Jānas Šnipas and Veronika Šnip, and the parents (most often the mothers) of all the other informants, spoke Lithuanian. During the research, all the informants spoke to one another and to us in the local Belarusian dialect; Marija Gasperovič spoke Polish with us and Russian with her children. Vidžiai has a Russian-language school with one very small Belarusian-language class. The town is multiethnic and has a population of 2,150. By nationality, Belarusians rank first, Poles second, Russians third, Tatars fourth, Roma fifth, Lithuanians sixth, Moldovans seventh, and Ukrainians eighth. We did not encounter any local Lithuanians in Vidžiai. Those we met had moved there from Lithuania (mostly from Utena district).

The Belarusian forms of place names in the region under study discussed in this article were all heard directly from informants and verified with people belonging to several different generations. All these place names, together with their variants, are listed here in alphabetical order, with the location of each indicated. Also given for each is the Lithuanian equivalent that we heard—or that may be possible—in Lithuanian villages in the Apso area, such as Bielušiškė, Bitminiškiai, Jūodelėnai, and others (we studied the dialects of these villages in 1977 and 1991). In every case, place names are compared with related Lithuanian place names and surnames, both those used in Lithuania and those in the Lithuanian dialect of Apso, as well as with common Lithuanian words. J. Rapanovičius’s stress-marked dictionary of place names in the Vitebsk region (SNVV) was used for the official forms of place names; where available, these are given after the forms we recorded in the local Belarusian dialect. Naturally, their phonetics do not reflect the Lithuanian-origin stop g pronounced in the place names or other phonetic features, and the forms recorded in the dictionary sometimes differ from those we recorded.

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Some of these differences are, in our view, inaccurate transcriptions (for instance, the village name Jadāsali¹, which we recorded precisely, fully corresponds to the shift of unstressed o to a in the Apso dialect; cf. its vašų-uosis, Ja-dažemys < Juodažemys ‘the hill of the Eitminiškiai village’; the form of this place name given in the dictionary, Judāsali, is probably an inaccurate transcription of Jadāsali). Others differ in stress placement (e.g., the forms we heard, Blažyški, Kárčmiški, Kupīški, versus the dictionary forms Blážyški, Karčmiški, Kúpiški; this may possibly result from the place names having been recorded at different times). In a third group, the dictionary forms are closer than our recorded forms to the earlier Lithuanian form and are therefore older, less Belarusianized (e.g., Eiūdavičy k., whereas we have as many as four forms of this place name: Avidāny, Avīdaučy, Atvidāvičy, Vidāny). In our view, these latter forms were taken by the dictionary’s author from earlier (older) sources and help identify the Lithuanian form of the place name more precisely and support our view more firmly. The dictionary contains place names from this region with the geminated word-final consonant phonetics characteristic of standard Belarusian, although such consonant gemination is not found in the Belarusian dialect of Vidžiai. For instance, the dictionary gives Antaprūice (p. 25), whereas the actual form here is Antaprūci, and so on. We used the study by M. Biry los and A. Vanagas (LEBA), which also examines place names in Breslauja district, only to compare oikonyms, since the oikonyms in it are unstressed and their precise locations are not indicated (only the district in which the place names occur is given). Moreover, in quite a few cases the study’s place-name transcriptions, being presented “pa spiskach administracyj naha pa-dzielu BSSR” (p. 8), differ from the forms used by the people we recorded.

Abražiški village (official Abražiški). The suffix -iški was undoubtedly added here to the surname Ambrāzas, whose root m before b may have disappeared through assimilation (cf. Lithuanian klimti < klimp(t)i, ankapis < antkapis, etc.) or for other reasons; cf. also the surname Ambrāzas (LPŽ I 93), and the village Ambraziškiai (LATS 8).

Alsiniški village (official Alsiniški). The suffix -iški was most likely added here to the Lithuanian surname Aleksynas, which may have developed through syncope into ^*Alsýnas. For a possible development of this kind, compare the forms in the Lithuanian dialect of Apso: jāzmas < jāzminas, mintūkas < minturūkas ‘little broom’, žarā < žarijā, and others. It is noteworthy that speakers of the Belarusian dialect pronounce the stressed į of the oikonym almost like Lithuanian y. This fact could also partly support this hypothesis. In any case, the surname Alsýnas is not attested in Lithuanian anthroponymy. It is listed only by A. Salys

¹Place names of Lithuanian origin in the local Belarusian dialect are presented here in Latin characters. Phonetic transcription of dialect examples is used only in exceptional cases and is simplified. Vowels e, ė, and i that have become backed after depalatalized consonants are represented in examples by the letters e and i. Lithuanian velar n before k and g is represented in Belarusian examples with a descender. A dot placed high to the right of a vowel marks only the length of unstressed vowels in Lithuanian examples. A superscript mark to the right of consonants indicates only the first palatalized consonant; at the ends of place names pronounced in Belarusian, every palatalized consonant is marked.⟧

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as his own artificially Lithuanianized form, or possibly a form of the surname of a Pole from the Vilnius Region, Alsevičius (Salys 309). In our opinion, deriving the oikonym from Alsevičius (also a surname, likely Lithuanianized by A. Salys, though not in its actual form) Alšionis (LEBA 13) is rather doubtful, in our view, also because the surname suffixes do not match.

Antaprūci village. Ožkaragiai village.” The prefix anta- is added here to the name of a nearby lake, Prūta. For the origin of the latter, see LHEŽ 266.

Aškaragi village (official Aškarági). The oikonym is purely Lithuanian and compound, with two stems. It is the dialectal form a·škarágai~Ožkaragiai< ‘goat’ + ‘horn’ in the Apso dialect; see also LEBA 97.

Avidiany, Avidavičy, Aividavičy, Vidiány village (official Eivídavičy). All forms of the oikonym are used, one might say, almost side by side. For example, after hearing one of them and asking for it to be repeated, one will usually hear a different form. The most Slavicized forms of the oikonym have the Belarusian suffix -avičy. In the Lithuanian villages of Apso, the oikonym also has variant forms—Aivídėnai (:aivídėnūsai sannai Lithuanian núke: “they spoke”), Arvidėnai (:moma jimtá iš avidėnų), Vidėnai (:vidėnosa jār daug samū). The original Lithuanian form of the oikonym is Eivydėnai. Its official form partly confirms this. The oikonym derives from the two-stem Lithuanian name (surname) Ei(t)vydas; cf. Salys 271. The forms Avidėnai and Vidėnai have undoubtedly developed within the Lithuanian language from Aivydėnai (< Eivydėnai) through the monophthongization of the unstressed syllable -ai-, followed later by its shortening (or even complete loss), probably for ease or convenience of pronunciation and to simplify the form. Cf. also Lithuanian Vadzgirỹs (< Vaičgirỹs); in the Apso area, the lake Daublys is locally pronounced dablis (da·blis was also heard), but daubl̃a ~ Daublio (genitive), daublì ~ Daublį (accusative). Similarly, the unstressed pure diphthong has been monophthongized in the forms of some other place names in this region. Thus, Eitminiškiai has several forms of its name in the Lithuanian dialect of Apso: EitminiškiaiEidmeniškiai, Aidminiškiai, Adminiškiai, Adyminiškiai, Jadminiškiai. In this case, the root d most likely arose from t, which became voiced in that position in the dialect (before m). In the neighboring Belarusian dialect, the oikonym also varies in form: Adimiániški, Ady̆miániški, Admianìški, Jadmenìški. The irregular phonetic alternation ai-(< ei-) in the unstressed position in the Apso dialect, noted here, is most likely due to the word’s semantic bleaching. This alternation of the diphthong will have spread to the Belarusian form of the place name as well. The same has happened with the village name Eitminai (in Lithuanian Apso speech, Aētminai, Atminai, Acminai; its widespread forms in the Belarusian dialect are Acniany, Jacmiany.

Ažūbali village. In this case, the common noun ažūbalai in the Apso dialect has become an oikonym. Cf. the name Ažūbaliai of a marsh in Jūodelėnai village in the Apso area, and the village name Ažūbaliai in Lithuania (LATS 19). LEBA 92 mentions the Belarusian oikonym Ažuboli in the Breslauja district; because its root phonetics are given incorrectly, it is most likely a non-native form from this region.

Ažūgiry village. In the Lithuanian dialect of Apso, the oikonym is known as Ažūgiris, undoubtedly derived from the common noun ažūgiris, which in turn is formed from the root girià and the eastern Lithuanian prefix ažū-. The form Ažūgery of the oikonym in the Breslauja district, mentioned in LEBA 92, is more Slavicized: the unstressed root of its...

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into e. This shift of the vowel i is also characteristic of place names in the region under study.

Bagdžiūnų village (official Bagdžiūnų). The oikonym derives from the Lithuanian surname Bagdžiūnas~Bagdžiūnas; cf. LPŽ I 155.

Barkūniški village (officially Barkūniški). In the Apso dialect, the oikonym sounds in Lithuanian like Barkūniškė. It is derived from the surname Barakūnas or Barkūnas (cf. LPŽ I 190, 357), or perhaps even from an artificially Lithuanianized surname Barkausko, yielding *Barkūnas, and the suffix -iški. Cf. also Barkūniškis village (LATS 28).

Biciūny village (official Biciūny). The name may be connected with the Lithuanian surname Biciūnas (LPŽ I 248) and the village name Biciūnai (LATS 34).

Blažyški village (official Blažyški). Cf. the Lithuanian surname Blažys (LPŽ I 274) and the suffix -iški, as well as the village name Blažškės (LATS 37). The accentuation of the source of the oikonym (Blažys, and also Blažė) probably indicates that the accentuation of its official form is a later development.

Bumbiāla “hill in Blažiškiai village.” The name retains the diphthong um, characteristic of the Lithuanian dialect of Apso, in place of the standard-language am, and the hardening of consonant l before ė. Cf. the Lithuanian hill name Bambėlė in Stakliškės and elsewhere (LVK). The place names derive from the common noun bambėlė, “a kind of puffed-up state, elevation.”

Dārymy “meadow in Laukiškiai village.” The name directly corresponds to Lithuanian Dārymai, “field names found in many parts of Lithuania” (LVK), and derives from the common noun dārymai, “wet places, bog.”

Filāici village The oikonym’s suffix is unquestionably Lithuanian -iāčiai. The root raises some doubts. The consonant f is not usual in Lithuanian place names. However, there is reason to think that the f here may have developed from p (in the dialect, we recorded cases in which, owing to a town-dweller’s desire to appear “more cultured,” especially more Polish, Belarusian plāṅka “slat,” pras “laundry line,” pigūlka “pill,” and other words are sometimes pronounced here as flāṅka, fras, figūlka). We would then have the root pil- or pel-, and this possibility is entirely plausible. Thus, we might perhaps relate this place name to proper names of the Pilaiciai or Pelaiciai type (cf. LATS 237,242, and also the surname Pilātės, bush names Pilāčiai, and so on—LVK).

Galalōuki “field in Biciūnai.” Cf. Lithuanian village names Galūlaukė, Galūlaukiai, Galūlaukis (LATS 77), as well as field names Galūlaukė (LVK), derived from the common nouns galūlaukė, galūlaukis, and the like.

Gertoklynia “part of a forest in Pakulnio village.” Cf. Lithuanian Girtuoklynė, “forest names” (LVK), derived from the common noun girtuoklynė, “drunkard’s forest.” The place name’s root vowel e becoming e and its suffix uo becoming o are typical outcomes of the Belarusianization of Lithuanianisms in this area (cf. LKB 125; also the village name Ažūgery<Ažūgiry—LEBA 92).

Gilūta ”in Biciūnai”. Cf. the Lithuanian village name Gilūtā (LVK), and the village name Gilūtā (LATS 48). The root of the place name is adjectival (gilūs ‘deep’) and has the rare suffix -ūta.

Jacmiāny, Acmiāny village (officially Eitmiāny). The oikonym is purely Lithuanian and compound, its first element being jac-(ac-)<eit-, the second men-(<min-, probably Belarusian ant. It is derived from the surname Eitminas. Cf. Salys 344; LPŽ I 570. The first two forms of the oikonym are more strongly Belarusianized, but the official form is Slavicized as well. The Lithuanians of Apso (the nearby village of Šalakūndzᵘ ~Šalakan-

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džiai) call the village Aicminai, while the people of Bielūsiškės call it Acminai, Atminai. The Belarusian form Jacmiány probably arose from the earlier (older) form Eicminai, with the root diphthong ei becoming monophthongized (cf. analogous cases Avidiány< Aividány< Eividány< Eivydenčiai, Lithuanian Vadžgirys< Vaičgirys, etc.).

Jadàsali village (officially Judásali). Cf. Lithuanian village names Juodasalė (LATS 109), Juodasalis (LEBA 97). The place names derive from the words juodas ‘black’ and sala ‘village’.

Jarkáncy village (officially Jarkáncy). There is no doubt that the oikonym derives from a surname. Which one is unclear. LEBA 55, 58 derives Jarkáncy from the Belarusian surname Jarkovič and at the same time classifies it as a derivative with the suffix -ancy. However, these two elements could not possibly form the shape Jarkáncy (the result would be *Jarkoučancy). Consequently, this explanation of the oikonym’s origin is unfounded. One might suspect that the root of Jarkáncy is the surname Jurkūs (cf. LPŽ I 870), but there is currently insufficient evidence to substantiate the possibility of jur- becoming jar-. Or perhaps Jarkáncy derives from a compound surname whose first element is jar-(jer-), and whose second is -kant. However, the original (Lithuanian) form of jar-(jer-) is also quite problematic, since Lithuanian names do not seem to contain such an element. Given the phonetics of the local Belarusian dialect, there is reason to suspect that jar- is a Lithuanian diphthong ir, rather unusual in Belarusian, that has become backed through the jer- stage (for the possibility, cf. the also rather unusual borrowed word andy̆k ‘turkey’ used here instead of the Russian indy̆k; further cf. the occasional rendering of an unstressed short Lithuanian etymological vowel as e in place names: Gertolénia<Girtuoklynė, Ažūgery< Ažūgiry< Ažūgirai, etc.). How should the element jir-? be interpreted? It too may not be original, but may have arisen from gir-, as sometimes happens in loanwords. For the possible shift jir-<gir-, cf. the pronunciation of some loanwords in Lithuanian as well. For instance, the usual generalas is called generolas in some of our dialects, while the surname Gierta is rendered Jierta (LPŽ I 665), and so on. If this were to prove plausible, there would be some basis for considering the oikonym Jarkáncy to be Lithuanian Girkančiai and deriving it from the Lithuanian surname Girkantas. Cf. the surname Girkantas found in Lithuania (LPŽ I 675), and the village name Girkantai (LATS 87).

Jūravicy village (officially Jūravicy). In the Lithuanian dialect of Apso, the oikonym is known in the form Jurėnai (dialectal Jurānai). The place name undoubtedly derives from the surname Jūras (LPŽ I 863) and the suffix -ėnai. It acquired the Belarusian suffix only after it had been Belarusianized.

Kálniski village (officially Kalniški). This is clearly a derivative with the suffix -iški from the Lithuanian surname Kalnius (LEBA 22); cf. also the surname Kalnius (LPŽ I 899), as well as the village names Kalniškė, Kalniškiai, Kalniškis, etc. (LATS 118).

Karaliūnskaje means “lake Pakulnioje.” This is a compound hydronym of Lithuanian origin, whose first component is the surname Karaliūnas (cf. LPŽ I 919).

Karčiūta means “meadow in Laibūnai.” The place name was probably formed with the suffix -ūtė, and its root, judging by its phonetic form, could be associated with meadow names Karčia, Karčiabalė, Karčiabalis, forest names Karčius, Karčiagalnis (LVK), stream names Karčiūpė (LVK), Karčiupis, Karčiupys, etc. (LUEV 68). What is the origin of the root karč-? LHEŽ 147 associates river names with the root karč- with the common word kartus, “bitter, sharp-tasting.” Such an association could also be quite acceptable for the river names cited with the root karč-. However, our

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in this case it would not quite fit, since Karčiūta is formed with a suffix (probably a diminutive one), which can only be added to nouns. Thus, the root karč- is a noun, not an adjective. And it may well be derived from another source. This is generally considered to be the noun karčiai ‘uncut longer grass between windrows’. The meaning of karčiai is particularly characteristic of bogs and wet meadows, where it is often actually impossible to cut the grass properly. Compare also the participle karčiuotas ‘with uncut grass left between windrows’, karčiuoti ‘to leave uncut grass between windrows while mowing’. Linguistic-geographical data provide grounds for thinking that the suffix of Karčiūtos was most likely -ūtė, especially characteristic of both the Apso and neighboring Lithuanian dialects.

Kárčmiški village (officially Karčmiški). This is a compound oikonym whose first element could be related either to the common noun kártis (the latter is not unfamiliar in this area; for example, in the Apso dialects people say: kartelė rūbam pakárt), or to the word karčiai ‘uncut grass between windrows’; compare also Karčiūta, as well as the microtoponyms Karčios ‘banks, bushes’ and Karčiakalnis (forest; LVK). The different stress placement in the official oikonym form makes it necessary to investigate place-name stress more carefully in the localities themselves.

Kudrýški ‘settlement in Pakulnioje’. This is a Lithuanian-origin microtoponym consisting of the root kúdra and the suffix -iškiai; compare also the hydronyms Kūdrà, Kūdrėlis, Kūdrėlė, Kūdrūkas, Kūdriai (LUEV, 81), their etymology (LHEŽ 169), as well as the microtoponyms Kūdra, Kū­dros, etc. (LVK).

Kúmša ‘village in Bičūnai’. The microtoponym derives from the common Eastern Lithuanian dialect word kumšà ‘a road or boggy place paved with brushwood and rods’ ~kamšà. Compare also Lithuanian hydronyms Kamšà, Kamšėlė, Kamšupis (LUEV 67; LHEŽ 145), as well as the microtoponyms Kamšà, Kamšia, Kamšėlė, etc. (LVK).

Kupčėli village (officially Kupčėli). The oikonym is derived from a surname (nickname) (cf., for example, Kùpčius – LPŽ I 1127) with the suffix -ėliai.

Kupìški village (officially Kúpiški). The oikonym is derived from a surname (cf., for example, Kùpas, Kùpė, Kupỹs – LPŽ II 1126–1128) with the suffix -iškiai. It is noteworthy that the stress on the oikonym’s suffix was heard correctly by us.

Laibūny village (officially Laibūny). The oikonym is derived from a surname (cf., for example, Laibùnis – LPŽ II 16) with the suffix -ūnai. Compare also Lithuanian microtoponyms Laibūnai (grove, meadow), Laibūniškė (grove), Laibūčiai (meadow), Laibūkai (field) (LVK), as well as Laibūtiškės village (LATS 151), and the common words laibùkas ‘long narrow strip of land’, laibūnė ‘the slender end of a tree’.

Laukiški, Lóukiški village (officially Lóukiški). The oikonym derives from the personal names Laukỹs, Laukis and the suffix -iškiai (LEBA 24). Two forms of it have been recorded—one with stress on the suffix, which is more frequent, and one with stress on the root, which is rarer but coincides with the official form (in our view, the latter is more Belarusianized). Compare also the villages Laukiškės, Laukiškiai (LATS 154), the personal names and forest names Laukiškis, etc. (LVK).

Lataniški village (officially Lataniški). The oikonym was most likely formed from the personal name Làtena, Làtenas or Latìnis (cf. LPŽ II 28) and the suffix -iškiai. Compare also the personal name Latanaúškas, which, in our opinion, is justifiably derived from lėtena (LPŽ II 28), and the personal name Lataniškiai (LVK).

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Líepasal’ hill. The components of the microtoponym’s form are probably the words lėpa and salà. Cf. some of its other Lithuanian cognates: Líepasalė hill, Liepasalė ‘lake island’, Liepasalis forest, etc. (LVK).

Limarka ‘swamp in Pakulnioje’. The name is an unmistakable Lithuanianism; its direct counterpart Limarka, meaning ‘pool, meadow, marsh, ditch’, is widely attested in Lithuania (LVK) < limarka<limmarka (LKŽ VII 516).

Liun ‘swamp in Pakulnioje’. This is undoubtedly the Lithuanian Lūnas (LVK) < lūnas, its direct counterpart.

Lūnka ‘meadow in Pakulnioje’. The name preserves the diphthong un of the Eastern Aukštaitian dialects, corresponding to standard-language an; cf. Lithuanian microtoponyms Lankė, Lančkos, and others (LVK)<lankà.

Málina ‘swamp in Pakulnioje’. The microtoponym is undoubtedly formed with the suffix -inė from the root -mol, pronounced in the Apso dialect (especially in the past) with the old long a~o preserved (standard-language) — malìs; cf. Lithuanian microtoponyms Móline, Molūnė, etc. (LVK), and villages Móline, Molūnė, etc. (LATS 189–190).

Marūga ‘a river flowing through Vidžiai from Lake Vidžiai, emptying into the Dysna’. The hydronymic suffix is -uga; the root is not entirely clear. It has been suggested that it might be compared with the river name Mara (LHD 192). No evidence is offered. Drawing on the phonetics of the Apso dialect, we are inclined to propose our own arguments and substantiate them. The unstressed root mar- in this place name, like the dialectal river name Dablys<Dauiblys (cf. Daublio, Daublį...), the lake name Saliàžory<Sáulìažeriai, or village names Atminai (Belarusian Acmiany, Jacmiany)<Atminai<Eitminai, Avidėnai (Belarusian Avidiany, Avidavičy), Adminiškiai (Belarusian Admi-niški, Adimiániški, Adymiániški, Jadmeniški), as well as Lithuanian Vadzgìrys<Vaičgìrys and the like, could quite plausibly have evolved from *maur- and thus be related to márais—duckweed, which blooms not only throughout Marūga but also in all the marshes through which it flows. Thus, there is reason to believe that Marūga derives from *Maurūga. It is worth noting that *Maurūga would fit quite well among other rare derivatives formed with this Lithuanian suffix, especially words such as moliūgà ‘a place overgrown with weeds’ and other common Lithuanian words (cf. LKG 361). It is also important to note that no derivatives with the root mar- have been found in the Lithuanian name inventory, whereas those with maur- are particularly numerous: these include the microtoponyms Máurijos, Maurýnas, Maurãgė, Máurupis, etc. (LVK). In our view, this too supports Marūga<*Maurūga. Cf. also the village name Maurūčiai (LATS 174).

Meškeliai village (officially Miaskėli). The oikonym is derived using the Lithuanian suffix -eliai from the surnames Meška, Meškys (cf. Meszko~Meška—Salys 403) (LEBA 76). Cf. also the village name Meškeliai (LATS 180), as well as the microtoponyms Meškelės, Meškėlė, Meškėlis, Meškėliai, etc. (LVK).

Mikūčiai village (officially Mikúči). This is a Lithuanianism, with the suffix -učiai added to the surname Mikas (cf. surname Mìkas, LPŽ II 228; see also LEBA 87); cf. further the Lithuanian microtoponyms Mikūškė, Mikutà, etc. (LVK).

Namá viečia ‘meadow in Pakulnioje’. The microtoponym’s Lithuanian origin is beyond doubt: it is Namávietė, which has counterparts in Lithuania as well—Namávietė (forest, field, meadow, forest, woodland), Namávietės (woodland, forest), etc. (LVK). Their common source is the common nouns namai ‘home’ and vietà ‘place’.

Pacílta ‘meadow in Laibūnai’. The microtoponym developed from Lithuanian dialectal

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of the name of the same feature Paciltė~Patiltė, cf. the village names Patiltis, Patilčiai (LATS 232), as well as other microtoponyms Patilčiai, Patiltūs, Patiltės ‘field names’ (LVK). The microtoponyms cited derive from the common noun patiltė ‘a place under a bridge’. It is also worth noting that the stressed syllable of the microtoponym under study clearly had a falling-rising accent—the first component of the diphthong was pronounced lengthened.

Padzirvány ‘field name in Vidiškiai’. The microtoponym derives from the Lithuanian common noun pádirvonis, padirvonỹs. Cf. also the village name Pádirvoniai (LATS 208), as well as the microtoponyms Padirvonys, Padirvonė, Padirvoniai, etc. (LVK).

Padrūkša village (officially Padrūkša). The Lithuanians of Apso call this village Padrūkšė in Lithuanian. The oikonym derives from the name of the nearby lake Drūkšiai (see LUEV 32) and the prefix pa-.

Pakūlnia village (officially Pakūlnia). The oikonym is most likely surname-derived (nickname-derived); cf. the surname Pakūlnis (LPŽ II 375). Cf. also the microtoponyms Pakūlniškė, Pakūlniškės (forest, shrubland), Pakūlnių sodyba (LVK).

Pálauka ‘field name in Pakulnioje’. The toponym is undoubtedly derived from the Lithuanian common noun pálaukė; cf. also pálaukis, as well as the microtoponym Pálaukė (LVK) and the village names Pálaukė, Palaukė, Palaukė (LATS 220).

Patkudryški ‘forest and meadow in Pakulnioje’. This is a microtoponym of purely Lithuanian origin, Slavicized and also containing the Belarusian prefix pad-. See Kudryški.

Ratášali ‘part of Laibūnai village’ (officially Ratášali). The toponym is compound, with two stems. Its first element is the common noun rėtas (in Lithuanian dialects along the Belarusian border, the latter is generally shifted to rátas because e precedes the hard r pronounced here); the second is not šaltas ‘cold’, but šilas ‘pinewood’. Thus, it is Retášilis. That its second element really is šilas is indicated first of all by the Russian form given in SNVV 328 alongside the official Belarusian form, Ratášeli; this is also confirmed by the form Retášilis of the oikonym in the Breslauja district in LEBA 97 (perhaps there is grounds for supposing that this is the same oikonym). Moreover, experience shows that this is well supported by the phonetics of unstressed syllables in certain more transparently Lithuanian-origin place names in the Belarusian dialect in use (in our case, the syllable is also hardened). As has already been noted, Lithuanian Ažūgiriāi, Girtuoklynė and others are pronounced here Gertoklina, Ažūgery, and so on. In our case, Retášilis came to be pronounced Ratášeli, and this newly arisen e after hard š readily changed into a, thus producing Ratášali. It has also been observed here that there are further instances of i changing into a after š. For example, our šipulỹs is pronounced šapul’ here.

Raukėta village (officially Raukėta). The name Raukėta is also used for the stream flowing through the village (LUEV 133). Both names may derive from the surname Raukas (LPŽ II 583<raukti ‘to make wrinkled’ — LHEŽ 274) and the suffix -eta (LKG 333). In our view, however, their nickname origin is also entirely possible—from *Raukėta, equivalent to the Lithuanian common noun raukėta. Cf. also the village Raukėta (LVK).

Ražákalnia ‘hill in Bičiūnai’. The toponym is compound, with two stems; its second element is kálnas ‘hill’, while the first is somewhat uncertain. Perhaps it can be associated with Lithuanian microtoponyms such as Różakalnis, Różabalė, Różaraisčio (LVK), and the like. In that case, the element would be Różė (<róžė); cf. also the village Różákalniemis (LATS 256). Phonetically, however, there is also no basis for rejecting the possibility that this element may—

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Daryti Režiai village, cf. also daryti Režiai k. <rėžiai (LATS 261), cf. also Rėžupalis (LHEŽ 276), Ražiai village (LATS 260), or even Ražiai village (LATS 256).

Rakščynia ”krūmeliai Bičiūnuose”. The root syllable of the microtoponym contains a retracted ą, which may have developed from either e or ė; therefore, it is equally plausible that it derives from the surname Rekštys or from Rėkštys (LPŽ II 595), together with the locative suffix -ynė. Cf. also the river Rėkšupis (LUEV 134), the village Rėkšiai, the forest Rėkšpjaunis (LVK), and also the etymology of Rėkšupio (LHEŽ 275–276). Thus Rekštynė or Rėkštynė here will have changed into Rakščynia.

Rápiški village Unless the nature of e in the root of this oikonym is clarified, its overall origin remains unclear. However, given the not entirely regular phonetics of this dialect, there is reason to suspect that this ą may also have developed from the diphthong ei after r (cf. the locally pronounced village name Acmiány<Eitminai, etc.). If this were indeed the case, one could assert that the oikonym is a derivative in the suffix -iškiai from the surname Rėpa (LPŽ II 593).

Samaniča ”mš. Laibūnuose”. The microtoponym is a direct equivalent of the Lithuanian microtoponym Samanyčia, derived from the common noun samanyčia ‘moss-covered place’.

Sauliažory, Saliažory, Šauliažory ”ež. Vidiškiuose”. The forms of the hydronym very clearly characterize the process by which the unstressed Lithuanian diphthong au in the Belarusian dialect of this region was Belarusianized, as well as its consequences. We established considerably earlier that Lithuanian au in Belarusian dialects has often developed into a (Baltistica 73–77). The article cited numerous Belarusian Lithuanianisms—common and proper nouns—with this phonetic feature, and also offered a guide for recognizing and identifying such Lithuanianisms in written sources. The hydronym Sauliažory and its variants not only support our claim, but also concretely reveal the process of this change. The lake name is undoubtedly derived from its Lithuanian name, *Sauliažeriai or *Šauliažeriai (cf. Saulupė, Saulłatakis LUEV 143)<sáulė ‘sun’ and ežerai ‘lakes’. The variant of the name with initial š is later, most likely arising as a result of semantic bleaching. Its root au clearly indicates the degree of transition involved in the change of Lithuanian au to Belarusian a. On the other hand, the purely Lithuanian hydronym Dablys<Daublys (see above), found in the Lithuanian dialect of Apso and sharing the same phonetic feature as Saliažory, as well as probably Marīga<*Maurūga, would suggest that monophthongization of unstressed au to a may also occur (and undoubtedly did occur) in the Lithuanian dialect itself (in this case, one in contact with Belarusian). Such a process had not previously been documented in Lithuanian dialects.

Sniegiški village (officially Sniegiški). The oikonym is derived from the surname Sniegis (LPŽ II 774) and the suffix -iškiai. Cf. the lakes Snieginis, Sniegiškis (LUEV 152), as well as the microtoponyms Sniegiabalė, Sniegiaragis, etc. (LVK), and the village Sniegiškės (LATS 285).

Šaltāni village (officially Šaltāni). According to linguistic-geographical data, the oikonym derives not from the common noun šaltėniai, but from the word šaltiniai, typical of this region; in the process of Belarusianization, it may have irregularly altered the suffixal į by retracting it.

Taukini village The oikonym is most likely the plural form of the conjectured Lithuanian surname *Taukinys (cf. Taukinis Salys 462; *Taukinis LPŽ II 1029). Such a

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The accent on the oikonym’s ending confirms the conjecture.

Trakiški village (official Trakiški). The oikonym is formed with the suffix -iški = Lithuanian -iškiai and the common noun trākas ‘forest clearing, small shrubs’; cf. village names in Lithuania Trakiškiai, Trakiškis, etc. (LATS 319), as well as the hydronyms Trakravis, Trakupis, etc. (LUEV 174).

Trylāpnik ‘village in Bičiūnai’. The microtoponym derives from the Lithuanian common noun trilāpnīkas ‘bogbean’. Cf. other Lithuanian microtoponyms Trilāpė ‘meadow overgrown with bogbean’, Trilapynė meadow, etc. (LVK).

Vainiūny, Vainiūncy village (official Vainiūny). The second variant of the oikonym is more heavily Belarusianized. The name derives from the surname Vainiūnas (cf. LPŽ II 1135); it is its plural form. Cf. Vainiūnų Lake (LUEV 183), and Lithuanian village names Vainūnai (LATS 331).

Varpynia ‘meadow in Bičiūnai’. The microtoponym derives from the Lithuanian common noun varpynė ‘a place where many plants with large ears grow’. Cf. the names of bogs Varpynė, Varpynas, etc. (LVK).

Verpetā ‘hill in Bičiūnai’. This is a Belarusianized form of the Lithuanian name of the same hill, Verpetā, derived from the common noun verpetā (verpėtas). Cf. Lithuanian microtoponyms Verpetā forest, hill, Verpėtas hill, Verpetinė meadow (LVK).

Vīdzzy town (official Vīdzzy). The Lithuanians of Apso call it vidz’ai, and formerly vidz’av Vīdziai, Vydžiai. The oikonym undoubtedly derives from the surname Vydžius (cf. LPŽ II 1205). Cf. also the microtoponyms Vydžiamiskis, Vydžgojis, etc. (LVK). The form Vīdziai is later and Belarusianized.

Vidziški village (official Vidziški). The name derives from the town’s name Vidžiai, Vydžiai with the suffix -iški<-iškiai.

Vilkīaniški village (official Vilkīaniški). The oikonym derives from the surname Vilkėnas (dialectal Vilkėnas); cf. LPŽ II 1217 and the suffix -iškiai; cf. also LEBA 17 and the village names Vilkėnas, Vilkėnai (LATS 346).

Viršūpi ‘village in Vainiūnai’. This microtoponym has counterparts in Lithuania as well, for example, Viršūpė meadow, Viršūpys bog, Viršūpiai meadow, Viršūpeliai forest (LVK). They derive from the common nouns viršūnė ‘summit’ and upė (upeliai) ‘river (streams)’.

Ždėgeli village (official Ždėgeli). The oikonym is probably a Belarusianized form of the Lithuanian name of that village, Išdėgėliai. The prefix iš- was dropped here because the name’s meaning was not understood, or for ease of pronunciation. Cf. Lithuanian microtoponyms Išdėgėlė meadow, Išdėga ‘meadow where peat has burned’, Išdėgė meadow, etc. (LVK).

Žagary, Žygary ”dr. Pakulnioje”. Mikrotoponimas, be abejo, yra kilęs iš lietuviškos pvd. Žagaras (LPŽ II 1307) subaltarusėjusios lyties Žagaras daugiskaitos. Pastebėtina, kad šio regiono baltarusių šnektoje skolinys iš liet. bendrinio žodžio žagarai taip pat tariamas žagary (plg. dar ir čia turimą lituanizmą žāginė<žāginiai). Lietuvos paribiniuose punktuose su baltarusių šnektomis šios šaknies mikrotoponimai taip pat tariami su Žagar-, pvz., Žagarynė dr., Žagarynas kln. ir pan. (LVK). Formos Žygary suužpakalintas šaknies y greičiausiai yra vėlyvesnis, susiformavęs lyčiai Žagary toliau slavėjant.

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The article attempts to determine the Lithuanian origin of 68 place names (77 variants of these) used by the old local Belarusian inhabitants of the environs of Vidžiai. All such place names make up 85% of the place names used in those environs. The origins of the few other place names found here are mostly Slavic, e.g., Haražanka (< Ahar ažanka, cf. harót < aharód) ‘meadow in Laibūnai’, Kaziōnaje vóziara ‘lake in Vidiškiai’, Navinki ‘meadow in Bičiūnai’, Padvarytka ‘meadow in Pakulnioje’, Šipavičy (< Ašipavičy) village, Sivóje balóta ‘swamp in Laibūnai’, etc. It may be that certain of these place names (e.g., Navinki, Šipavičy) sounded much the same in the days when Lithuanian speakers could still be found here. This view may perhaps be supported in part by the Lithuanian phonetics of some of them, for instance, the Lithuanian velar pronunciation of consonant n before k. That this feature of Lithuanian phonetics is indeed present here in Belarusian speech is clearly demonstrated by the Lithuanian pronunciation of common Belarusian words containing n in this position. The words we recorded that retain this feature of Lithuanian phonetics are: apiėški ‘honey mushrooms’, miadžiānka ‘iron snake’, liapiānka ‘small clay-plastered hut’, rumiānki ‘clovers’.

Most of the place names examined in the article derive from surnames and other proper names. They are formed with the Lithuanian suffixes -iškiai, -iūnai, -ėnai, -ėliai, with the prefixes anta-, ažu- characteristic of eastern Lithuanian dialects, with the prefix pa-, and so on. Among them are oikonyms, names formed with suffixes from old two-stem personal names; there are also many compounds formed from two common words, etc.

The place names examined in the article are especially striking for their phonetics and its specific features, which reflect certain consequences of the contact between two different phonetic systems—consequences that have not yet been widely elucidated—and highlight the results of close contact between those languages. Belarusian forms of place names record, for example, the change of the Lithuanian diphthong ei in an unstressed word-initial position to ai (a feature characteristic of Lithuanian dialects in this region; cf. their aic < eiti ‘to go’), the monophthongization of that ai to a (a phenomenon not hitherto recorded in Lithuanian dialects), its fronting to e (also a phenomenon little known in Lithuanian dialect phonetics to date), and the emergence of a prothetic j before it (again, a sound change in Lithuanian phonetics). This has occurred in the Belarusian oikonymic form Jacmiany (pronounced jecmiany) < Acmiany < Aicmiany < Eitmenai < Eitminai < cf. the surname Eitminas). A similar phonetic change is also found in the Belarusian oikonymic form Avidžany < Aivdžany < Eivdžany < Eivydėnai < cf. the surname Eivydas + dialectal Lithuanian -ėnai). Belarusian place-name forms in this region also reflect the change of the Lithuanian unstressed diphthong au to a (some of them also preserve an intermediate stage in this change, via au). Thus, the lake name Saldiažōry derives from *Saldiažerai < sáu-lė+ežerai ‘sun + lakes’, while its form Šauliažōry precisely shows the transitional syllabic stage from au to a. The hydronym Marūga most likely arose from *Maurūga in the same way. The lake name Daublys is pronounced Dablỹs by the Lithuanians of Apso (Belarusians say Dablánskoje vóziara), but Lithuanians always say Daũblio, Daũblį..., while Belarusians say vóziara Daũblia. This is another important and no less valuable and relevant detail of contact between two different languages. Previously, we had observed it only in Lithuanianisms in Belarusian dialects, whereas in this case it is also found in the Lithuanian dialect in contact with them. Thus, this process is also taking place

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today, including in our dialects. Thus, it is alive and continues to shape the phonetic systems of the dialects in contact. The forms of the place names under examination also reflect fairly well cases in which the Lithuanian unstressed vowel į changes to Belarusian e, e.g., Gertolkinia < Girtuoklynė, etc. Revealing this change helped to establish the origin of the oikonym Jarkáncy: Jarkáncy (pronounced jerkáncy) < irkáncy < girkáncy (cf. generòlas < generòlas, etc.) < Girkunčiai < cf. the surname Girkantas (plural form). Similarly, the origin of the microtoponym Ratášali was traced to dialectal Lithuanian ratas < ‘rare’ and šilas (via Belarusian šel-) > šal-. Some of the Belarusian place names examined have at times lost certain meaningful Lithuanian elements and are therefore difficult to etymologize. Thus, it has been objectively established that the oikonym Ždžegėliai is Lithuanian Išdegėliai (< Išdegėlė < ‘burnt-over peatland’), which lost the vowel į in the prefix iš- as it became Belarusianized.

In other phonetic features, the place names examined in the article fully conform to the phonetics of the Lithuanian Apso dialect (cf. AT 173—191; ADK 91—98). They have preserved relatively well the old long a, e ~ standard-language o, ė. The standard-language diphthongs am, an are rendered as um, un; the consonant l is hardened before front vowels, and so on.

In light of all this, it is important to note that the linguistic studies of this area discussed in the article clearly demonstrate that Belarusianization here is a very recent process, that it has not ended and continues even today, that the phonetic changes that have taken place are distinctive and highly important not only for the phonetics and grammar of Lithuanian dialects but also for contact between Lithuanian and Belarusian dialects, and that further linguistic research in this region and the careful documentation of its data are of relevance to Baltic-Slavic linguistics.

ABBREVIATIONS

ADK — M o r k ū n a s K. Declension of nouns in the Lithuanian dialect of Apso // Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai. Vol. 28: Kalbų ryšiai ir sąveikos. V., 1989. P. 91—98.

AT — G r i n a v e c k i e n ė E. Some of the more characteristic features of the Apso dialect // Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. Series A. V., 1960. Vol. 2(9). P. 173—191.

Baltistica — G r i n a v e c k i e n ė E., M a c k e v i č J. Lithuanian (i)au vocalism reflexes in Belarusian Lithuanianisms // Baltistica. III(1) supplement. V., 1989. P. 70—80.

LATS — Lietuvos TSR administracinio-teritorinio suskirstymo žinynas. V., 1976. D. 2.

„EBA — B i r y l a M. V., V a n a g a s A.P. Lithuanian elements in Belarusian onomastics. Minsk, 1968.

LHD — V a n a g a s A. Lietuvos TSR hidronimų daryba. V., 1970.

LHEŽ — V a n a g a s A. Lietuvių hidronimų etimologinis žodynas. V., 1981.

LKB — G r i n a v e c k i e n ė E., M a c k e v i č J. Some phonetic features of Belarusian Lithuanianisms // Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai. Vol. 27: Lietuvių kalba ir bilingvizmas. V., 1988. P. 123—131.

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LKG — Lietuvių kalbos gramatika. V., 1965. T. 1.

LKŽ — Lietuvių kalbos žodynas. V., 1966. T. 7; 1976. T. 10.

LPŽ — Lietuvių pavardžių žodynas. V., 1985. T. 1; 1989. T. 2.

LUEV — Lietuvos TSR upių ir ežerų vardynas. V., 1963.

LVK — Lithuanian Place-Names Index. Held in the Onomastics Department of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language.

Salys — Salys A. Raštai. T. 2: Tikriniai vardai. Roma, 1983.

SNVV — Rapanovič J. N. Slounik nazvau nasielenych punktau Vicebskaj voblasci. Minsk, 1977.

LITHUANIAN-ORIGIN PLACE NAMES IN THE VICINITY OF VIDZY

Abstract

В статье устанавливается литовское происхождение 68 топонимов (названия деревень и микротопонимия) окрестностей местечка Видзы (Браславский р-н Витебская обл. Белоруссия), в которых в настоящее время местное население говорит по-белорусски. Установлено, что такие топонимы составляют около 85% всех топонимов исследуемых окрестностей. Своей фонетической системой и словообразованием топонимы примыкают к языковой системе местечка Опса. По происхождению большинство их образовано от фамилий с суффиксами -ишки, -уны, -ены, -ели, с префиксами анти-, аэзу-, а также от нарицательных сложных существительных. На основе изложенного в статье делается предположение, что процесс обелорусения исследуемого языкового ареала сравнительно поздний.

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