ROLANDAS KREGŽDYS

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

Research interests: comparative grammar of Baltic and other Indo-European languages, etymology; lexicography, lexicology.

BORROWED LEXICON IN THE WORKS OF KRISTIJONAS DONELAITIS: POLONISMS

Lexical borrowings in the works by Kristijonas Donelaitis: Polonisms

ABSTRACT

The article discusses Polishisms used in the poetic works of Kristijonas Donelaitis (the poem Metai; the early fragment of the poem Metai “Prieškaus pasaka apie lietuvišką svodbą” [The Tale of Prieškus about a Lithuanian Wedding]; and six fables: “Aužuols gyrpelnys,” “Lapės ir gandro česnis,” “Pasaka apie šūdvaibalį,” “Rudikis jomarkininks,” “Šuo didgalvis,” “Vilks provininks”) and in the first letter written in Lithuanian. In total, the article discusses 59 Polonisms and 24 of their morphophonetic variants and secondary derivatives.

In addition to describing the origin of the Polishisms (if they are not of Slavic origin), the article also reviews the criteria for classifying Polonisms and the principles for presenting etymological descriptions.

ANNOTATION

The article deals with the etymology and developmental peculiarities of the Polonisms (59) and their morphophonetic variants and secondary derivatives (24) used in the poetic works (the poem The Seasons [Lithuanian: Metai], an early fragment of The Seasons—“Pričkus’ Tale about a Lithuanian Wedding” [Lithuanian: „Pričkaus pasaka apie lietuvišką svodbą“] and six fables: “The Braggart Oak” [Lithuanian: „Aužuols gyrpelnys“], “The Fox’s and the Stork’s Feast” [Lithuanian: „Lapės ir gandro česnis“], “Fable of the Dung Beetle” [Lithuanian: „Pasaka apie šūdvaibalį“], “The Dog at the Fair” [Lithuanian: „Rudikis jomarkininks“], “The Clever Dog”

KEYWORDS: lexical borrowings, Polonisms, semi-Polonisms, works of Kristijonas Donelaitis.

KEYWORDS: lexical borrowings, Polonisms, Semipolonisms, works by Kristijonas Donelaitis.

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[Lithuanian: “Šuo didgalvis”], “The Wolf-Judge” [Lithuanian: „Vilks provininks“]) and the 1^st letter written in Lithuanian by Kristijonas Donelaitis.

The article also presents the methodology and criteria of identification of the Polonisms in the works of the classic of Lithuanian literature.

0. INTRODUCTION. DEFINING POLONISMS IN THE LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE. A BRIEF REVIEW OF LEXICOGRAPHICAL WORKS DEVOTED TO STUDYING THE VOCABULARY OF K. DONELAITIS’S WRITINGS

Lithuanian polonisms are Polishisms that entered language use not only directly from the Polish linguistic area, but also from neighboring East Slavic languages (primarily the chancery language of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania¹), when the morphological structure and semantic value of lexemes borrowed from the West Slavic area in those languages do not differ. It should be noted that polonisms traditionally include not only indigenous West Slavic words, but also words from Italic (and modern Romance), Germanic, Turkic, and other languages that entered Lithuanian usage from Polish (cf. Brückner 1877: 66ff.; Skardžius IV 80ff.; LEW; ALEW; Palionis 1967: 273–286; Zinkevičius 1988: 136; Gaivenis, Keinys 1990: 152; Urbutis² 2009: 410, 419, 432; ЭСБМ, etc.).

The vocabulary of Kristijonas Donelaitis’s works has been studied most comprehensively by Jonas Kabelka (1964). Nevertheless, he was not the first scholar to investigate the vocabulary of this Lithuanian literary classic’s works. The author of an unpublished compilation of the vocabulary of this poet’s works is Liud-

¹It is generally stated that a considerable number of polonisms began to be used in the early-period chancery language of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (for the term, see Zinkevičius 1987: 133; Zinkevičius II 7–10; Kabašinskaitė 2013: 68), which should be distinguished from Old Church Slavonic (the first Slavisms are thought to have entered Lithuanian from it [see Buga I 350–351; also see Zinkevičius II 7]), following the adoption of Christianity (see Palionis 1987: 188), that is, at the end of the 14th century, or in 1386–1387 (cf. Smułkowa 1988: 239, 2002: 296ff.; Čekmonas 2001: 88; Коряков 2002: 17; Norvilaitė 2004: 37, 40; Лавриненко 2006: 209; Гарбуле̇ 2009: 26), while terms relating to Christianity (Polishisms) may have appeared in Lithuanian as early as the 13th century (the period of Mindaugas’s coronation [cf. Chodynicki 1914: 249; Kardelis 2003: 52]).

The Belarusian origin of Lithuanian religious terms is still argued on the basis of K. Būga’s (RR I 348) ad hoc assertion, illustrated by a list of East Slavic loanwords, and Henryk Łowmiański’s (1957: 370) postulate that Catholicism in Lithuania arose on the foundation of Orthodoxy (cf. Адамавичюте 1980: 9), although it is known that the activities of the Poles and the Teutonic Order had a particularly great influence on the introduction of Christianity (for more detail, see Chodynicki 1914: 250; Liedke 2004: 34).

Likewise, one should probably not ignore the possible influence on the formation of terminology of ethnic Polish scribes who prepared documents in Latin in the chancery of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 14th–15th centuries (for more detail on them, see Ušinskienė 2014: 47–48).

²In later works, this scholar (LKE 590–591) classifies such loanwords as indeterminate Slavisms rather than polonisms.

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXI

Kristijono Donelaičio veikalų skolintinė leksika: polonizmai

vikas Rheza (plačiau žr. Cita­vičiūtė 2003: 328, 331), o 1865 m. pasirodė Augusto Schleicherio žodynėlis K. Donelaičio raštų leidime, 1869 m. tokį parengė Ferdinand­as Nesselmannas (plačiau žr. Subačius 2012: 162). Vėliau K. Donelaičio žodžių vartosenos ypatumus tyrė Jurgis Lebedys (1972: 213, 228–232), Jonas Stoskelūnas (1990), Zigmas Zinkevičius (1990: 279–280; 1993), Elvyra Buk­evičiūtė (1993), Dai­va Krištopaitienė (2004, 2005, 2007), Palmira Zemlevičiūtė (2007) ir kt.

1.

CRITERIA FOR POLONISM CLASSIFICATION SYSTEMS. PRINCIPLES FOR PRESENTING ETYMOLOGICAL DESCRIPTIONS

In this article, Polishisms in Lithuanian are divided into 3 groups: 1) monogenic (or primary, not presupposing East Slavic polonisms and alternants of secondary non-Slavic-origin borrowings in these languages [or semipolonisms]); 2) indeterminate, i.e. borrowings from Belarusian and Russian of the Old or later period are codified without Polish archilexemes and semipolonisms (see above) (including [morphologically] indigenous semantisms [for other arguments, see note 1 (on the term, see Durkin 2014: 136)]), which in their semantic and morphophonological structure reflect a primary polonism that could also have entered Lithuanian from the East Slavic linguistic area (cf. the methodology applied by Liudmila Garbul [Гарбуль 2009: 42], previously followed in compiling Max Vasmer’s Etymological Dictionary of the Russian Language and the collective-authored Etymological Dictionary of the Belarusian Language³;

³ It is regrettable that the authors of the Etymological Dictionary of Old Lithuanian (ALEW [recording from 2012 11 30 to 2014 02 17 (letters a, b, c, č, d, e, f, g, h, i, j, l, n, o, r, u)]) do not apply this principle for classifying lexemes (see s. v. abavem; abivātelis, obivetelis; adversōrius; afierà, ofiera; afieravonė; afieravōti, ofieravo­ti; afiernykas; apeliācija; apeliāvoti; apertūra; arkabūzas; ārnotas; ār̄tas ‘a type of ancient coin’ and others). For this reason, Lithuanian polonisms are taken to include not only Belarusianisms (ākrūtas, although tendencies in the change of structural elements are also noted; chvoldas, chvoldavoti [see СБГП V 259], etc.) or alternative polonisms and indeterminate Slavicisms (see s. v. aktovā; also see s. v. abičájus; adpustas; babkà; nestotkas), but also an exceedingly questionable etymological development of Slavic forms is presented (see bespičėnas, -à; also see s. v. ābazas, ābāzas [see ЭСБМ I 55]; atkonýčia [see Miklosich 1977: 1016; СБГП V 99], etc.). The account also relies on the principle of positional consistency of stress, which distorts the accentual system of Lithuanian and supposedly presupposes the original substrate of a borrowing (a principle commonly relied upon by authors of etymological works on Slavic languages [cf. Фасмер I 509, II 301, 581, 610, 621, 627; Шанский I⁵ 94, II⁶ 102, II⁹ 227, II¹⁰ 95, 173, 201, 231, 293; Barszczewska, Jankowiak 2012: 48])—the regularities of phonological adaptation are disregarded (for more on these, see Pakerys 1982: 104–106, 1991: 8–9). Cf., for example, the derivation of Old Lithuanian britōnas from East Slavic forms rather than from the Middle Polish form that gave rise to them, although the Lithuanian form britōnas is also attested (see s. v. britōnas, britonas). According to such a methodology, Lithuanian borrowings stressed on the ultima would apparently have to be classified as inherited vocabulary, since this accentual pattern is unusual for polysyllabic Slavic nouns (see s. v. brazalijà and many others).

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3) alternatyviųjų, skirstytinų į 2 pogrupius: 3a. praslavų prokalbės veldinių refleksijas, kai gudų a⁴ rusų kalbose nėra užfiksuotas dar ybinis semantinis alternantas; 3b. ne slavų kalbų prototipinių leksemų dupletinius variantus, kai lenkų ir rytų slavų (gudų ir / ar rusų) kalbų žodžiai, disponityviai suponuojantys lietuvių kalbos skolinį, kildinami iš skirtingų substratinių lyčių. Pastarajam pogrupiui taip pat priskiriami tie semipolonizmai (resp. alternatyvieji polonizmai–semitizmai⁵ / polonizmai–lotynizmai⁶–graikizmai), kurių etiologinė priklausomybė, remiantis struktūriniu bei semantiniu substratinės lyties tapatumu, yra duali, tačiau tradiciškai identifikuojama, remiantis vakarų slavų leksiniu superstratu (plačiau žr. Крегждис 2014).

Furthermore, the argument based on positional identity of stress is entirely unsuitable when the accentual paradigm of Slavic-language forms varies; compare, for example, an indeterminate Slavicism (for such borrowings, see note 4):

pãgrebas^3b (noun) ‘funeral’ BS 84: For in pouring this ointment on my body, she did it to prepare me for burial Ch¹ Mt. 26.12

← (s. / v.) Polish (dial.) pogrzeb ‘funeral; funeral procession; coffin; funeral feast, etc.’ (SW IV 471–472; SPW XXVI 193–195; Karłowicz IV 211–212),

‖ Old Belarusian погребы ‘funeral’ (ГСБМ XXV 138–139), Belarusian по́гребъ ‘ditto’ (Носовичъ 1984: 458; ЭСБМ IX 259), Old Russian погребъ ‘funeral, etc.’ (СРЯБ XV 198–199), Russian dialectal по́греб ‘grave’ (СРНГ XXVII 311; Шанский, Иванов, Шанская 1971: 346), Russian погре́б ‘funeral’ (Даль III 157)

< Proto-Slavic *pagrebъ (БЕР V 426–427).

It should be emphasized that some words in Old Lithuanian texts (forms of borrowings) are not mentioned at all (e.g., Old Lithuanian arganykas; Old Lithuanian árfa; Old Lithuanian archeiretikás; Old Lithuanian arcibýskupas; Old Lithuanian arcibažničnykas; Old Lithuanian archaniolas; Old Lithuanian **archa and many others), thus making evident errors in the codification of etymological substrates. For example, Old Lithuanian arkušas ‘a sheet of paper or glass’ SD 329, with fricative -š-, reflecting (v.) Polish arkusz, is omitted, while Old Lithuanian árkužas is included, which derives not from the aforementioned Polish form, as the ALEW compilers claim, but from its dialectal form arkuž. Therefore, it is apparently impossible to trust the historical validity of the principles for sound adaptation in Lithuanian polonisms identified by the ALEW authors (cf., for example, the statement: Auffällig ist die unregelmäßige Wiedergabe des slavischen stimmlosen Sibilanten [ʃ] im Lit. mit stimmhaftem [ʒ] in LxL, CIG und der modernen Standardsprache gegenüber erwartetem [ʃ], <β> in SzD³ [see ALEW – see s. v. árkužas]), when dialect forms of these West Slavic languages that reflect archaisms are not mentioned.

The ALEW authors should also be noted to treat lexemes from the Middle Polish period (which they do not mention at all) as Old Polish for some reason, although ignoring such temporal differentiation of words in compiling an etymological dictionary is apparently not only inappropriate but also highly flawed. The identical method of word analysis, used in the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century in the works of Alexander Brückner (1877) and Pranas Skardžius (RR IV), is hardly suited to the needs of a modern lexicographer or lexicologist, since phonological and morphological changes in Old Polish of the 12th–15th centuries differ from those in Polish of the 16th–18th centuries, i.e. the Middle Polish period.

⁴ If the East Slavic genetic alternants of Polish lexemes are attested in the lexicographic collections of both Belarusian and Russian, such forms should be classified in the indeterminate Slavicisms subgroup.

⁵ Apie lietuvių kalbos polonizmus-semitizmus plačiau žr. Kregždys 2014_a.

⁶ For more on the specific features of attributing Lithuanian polonisms-Latinisms, see Kregždys 2014.

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Kristijono Donelaičio veikalų skolintinė leksika: polonizmai

Structurally, borrowings from Polish are classified⁷ as morphologically pure and hybrid (in terms of Polish lexemes)⁸, as well as working semantic-morphemic (or partitive) calques. In terms of usage prevalence, they comprise dialectisms, i.e. words whose use is attested only in Lithuanian dialect areas, and standard-language forms (in an analytical-type dictionary [for more on this, see Kregždys 2012: 125–126], the latter may also be grouped into forms acceptable in terms of language norms, i.e. codified lexical units, while others are grouped as loanwords [resp. barbarisms] to be replaced by native lexical equivalents).

1.1. Monogenic Polonisms

ãlasas 3^b (dial.) ‘v o i c e’: Ale nedingokit, kad mes dėl ãlaso mielo ar dėl jūs dainų šventų jus šeriame tvartuos K. Donel (RG 66 [Kabelka 1964: 49])

← Polish dialect ałas ‘shout, noise; rumbling, etc.’ (← Polish dialect hałas [(standard) Polish hałas]⁹ ‘id.’ < Ukrainian zálac¹⁰ ‘noise; clamour; rumour’ [SGP I² 103; SW II: 10; SPW VIII 286; Karłowicz II 163; Sławski I 397; ECYM I 458; CYM II 19]),

‖ ǂ Belarusian zálac ‘clamour; noise’ (Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 76; ЭСБМ III 25–26),

Belarusian dialect gólas, gólos ‘voice; melody; noise’ (СБГП I 461; TC I 213)

bòstras 2 ‘p a v a i n i k i s’ [‘bridle strap’]: Ir aukùodamos ant alkūnių garbino bostrą K. Donel (PL 307), Irgi moma taipjau su bòstrais žolę nuėdė Vp 25 (Kabelka 1964: 63; see also Krištopaitienė 2004: 260)¹¹

⁷ V. Urbučio (2009: 416) teigimu, „Tikru leksikos slavizmu tegali būti laikomas žodis (apimantis visus fonetinius ar kitus galimus variantus, nereikalaujančius skirtingo kilmės aiškinimo), tiesiogiai atsiradęs iš atsakančio slavų žodžio“, t. y. iš skolinių sąrašo eliminuotini slaviškųjų afiksų vediniai, hibridiniai dariniai, hibridiniai dūriniai, antriniai pirminių skolinių variantai ir nomina propria. Vis dėlto rengiant Lietuvių polonizmų žodyną nesiremiama teiginiu, kad „<...> dariniai iš skolinių jau laikomi savais žodžiais“ (Urbutis 2009: 434), mat toks vedinių ir superstatinės leksikos kai kurių elementų tapatinimas vertinamas kaip netikslingas ir mistifikuojantis kalbos gramatinę sistemą.

⁸ This term refers not only to Lithuanian formations in the inherited, or substrate, lexical stratum with a Slavic working element, but also to pure Polish borrowings with affixes atypical of them.

⁹ Lateralinio sonanto le. ł (< prale. *l + *j [Dejna 1973: 114]) vavacija (resp. „wałczenie“, t. y. le. ł > /u/), reflektuoja gudų leksinių pavyzdžių (šis dėsningumas taikytinas tik vėlyvojo laikotarpio lietuvių raštuose bei šnektose užfiksuotiems polonizmams). Minėtina, kad vavacija, lenkų kalbos dialektuose įsigalėjusi nuo XVI a. pabaigos (t. y. viduriniuoju lenkų kalbos laikotarpiu), yra nebūdinga rytinėms (taip pat ir Suvalkų) bei pietinėms Lenkijos šnektoms (Dejna 1973: 115).

¹⁰ Proto-Slavic velar *g underwent spirantization in all Ukrainian dialects, i.e. Ukrainian (dial.) z =/h/ (for more detail, see Шевельов 2002: 444–445).

¹¹ Daiva Krištopaitienė (ibd.) šią leksemą, prieštaraudama J. Kabelkai (1964: 24, 63), kažkodėl priskiria germanizmams.

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← Old Polish / Polish. baster ‘bastard; offspring of animals of different species; a type of wine, etc.’ (< Middle High German bastart ‘bastard’ ← Medieval Latin bastardus ‘child of a cleric, illegitimate offspring’ [SW I 103; SPW II 26; ЭСБМ I 281; MLex 10; Blaise 1994: 99; cf. Moszyńska 1975: 163; see also ALEW]) → ≠ Old Belarusian бастр ‘bastard’ (ГСБМ I 201; Булыка 1980: 125), Belarusian бастра ‘same’ (Носович 1984: 16)

čyžė 1 (f.) ‘tribute, tax, rent’: And behold, many times this happened to me because of the tribute K. Donel (VD 376 [Kabelka 1964: 67; see also Krištopaitienė 2004: 255])

← Polish czyża ‘tribute, rent’ (Old Polish / Polish czyża ‘a kind of tax’ [SW I 415; SPW III 729; see also Kabelka 1964: 24, 67; Palionis 1967: 282] ↔ [Old] Polish czynsz ‘payment for the use of another’s property; property tax; profit, wealth’ < Middle High German zins ‘tribute’ ← Medieval Latin census ‘[road] toll; levy on the side defeated [in war], contribution; annual tax, etc.’ [SW I 412; SPW IV 336–338; SSt I 425; GS 25–26; Brückner 1985: 82; Фасмер IV 363–364; MLex 336; Niermeyer 1976: 167–168; see also Palionis 1967: 282; Walczak 1995: 92; Филичева 2003: 141])

grẽčnas, -à 4 (adj.) ‘good, decent, beautiful, splendid; fairly large, quite good’: The farmer wants to harvest good grain K. Donel (VD 267 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 86])

← (Old) Polish (dial.) grzeczny ‘suitable, good, excellent, wonderful; clever, wise; beautiful; graceful; calm, etc.’ (SW I 933; SPW VIII 214; Karłowicz II 140; see also Zinkevičius 1990: 280; Drotvinas 2012: 73; ALEW)

lė́bauti, -auja, -avo (intr. verb) ‘to feast, carouse, hold feasts and banquets continuously’: You did not stint, but while feasting and constantly indulging yourself, you ate up the whole field with its fences and the entire house K. Donel (PL 465–466 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 124])

↔ (Old) Polish labować ‘to rejoice; be satisfied; have fun’ (< Middle High German / Old High German laben ‘to sustain someone with something; please, soothe; entertain, etc.’ ← Medieval Latin lavare ‘to cleanse’ [SW II 671; SPW XII 2; Brückner 1985: 288; Kluge 2002: 551; Blaise 1994: 527; MLex 120])

nuõpertas, -à 3ᵇ (adj.) ‘deceitful, wicked, immoral’ They were lurking, plotting something, when suddenly they came upon them. Krizas cursed the wicked pair (Slunkius and Pelėda) as he watched K. Donel (RG 234 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 147])

↔ Old Polish (dial.) naparty ‘obstinate, importunate, stubborn’ (SW III 115; SPW XVI 46; Karłowicz III 249–250; see also ALEW)

pakamõrė 2 (m.) ‘manor steward’: As Selmas was thus complaining, suddenly the steward cried out K. Donel (VD 543 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 157])

↔ Old Polish podkomorze ‘land official who adjudicates disputes over land ownership; title of the highest-ranking Polish courtier, etc.’ (SW IV 364; SPW XXV 443–444) – a partitive calque (with the fricativization of Polish *ř → /ž/)¹²

¹² The fricativization of Polish *ř, i.e. its change to ř /ž/ or /š/, began in the 13th century, though the hard ř was pronounced until the 17th century (Rozwadowski I 192; Walczak 1995: 69–70, 76, 95, 107, 120; Ананьева 1994: 128; Strutyński 2002: 69). Thus, this borrowing entered Lithuanian from the West Slavic linguistic area before the 17th century (for further discussion, see Креждис 2014).

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paliauóti, –ója, –ójo (verb. tr.) ‘g l a z e’: But Enskys, his servant, brought in many glazed pots... K. Donel (RG 721 [Kabelka 1964: 158])

← (s. / v.) Polish polewać ‘to cover with a layer, apply; glaze, etc.’ (SW IV 530; SPW XXVI 445–446; Boryś 2005: 460)

péržegnoti (verb. tr.) ‘b l e s s’:... and I, loving you and blessing you, shall be and remain K. Donel (L 1 [Kabelka 1964: 175])

↔ (s. / v.) Polish przeżegnać ‘to make the sign of the cross with the hand; to bless’ (SW V 253; SPW XXXII 491; ЭСБМ III 199; see also Zinkevičius 1988: 137) → ɘ s. Belarusian пережегнатися ‘to cross oneself’ (ГСБМ XXIV 145) – a calque formed by partial translation (for the origin, see žegnoti)

šaltyšius 2 (masc.) ‘v i l l a g e e l d e r’: The master, like a peasant, scorns the old village elder K. Donel (RG 519 [LKŽė; see also Kabelka 1964: 223])

← Old Polish szoltys(z) (Old Polish [dial.] szaltys) ([cf.] Polish szoltys) ‘a village official of the lowest rank, responsible for several settlements; a village headman, etc.’ (< Old High German schultheize ‘village elder’ [SW VI 266; Linde V 558; SSt VIII 333–334; Karłowicz V 188–189; Kluge 2002: 828; see also Zinkevičius 1990: 63; Walczak 1991: 95; Kabasińskaitė 1998: 19–20; Połomski 2010: 7]) → ɘ Old Belarusian шолтыс, шолтис ‘village elder’ (Булыха 1980: 25)

výskupas (masc.) ‘a C h r i s t i a n c l e r g y m a n o f t h e h i g h e s t o r d e r’: Thereupon they brought through the gate a pair of horses, upon which the holy bishop, at the altar, had placed a holy wreath with due blessing K. Donel (RG 132 [Kabelka 1964: 28, 260])

← Polish dialect (DLd [Kujawy]) wiskup ‘bishop’ (< [Old] Czech biskup ‘bishop’ ← Old High German biscop ‘the same’ ← Latin episcopus ‘the same’ ← late Greek ἐπίσκοπος ‘the highest-ranking member of the Christian church clergy, bishop; overseer, etc.’ [SW VII 629; Karłowicz VI 131; Sławski I 34; Machek 1968: 54; Rejzek 2001: 80; Pleskalová 2009: 17, 34; ЭСБМ I 353; Аникин I 308, III 205; Lampe 1961: 532–534; Wackernagel 1878: 36; Köbler 1993: 282; Seebold 2008: 173; Schützeichel 2012: 51; see also Sabaliauskas 1966: 83; Palionis 1967: 273; Zinkevičius 1987: 138; Petit 2010: 82; see also Walczak 1995: 53; Титаренко 2002: 161 // Skardžius IV 351; Kabasińskaitė 1998: 20; Buß 2008: 147; cf. Kardelis 2003: 105]

1.1.1. Morphophonetic variants of monogenic Polonisms, secondary derivatives

adpeñtai 2 (masc. pl.) ‘(eccl.) a p e r i o d o f f o u r w e e k s b e f o r e C h r i s t m a s’: And Advent is already drawing near together with Christmas K. Donel (RG 894 [LKŽė; Kabelka 1964: 49]) – see advėntai (with sporadic alternation of the structural element -v- > -p-)

atpeñtai 2 (masc. pl.) ‘(eccl.) a p e r i o d o f f o u r w e e k s b e f o r e C h r i s t m a s’: Advent is supposed to end the day after tomorrow K. Donel (ŽR 16 [LKŽė; Kabelka 1964: 49]) – see adpeñtai (with sporadic alternation of the structural element -v- > -p- and devoicing of -d- > to -t- [see also Kabelka 1964: 49])

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adveṅtai 2 (masc. pl.) ‘(eccl.) a p e r i o d o f f o u r w e e k s b e f o r e C h r i s t m a s’ Lkš: The first Advent Sunday K; Advent hymns Gs ← Pol. (dial. [ŽV-Md]) adventy ‘a four-week fasting period commemorating the time of the birth of Jesus Christ; arrival, coming’ (← [Old / Middle] Pol. aduent ‘a four-week fasting period commemorating the time of the birth of Jesus Christ; arrival, coming’ ↔ Old Czech advent ‘the same’ ← Vulgar Latin adventus ‘Advent fast; arrival, etc.’ [SW I 10; SPW I 87; SSt I 21; SGP I¹ 39; Machek 1968: 34; Rejzek 2001: 45; Niermeyer 1976: 24; see also Адомавичюте 1980: 9; Zinkevičius 1987: 138; Kregždys 2014: 407])

česnìs 4 (fem.) ‘f e a s t’: Well now, since we have rid ourselves of all these hardships, let us have some fun for once, gathering together for a feast K. Donel (RG 372 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 66]) – see čestnis (with absorption of the structural element -t- [see also Zinkevičius 1990: 280])

čestnis (fem.) 1. ‘h o n o r, r e s p e c t’ N; 2. ‘feast’ Q 378, C II 5: To hold a feast N; You have prepared a feast Bt. Luke 14.13

↔ Pol. dial. (SLd [Katowice]) češć ‘honor, respect, recognition, esteem; feast, banquet, delicacies, etc.’ (SGP V¹ 121; cf. Būga III 771; Zinkevičius 1990: 280)¹³ – with metathesis of the sonant -n-, i.e. Lith. *če-n-stis → če-st-n-is

svìklas 2 (masc.) ‘(bot.) r e d b e e t (Beta vulgaris)’: Follow... turnips, parsnips, red beets, and radishes K. Donel (PL 656 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 28, 221]) – see sviklà

sviklà 2 (fem.) ‘(bot.) r e d b e e t (Beta vulgaris)’ NdŽ, P, N, KŽ – see čvikla

čvikla (fem.) ‘b e e t; r e d b e e t’: czwikla PrD 136.25 (Skardžius IV 117)

← (Old / Middle) Pol. ćwikła ‘beet; a side dish of cooked beets’ (< Czech cvikla ‘beet’ ← Greek σεῦτλον ‘table beet’ [SW I 419; SPW IV 396; LS 1382, 1546–1547; cf. Фасмер III 571; Machek 1968: 91])

delmõnas 2 (masc.) ‘p u r s e’: And have you cleverly stowed your little coins in your purse? K. Donel (PL 595 [Kabelka 1964: 71; see also Kr ištopaitienė 2004: 255])

dalmõnas 2 (masc.) ‘p o c k e t’ Q 444, Lex 49, K, Pgg, Šk: He puts bread and cake in his pocket when going to school | ∧ Then you are a great lord, with a purse full of money Sim ← Pol. (dial.) dolman, (Old) Pol. dolman ‘short hussar coat; woman’s coat’ (< Hungarian dolmány ‘coat’ ← Turkish dolama ‘red cloak worn by an infantryman in the Ottoman sultanate period; coat’ [SW I 499; SPW V 298; SGP VI¹ 42; Brückner 1985: 92; Wołosz 1989: 248–249; Géza 1991: 52; Фасмер I 525–526; Юсипова 2005: 147; see also Zinkevičius 1990: 280; Urbutis 2009: 426]) → Old Belarusian даламань, до-ломань ‘short man’s coat with sleeves’ (ГСБМ VIII 263–264; Булыка

¹³ Z. Zinkevičius’s (ibid.) claim, based on K. Būga’s (ibid.) explanation, that Lith. čestnis / česnìs are Belarusianisms or derivatives of Belarusian чецубь / чэцьубь ‘honor, respect; feast, etc.’ (Носовичъ 1984: 698; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 346) is unlikely, since its authors do not explain the origin of the sonant -n- or mention Polish dialectal examples.

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1980: 113), Russ. долома́нь ‘a cavalryman’s (hussar’s) cloak; a long coat fastened with buttons’ (Даль I 463)

iškādininkas, -ė 1 (colloq.) ‘one who causes damage; a wrongdoer’: You, damage-doers, you thieves, you evildoers, are you not afraid to cause people harm? K. Donel (Pš 26–27 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 94]) – see iškadninkas, -ė (see also Zinkevičius 1988: 39)

iškadnīkas, -ė 2], iškādnykas 1 (colloq.) ‘one who causes damage’ Ds: A hare is a great damage-doer Er; Don’t let such a damage-doer inside Vl; I’ll show you, you damage-doer! Vv; Save us from damage-doers Mž 59; iškādōrius¹⁴ 2 (masc.) ‘same meaning’ [K], N, BS 87 ↔ cf. Pol. zaszkodca ‘one who harms or hinders’ (SW VIII 298; Linde VI 789) – a partitive calque (for the etymology, see iškadà)

jóm arkas 1 (masc.) ‘market day’: The vagabond Slunkius at the market day, out of spite, almost plucked all my hair K. Donel (VD 428 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 100–101]) – see jór-markas (with absorption of the first of the recurring -r- sounds [see also Jancza 1984: 117])

jóm arkininkas 1 (masc.) ‘one who attends a market fair’: Rudikis jóm arkininks K. Donel (in the heading of Rj [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 101]) ⇦ jóm arkas

jórmarkas 1 (masc.) K, R 214 1. ‘market day’: And I too was tempted to go to the market fair MŽ; After the market fair PrL XVII 3 (LKŽe); 2. ‘market’: gen. sing. Iormarko^{3v II₃} (Aleknavičienė 2012: 121, 243, 413, 515)

← cf. Old Pol. jormark ‘fair, market; gathering, commotion; market tax’ (↔ [Old / Mod.] Pol. jarmark, Pol. dialectal [DLd (Kujawy, Poznań, Kalisz), MLd (Rudawa), Psd (LĮs)] jarmarek ‘fair, market; gathering, commotion; market tax’ < cf. MHG jārmarket / OHG jārmarkāt, jārmercat ‘fair; annual market’ / Germ. Jahrmarkt ‘fair, market day, large market’ [SSt III 116; SW II 136; SPW IX 262–264; Karłowicz II 234; Sławski I 502; Siatkowski 2004: 7, 40–41; Фасмер IV 561; Köbler 1993: 1199; Schützeichel 2012: 169; see also Palionis 1967: 276; Адомавичюте 1982: 43; Zinkevičius 1988: 131; Walczak 1995: 92; Połomski 2010: 7; Markus-Narvila 2011: 176]

mãckas 4 (adj.) ‘very small, tiny’: Death, afflicted with evil pox, has leapt upon him and throttles him, or with fever gives the poor fellow just a little turn K. Donel (VD 89 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 128]) – see mãč itkas, -à (with absorption of the structural element -it-, i.e. mac-it-kas → mac-kas)

mãčitkas, -à^3b (adj.) ‘very small, tiny’: You’re digging up potatoes, you tiny little thing Dv (DvŽ I 376)

↔ Pol. dialectal maciutki ‘very small; tiny, minuscule’ (SW II 840, 857)

šaltyšiáuti, -iauja, -iãvo (intrans. verb) ‘to serve as a šaltyšius’: Indeed, said Pričkus, the same thing has often happened to me: I rode here and there doing the šaltyšius’s work K. Donel (RG 486 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 28, 223]) ⇦ šaltyšius (for the etymology, see subsection 1.1 [s. v. šaltyšius])

¹⁴ Cf. also Pol. dialectal szkodur ‘harmful animal; dangerous creature’ (SW VI 623; Karłowicz V 301).

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šėtra 1 (f.) ‘t e n t’: That flame... burns not only our peasant tents K. Donel (ŽR 239 [Kabelka 1964: 224]) – see šatrà (with root -a- > alternating with -ė-, apparently due to contamination with Polish dialect s-iá-ter ‘shed’ [Karłowicz V 286; see also Kardelis 2003: 86])

šatrà 4 (f.) Š, NdŽ, 2 ‘t e n t’ NdŽ, M, Rtr, KŽ: When you live in tents, you will be like the brightness of a dove’s wings Mž 289

← (v.) Polish szatra ‘a shelter made of branches for livestock in mountain pastures; a tent; a Gypsy camp’ (< Tatar čadpa ‘cover’ ↔ с̌амып ‘tent’ ← Persian chādar ‘tent; cover; veil, etc.’ [SW VI 574–575; Linde V 516; Фасмер IV 413; Dawletschin, Tezcan 1989: 130, 289; Steingass 1963: 383–384; see also Kardelis 2003: 86]), ‖ ≠ Belarusian шаўер ‘tent’ (ТСБМ V² 361; PBC III 742), Russian шапёр ‘ditto’ (Даль IV 624)

viñčiavoti, -oja, -ojo (transitive verb) ‘t o m a r r y’: He brought a couple, over whom the holy bishop, at the holy altar, had laid a blessing as required, while marrying them K. Donel (RG 133 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 258]) – see veñčiavoti, venčiavóti

veñčiavoti, -oja, -ojo (transitive verb) KB II 195, K II 233, K, BzF27, NdŽ, KŽ, Sg, KIp, venčiavóti, -ója, -ójo ‘t o m a r r y’ BzF 21, FrnW, NdŽ, Q 527, R, MŽ, N, M. Valanč: They must be marrying Vln 27; For she is a wife married by a man BB 1Moz. 20.3; John, do you want to have Margaret as your married wife Vln 49 and others (End, KIpD 2, NdŽ, Akm, LKK XXI 201 [Lz], N 148, VoL 100)

↔ Polish dialectal (ŽV-Md) wieńcować ‘to marry’ (Karłowicz VI 114) ≠ (v.) Polish wieńcować, Polish wieńczować ‘to crown, crown with a wreath’ (SW VII 582; Linde VI 214), ‖ ≠ Old Russian вѣнчавати ‘to crown; to crown with a wreath’, вѣнчевати ‘to crown; to reward; to praise, glorify; to complete’ (СРЯВ II 76, 78)

1.2. Indeterminate Polonisms

blùznyti, -ija, -ijo (transitive, intransitive verb) ‘t o b l a s p h e m e, t o c u r s e’: As he blasphemed God, he began to cry out so terribly K. Donel (PL 215 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 63])

← (s. / v.) Pol. to blaspheme (bluznić) ‘to blaspheme; to talk nonsense; to waste time’ (SW I 170; SPW II 191–192; SSt I 105; see also Zinkevičius 1988: 132; Kardelis 2003: 107; Kazak 2011: 79) → OBel. блюзнути, блузнути ‘to blaspheme’ (ГСБМ II 77–78; Булыка 1980: 182), OBel. dial. блю́зьніц ‘the same’ (Бялькевіч 1970: 89) ≠ OBel. блюзні́ць, блю́зніць ‘to talk nonsense; to chatter; to talk in one’s sleep’ (ТСБМ I 390; ЭСБМ I 364; Аникин III 274; Гілевіч 2005: 19)

budavõnė 2 (f.) ‘n e s t, n e s t i n g p l a c e’: The husband immediately brought an armful of branches for the budavõnė (nest) K. Donel (PL 57 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 64])

← (s. / v.) Pol. construction ‘building; method of construction, structure; building’ (← [s. / v.] Pol. hut ‘a shed made of boards, hay, or clay; a temporary tent for selling goods at a marketplace; the covered part of a wagon, etc.’ ↔ O. Czech búda / Czech bouda ‘a small house made of boards, etc.’ <? >¹⁵ O. High German.

¹⁵ The status of this word is disputed (see Machek ibid.): some claim that it is a loanword from the Germanic languages (Фасмер ibid.; Rejzek ibid.), while others, conversely, classify Old High German buode as a Slavic loanword (Филичева ibid.).

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buode / cf. Bude ‘tent’ [SW I 226, 227; SPW II 193–195, 488–489; SSt I 174; ЭСБМ I 399; Фасмер I 230; Machek 1968: 61–62; Rejzek 2001: 87; Kluge 2002: 158; MLex 28; Филичева 2003: 201; see also Palionis 1967: 277; Kardelis 2003: 107; Urbutis 2009: 423, 425; ALEW]) → cf. Belarusian budovane, būdovane, būdovanie, būdoanne ‘construction; building; fortification; building materials’ (ГСБМ II 234–235), Belarusian будаванне ‘construction; structure, building’ (Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 49)

cimbõlai 2 (masc., plural) ‘a n c i e n t s t r i n g e d i n s t r u m e n t r e s e m b l i n g a z i t h e r’: Plyckius played the cimbõlus, while Kubas was squeaking on the violin K. Donel (RG 220 [Kabelka 1964: 66])

← cf. Polish (dial.) cymbal (Polish cembał) ‘s u c h a s t r i n g e d m u s i c a l i n s t r u m e n t; t i m e p i e c e c h i m e; b e l l r i n g i n g, e t c.’ (< Polish cymbalum ‘same’ ← Greek κύμβαλον ‘percussion musical instrument’ [SW I 360; SPW III 719; SGP IV³ 592–593; Фасмер IV 306; see also Palionis 1967: 284; Zinkevičius 1988: 132]) → Belarusian (dial.) цымба́лы ‘lyre-like musical instrument; musical instrument used by Jews; thick lips; buttocks’ (Носовичъ 1984: 691–692; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 340; СБГП V 370), Russian цымба́лы ‘such a musical instrument; copper cymbals’ (Даль IV 575) ≠ cf. Belarusian цимбаль ‘(clock) bell’ (СЛw)

čestavójimas 1 (sm.) ‘v a i š i n i m a s’: Rasi gana bus už čestavójimą tavo K. Donel (Lg 51 [Kabelka 1964: 66])

↔ cf. Polish czestowanie ‘entertaining; (showing) respect’ (SW I 390; SPW IV 150) → Belarusian честованнэ ‘feast’ (Носовичъ 1984: 698)

čestavóti, -ója, -ójo (transitive verb) ‘t o e n t e r t a i n, t o t r e a t w e l l’: The peasant, when entertained, loses all his wits K. Donel (RG 731 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 66])

← cf. Polish czestować ‘to entertain; to (show) respect’ (SW I 390; SPW IV 149) → Belarusian честова́ць ‘to entertain; (figuratively) to scold, beat’ (Носовичъ 1984: 698)

glóda (feminine, indeclinable) 1. ‘a b s e n c e, l a c k’: Likewise, now there is no more kisielius or šiupinys K. Donel (VD 593); 2. ‘d e s t r u c t i o n, e n d (f a m i n e)’: Come, dread north wind... punish, press them (the wolves) with frost, so that their end may come! K. Donel (ŽR 77 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 29, 85])

↔ cf. Polish głód ‘emptiness of the stomach, hunger; thirst; craving, desire; lack of food; shortage’ (SW I 849; SPW VII 375–381) → Belarusian dialectal глод ‘famine’ (СБГП I 461)

gvõltas 2 (masc.) ‘v i o l e n c e, c o e r c i o n’: To spy, deceive, rob and seize by force K. Donel (RG 873 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 88])

← cf. Polish (dial.) gwałt ‘violence; force, pressure; help; noise, shouting; cry for help, call; difficult, serious situation; public obligation’ (< Yiddish gvald¹⁶ or גוואלד ‘violence; cry (for help)’ / ← Old High German ge-walt / German Gewalt ‘force, power; violence’ [SW I 945; SPW VIII 243–253; SSt II 523; Karłowicz II 149;

¹⁶ The final voiced consonants ב, ד, ג, ז, ו, װ in Yiddish are not devoiced (with very rare exceptions; for details, see Weinreich 1992: 19–20).

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Sławski I 382; Sokólska 1999: 145; Галай 2011: 361; Фасмер I 398; ЭСБМ III 74; Lötzsch 1992: 84; سالاتاش 2011: 99; MLex 70; see also ALEW; Walczak 1995: 92, 142]) → Old Belarusian гвалт, гвалты ‘coercion; unlawful attack; oppression; rape (of a woman); fine for coercion; noise, shouting (for help); public obligation, etc.’ (ГСБМ XV 39–42; Булыка 1972: 148, 1980: 41), Belarusian (dial.) гвалт(ь) ‘coercion, oppression; shriek, shout’ (Носовичъ 1984: 111; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 80; СБГП I 438; CC I 107; see also Прыгодзіч, Прыгодзіч 2011: 148), Belarusian dial. гвалт ‘shout for help’ (ТС I 198), Russian dial. гвалтъ ‘coercion; shriek, shout; alarm; noise; attack, robbery’ (Даль I 346)

gvõltyti, -ija, -ijo (transitive verb) ‘t o c o e r c e; t o d e s p i s e; t o d e t a i n, d i s r e s p e c t’: And he greatly coerced me, so that I would promise to let them butcher my last and only calf K. Donel (VD 387 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 88])

← (Old / modern) Polish gwałcić ‘to rape, transgress’ (SW I 945; SPW VIII 241–243) → Old Belarusian гвалтumu, гвалтumu ‘to rape; violate rights’ (ГСБМ XV 34), Belarusian гвалццъ ‘to rape; compel’ (Носовичъ 1984: 111; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 80) – for the etymology, see gvõltas

iškadà 2 (feminine noun) ‘l o s s, d a m a g e’: Much good and much harm can be done K. Donel (ŽR 212 [Kabelka 1964: 94])

↔ Old Polish zaszkoda ‘harm; that which causes harm; damage’ (< Old High German schade / Old Saxon scado, skado ‘harm, loss’ [SW VIII 298; Linde VI 789; Brückner 1985: 549; Фасмер IV 449; Wackernagel 1878: 249; Köbler 1993: 1739; Seebold 2008: 735; Schützeichel 2012: 284; see also Zinkevičius II 272]) → Old Belarusian зашкода ‘damage, harm’ (ГСБМ XI 277) – a partitive calque (see also Zinkevičius 1988: 38, 130)

kó botas 1 (masculine noun) ‘a s h o r t, w a r m w o m e n’ s g a r m e n t; b o d i c e’: And whenever we sometimes see your kó botas, you seem to us no better than a peasant sparrow (about a nightingale) K. Donel (PL 113 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 115])

← (Old / modern) Polish kabat ‘outer garment for men and women, jacket; straitjacket; shirt worn by those condemned to be burned at the stake; military jacket, etc.’ (< I. Old Czech kabát ‘short coat to the waist; such a soldier’s garment; jacket’ ← Bulgarian кабад, кабам ‘ancient women’s garment; sleeveless cloak, etc.’ ← late Greek καβάδιον ‘men’s garment’ ← New Persian qabāh ‘outer garment, cloak’; II. Hungarian kabát ‘cloak; jacket; coat; short outer jacket for women’; III. Medieval Latin cal[p]pa ‘hooded cloak’, Medieval Latin capatus ‘wearing a cloak’ [SW II 193; SPW X 2–3; SSt III 215; Sławski II 9; БЕР II 119; Wołosz 1991–1992: 5–6; Niermeyer 1976: 129; ЭСБМ IV 9; Machek 1968: 233; Bělič, Kamiš, Kučera 1978: 91; Du Cange I 525; Steingass 1963: 951; Géza 1991: 144; cf. Фасмер II 150]) → Old Belarusian кабать, кобать ‘short sleeveless jacket for men and women’ (ГСБМ XIV 213; Булыка 1980: 112), Belarusian (dial.) каба́м(ъ) ‘a peasant woman’s corset to which a skirt is sewn; jacket’ (Носовичъ 1984: 226; ТС II 176), (Old) Russian (dial.) каба́ть ‘foreigners’ outer garment; the tsar’s outer garment with wide sleeves; long, loose work shirt worn by peasants over their outer garments; jacket’ (Даль II 70; СРЯБ VII 8)

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karbãčius 2 (masculine noun) ‘a w h i p o f t h i s k i n d, a b u l l w h i p’: Indeed, they would have flogged me with those whips like a diver K. Donel (Pp 135 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 107])

← Old Polish (dial.) karbacz, (modern) Polish korbacz ‘whip, scourge, etc.’ (< Hungarian korbács ‘same’ ← Turkish kırbaç ‘whip, scourge’ [SW II 260, 472; Linde II 960; Karłowicz II 431; Sławski II 474; Булыка 1980: 104; Фасмер II 195; Wołosz 1989: 270; Géza 1991: 171; Юсипова 2005: 340]) → Old Belarusian карбач ‘whip, scourge’ (ГСБМ XIV 283; Булыка ibid.), Russian карбач ‘whip’ (Даль II 91)

klãpas 2 (masculine noun) ‘b o y; l a d’¹⁷: And Enskys urges the girls to dance with the klãpai K. Donel (Pp 68 [Kabelka 1964: 114])

← (Old / modern) Polish (dial.) chłop ‘(free) peasant, landless peasant, cottager; (not wealthy) farmer; hired farm worker (farmhand); man; commoner; uncouth person, boor; person, etc.’ (SW I 283; SPW III 240–242; SSt I 237; SGP III³ 560–569; Sławski I 68–69; ECYM VI 182–183; LEW 210; see also ЭССЯ VIII 62–64; Фасмер IV 257; Palionis 1967: 282; Трубачев 2006: 167; Леонтьева 2014: 334–335) → Belarusian хлоп ‘farmhand’ (Носовичъ 1984: 679), Russian dial. хлапъ ‘young man, lad; unmarried man; apprentice’ (Даль IV 551)

klãpčius 2 (masculine noun) ‘s e r v a n t, l a d, m e s s e n g e r’: But Enskys, his klãpčius, had brought many painted jugs and even more painted mugs K. Donel (RG 721 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 114])

← (Old / modern) Polish chłopiec ‘boy; young man; adolescent servant; apprentice; young man learning a trade; son, etc.’ (SW I 284; SPW III 244–245; Brückner 1985: 180; Фасмер IV 245; see also Arumaa 1933: 82; LKA I 121, 125; Zinkevičius 1978: 150) → Belarusian (dial.) хло́нец(ъ) ‘boy, descendant; young man; serving boy’ (Носовичъ 1984: 679; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 335; СБПП V 310; TC V 243), Russian хло́нец ‘boy, young man; unmarried man; assistant worker’ (Даль IV 551)

kùkarka 1 (feminine noun) ‘c o o k’ And his kùkarka, the old woman, was frightened K. Donel (Pp 79 [Kabelka 1964: 119])

← (Old / modern) Polish (dial.) kucharka ‘cook; maid; metal stove’ (SW II 617; SPW XI 528–529; Karłowicz II 508) → Old Belarusian кухарка ‘cook’ (ГСБМ XVI 253–254), Belarusian куха́рка ‘same’ (ТСБМ II 765; РБС I 703), Russian куха́рка ‘cook, kitchen helper’ (Даль II 228; Фасмер II 436) – for the etymology, see kùkorius

kùkorius 1 (masculine noun) ‘c o o k’: The cooks had already prepared new dishes K. Donel (RG 294 [Kabelka 1964: 25, 119])

← (Old / Middle) Polish kucharz ‘cook; a dance performed with the cook who prepared the wedding dishes’ (< [Old] Czech kuchař ‘same’ ← Old High German kuchenære ‘cook’ ← Old High German kuoche / Middle High German kuohho ‘cake; baked goods’ [SW II 617; SPW XI 529; SSt III 459; Sławski III 304; Фасмер II 436; Machek 1968: 305; Kluge 2002: 543; Köbler 1993: 1286; Seebold 2008: 488; Schützeichel 2012: 186; see also Zinkevičius 1988: 130]) → Old Belarusian кухаръ, кухарь ‘cook’ (ГСБМ XVI 254; Булыка 1980: 89), Belarusian (dial.) ку́хар(ъ) ‘same’

¹⁷ J. Palionis (1967: 282) įvardija sememą ‘valstietis’, kuri LKŽe kažkodėl nenurodoma.

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(Носовичъ 1984: 262; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 155; ЭСБМ V 175; ТС II 255), Russian dialect kúхарь ‘same’ (Даль II 228)

kulkà 2 (f.) ‘a small, cone-shaped piece of lead, fitted into a tube containing an explosive charge and fired from a gun, etc.’: Did he give you bullets and gunpowder for nothing K. Donel (ŽR 105 [Kabelka 1964: 26, 120])

← (Old / Middle) Polish kulka ‘bullet; little ball; rolling; eyeball, etc.’ (< Old High German kûle ‘sphere; bullet’ [SW II 627; SPW XI 545; Фасмер II 413; ЭСБМ V 157; MLex 118; see also Palionis 1967: 278; Zinkevičius 1988: 136; Kabašinskaitė 1998: 76]) → Old Belarusian кулька, кулка ‘little bullet’ (ГСБМ XVI 216), Belarusian ку́лька ‘little bullet; little ball’ (Носовичъ 1984: 259)

lenciūgas 2 (m.) ‘chain’: Therefore they bound him tightly with chains K. Donel (ŽR 326 [Kabelka 1964: 125])

← Polish dialect łańcug (Old / Middle Polish łancuch, [Modern] Polish łańcuch, Polish dialect [DLd, Kšbd] lencuch, leńcuch ‘metal chain; shackles, chains; a row, line, etc.’ (< Old High German *lannzug ← Old High German lanne ‘chain’ + Old High German zuc, zug ‘pulling, dragging’ [SW II 794; SPW XII 467–470; SSt IV 96; Karlowicz III 64; Brückner 1985: 306; ЭСБМ V 227; Фасмер II 458; MLex 121, 339; see also Атомавичюте 1982: 47; Zinkevičius 1988: 135; ALEW; Mikulėnienė 2004: 78]) → Old Belarusian ланцугъ, ланцугь (ланухъ, ланухъ) ‘metal chain; shackles, chains’ (ГСБМ XVI 290, 291–292; Булыка 1980: 101), Belarusian (dial.) лану́г, ланцу́г (ланух, ланцу́к) ‘metal chain’ (Носовичъ 1984: 264; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 156; СБГП II 617; Шатэрнік 1929: 145; see also Барысюк 2011: 123), Russian dialect ла́нугъ ‘chain, small chain’ (Даль II 236)¹⁸

macnùs 4 (adj.) ‘powerful, strong, sturdy’: Thus he quarrelled so indecently over strong beer K. Donel (RG 734 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 129])

← (Old / Middle) Polish mocny, mocen ‘full of strength, strong, sturdy, powerful; fierce, etc.’ (SW II 1022–1023; SPW XIV 523–536; see also Zinkevičius 1988: 130) → Belarusian (dial.) мо́чны(ў) ‘strong, powerful’ (Носовичъ 1984: 292; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 172; ЭСБМ VII 75; ТС III 95)¹⁹

maskòlius 2 (m.) ‘Russian’: Do the peasants not care that everyone behaves this way? The Swede, Russian, Pole and Jew do no differently K. Donel (ŽR 170 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 131])

← (Modern) Polish moskal ‘inhabitant of Moscow; soldier in the Moscow tsar’s army; a kind of cake (made from oat flakes); lump of dough; voracious eater, glutton; a kind of fish’ (SW II 1046–1047; SPW XV 34; ЭСБМ VI 246; Фасмер II 659) → Belarusian (dial.) москва́ль / маска́ль ‘Muscovite, Russian; soldier in the Russian army’ (Носовичъ 1984: 290; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 167; ЭСБМ VI 245–246), Russian моска́ль ‘Muscovite, Russian; soldier’ (Даль II 349)

¹⁸ Z. Zinkevičius (1988: 135) lie. lenciūgas ‘grandinė’ priskiria rytų slavų kalbų skolinių grupei.

¹⁹ Compare Lithuanian mãčnas, -à 4 (adj.) ‘powerful, strong, sturdy’: I am… mãčnas, vengeful Mž 20; mãčnai (adv.): So that… they would not doubt, but believe firmly Vln 28 (LKŽe). On account of the structural element -č-, it is apparently to be classified as a Russianism; compare Old Russian мощный ‘strong, sturdy; powerful’ (СРЯВ IX 283–284) ≠ Old Belarusian мощный ‘fully entitled; lawful’ (ГСБМ XVIII 193).

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mieščiónis 1 (masc.) ‘one who lives in a city, a city-dweller’: Miesčiónys be vargų mieste šokinėją K. Donel (PL 248 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 134])

← (Old / High) Polish mieszczanin ‘city-dweller, townsman; citizen’ (~ Old Czech měščěnin ‘same’ [SW II 964; SPW XIV 91–95; SSt IV 237; Bělič, Kamiš, Kučera 1978: 134; see also Zinkevičius 1988: 131–132; Шанский II¹⁰ 187]) → Old Belarusian мещанин, мещанинъ ‘city-dweller; inhabitant, citizen; member of the nobility’ (ГСБМ XVIII 33–34; Булыка 1980: 26), Belarusian мещані́н ‘permanent city-dweller, townsman; citizen’ (Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 169; ЭСБМ VII 30–31), Old Russian мъщанинъ ‘lower-class city-dweller (usually a craftsman) who pays taxes; city-dweller; merchant’ (СРЯВ IX 143–144), Russian мщанинъ ‘lower-class city-dweller subject to military service; craftsman not belonging to the merchants’ guild’ (Даль II 373; Фасмер II 616)

mišià 4 (fem.) ‘the principal Christian service’: Jūs apjakėliai, mišiõn sudriske bei škaroti nukaksit. K. Donel (VD 592 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 135])

← (Old / High) Polish (dial.) msza, (Pol.) msz(e) ‘Mass; music played during this service’ (< Old Czech mše ‘Mass’ ← Old High German messe, misse / Middle High German missa ‘Mass; fair [held after Mass]’ ← Vulgar Latin / Latin missa ‘Mass; holy service; reading of Scripture, etc.’ [SW II 1063; SPW XV 156–160; SSt V 239; Karłowicz III 195; Būga I 347; ЭСБМ VII 110; Фасмер III 22; Machek 1968: 382; Rejzek 2001: 395; Wackernagel 1878: 199; Köbler 1993: 1459; Seebold 2008: 591; Schützeichel 2012: 225; Niermeyer 1976: 693–694; see also Zinkevičius 1987: 138; Walczak 1995: 53]) → Old Belarusian мша (имша) ‘Catholic Mass’ (ГСБМ XIV 104; XVIII 242; Булыка 1972: 211, 1980: 183), Belarusian dialect мша́ ‘Mass’ (Цыхун 1993: 89), Russian мша ‘Catholic Mass’ (Даль II 364)²⁰ ≠ Belarusian dialect імша́²¹ ‘same’ (СБГП II 344)

molïavóti, -ója, -ójo (transitive verb): O moliavóty stuopų dar daugiaus sugabeno K. Donel (RG 722 [Kabelka 1964: 136])

← (Old / High) Polish malować ‘to paint; draw; decorate, etc.’ (< Old High German mâlen / Middle High German mâlên ‘to draw, paint; color’ / German malen ‘to draw, paint; color [including the face]; decorate’ [SW II 859; SPW XIII 58–60; SSt IV 146; Wackernagel 1876: 191; Köbler 1993: 1402; Schützeichel 2012: 213]) → Old Belarusian малевати, маловати, малиовати ‘to draw, paint; describe, explain’ (ГСБМ XVII 234–235; Булыка 1980: 166), Belarusian мале́ваць / маляваць ‘to draw, paint; describe; discuss’ (Носовичъ 1984: 278; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 165; ЭСБМ VI 206), Old Russian малевати, молевати ‘to draw, paint’ (СРЯВ IX 243), Russian малева́ть ‘same’ (Даль II 292)

moliõrius 2 (masc.) ‘painter’: Kad aš tai pamatau, tuojaus man giltinė rodos, kaip ją mõlioriaus ranka moliavodama rašo K. Donel (RG 539 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 136])

← (Old / High) Polish (dial.) malarz (Polish dialect [Upper Silesia] malarz) ‘painter; house-painter’ (< Old High German mâlære ‘painter; house-painter’ [SW II 856; SPW XIII 54–55, 56; SSt IV

²⁰ B. Kabašinskaitė (2013: 68) šį skolinį interpretuoja kaip monogeninį polonizmą, nors iš pateiktų pavyzdžių matyti, kad taip nėra.

²¹ Lithuanian dialect imšà 4 (fem.) ‘Mass’ (ZtŽ 235; ZŠT I 54, II 409) is, owing to its morphological structure, attributable to Belarusianisms.

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146; Karłowicz III 102; Фасмер II 565; ЭСБМ VI 207; MLex 133]) → cf. Belarusian малярь, маляръ (малеръ, молеръ) ‘painter’ (ГСБМ XVII 251–252; Булыка 1980: 160), Belarusian маля́р ‘painter; artist’ (Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 165; ЭСБМ ibid.), Old Russian моляръ ‘painter’ (СРЯВ IX 257), Russian маля́рь ‘painter’ (Даль II 296)

nõbažnas, -a 1 (adj.) ‘d e v o u t’: I, with my peasant hands clasped as required, wait for the whole prayer, both piously and devoutly K. Donel (RG 300 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 143–144])

← (Old / Modern) Polish nabożny ‘devout, pious; arousing piety, etc.’ (< cf. na bože ‘to God, to the Lord’ [SW III 12; SPW XV 379–383; ЭСБМ VII 166; ЭССРЯ I 552; see also Palionis 1967: 273; Zinkevičius 1988: 133; Kabašinskaitė 1998: 18; ALEW]) → cf. Belarusian набожный ‘religious, devout’ (ГСБМ XVIII 291–292), Belarusian набо́жный ‘devout, religious, believing’ (Носович 1984: 298; ЭСБМ VII 166), Old Russian набожный ‘devout, pious, sincerely believing’ (СРЯВ X 20), Russian набожный ‘same’ (Даль II 380)

padõnas 2 (noun) ‘s u b j e c t, s e r v a n t, u n f r e e, d e p e n d e n t p e r s o n, s e r f’: <...> the lord’s son, it seems, laughs at the peasant and treats his half-dead subject like a dog K. Donel (Pp 129 [Kabelka 1964: 155])

← (Old / Modern) Polish poddany ‘subject; farmhand (agricultural worker), serf’ (< [translation] V. Latin subditus ‘subject; vassal’ < V. Latin subditus ‘subject; dependent’ ← Latin subditus ‘enslaved; subject’ [SW IV 346; SPW XXV 394–399; SSt VI 236; Niermeyer 1976: 996; ЭСБМ VIII 104; ЭССРЯ II 147; see also Palionis 1967: 282; Kregždys 2014: 411]) → cf. Belarusian подданный ‘subject’ (Булыка 1980: 21), Belarusian (dial.) пода́бный / пада́бны ‘serf; subject’ (Носович 1984: 440; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 208; Шатэрнік 1929: 188; Расторгуев 1973: 184), Belarusian dial. пада́бный ‘same’ (Бялькевіч 1970: 304), (Old) Russian подданный ‘subject’ (СРЯВ XV 248; Даль III 170; see also Гарбуль 2009ᵃ: 528)

pasileicavóti (reflexive verb) ‘s a c r i f i c e o n e s e l f’: And you, my dear ones, when you celebrate a rich autumn, wishing you many joys, I will sacrifice myself K. Donel (VD 710 [LKŽe; see also Kabe l-ka 1964: 166])

↔ (Old / Modern) Polish polecać ‘to praise or recommend someone when introducing them; to entrust, put in someone’s care, charge with’ (SW IV 527; SPW XXVI 430–431; see also Kazak 2011: 79; ALEW [see s.v. liecavóti]) → cf. Belarusian полецати, полицати ‘to entrust (something to someone), give, hand over; indicate; recommend’ (ГСБМ XXVI 136; Булыка 1972: 251)

pažyčyti (transitive verb) ‘t o l e n d s o m e o n e s o m e t h i n g, r e p a y a b l y’: “‘Give it,’ he said, ‘you rascal, give back at once the loan you borrowed’” K. Donel (Šd 21 [Kabelka 1964: 172])

← (Old / Modern) Polish pożyczyć ‘to lend, loan; send greetings, etc.’ (SW IV 930; SPW XXIX 433–435; see also Markus-Narvila 2011: 180, 291) → cf. Belarusian пожичити, пожычьити ‘to lend; borrow’ (ГСБМ XXV 391–392; Булыка 1972: 249), Belarusian dial. пажычьць ‘same’ (СБГП III 328) ≠ Belarusian (dial.) пазьічьць ‘same’ (ТСБМ III 604; СБГП III 334; ЭСБМ VIII 119), Belarusian dial. позьічьць ‘to lend, give on loan; steal, snatch’ (ТС IV 126), Old Russian позычити ‘to lend’ (Срезневский II 1093), Russian dial. позычить ‘to lend (borrow)’ (Даль III 233; СРНГ XXVIII 342)

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pōnas 2 (masc.) ‘a member of the privileged class; a wealthy person, landowner, proprietor; master; someone who does not perform manual labor, an official’: For you know that one cannot serve two masters K. Donel (PŠ 45 [Kabelka 1964: 180])

← (Old / Modern) Polish pan ‘ruler, king; God; provider; wealthy person, etc.’ (SW IV 30–31; SPW XXIII 76–139; SSt VI 17; ЭССРЯ II 107; see also Palionis 1967: 282; Адомавичюте 1982: 43, 46; Zinkevičius 1987: 139; Walczak 1995: 68, 73; Титаренко 2010: 177–178) → Old Belarusian панъ ‘ruler, king; aristocrat; lord, landowner, God; husband, etc.’ (ГСБМ XXIII 439–442; Булыка 1972: 235, 1980: 21), Belarusian (dial.) пан(ь) ‘owner of property; landowner; lord, nobleman; noble person; master of a household; farmer’ (Носовичъ 1984: 392; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 220; СБГП III 386; ТС IV 11; ЭСБМ VIII 146), Old Russian панъ ‘a dignitary of the state of Lithuania and Poland; nobleman, landowner; emigrant from Poland or Lithuania’ (СРЯВ XIV 143)

ponavóti, -ója, -ójo (verb, trans., intrans.) ‘to be a lord, to rule’: The lords cannot rule this land without him K. Donel (ŽR 470 [LKŽe])

← (Old / Modern) Polish panować ‘to rule, govern; to have ownership rights, etc.’ (SW IV 39; GS 126; SPW XXIII 175–182; SSt VI 30; see also Palionis 1967: 282) → Old Belarusian пановаць, пановать ‘to rule, govern; to be a ruler; to participate; to dominate; to dispose of’ (ГСБМ XXIII 431–432; Булыка 1972: 235, 1980: 34), Belarusian панова́ць / панава́ць ‘to live like a lord, live as a gentleman; to rule’ (Носовичъ 1984: 391; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 220; ЭСБМ VIII 146), Russian пано́вать ‘to live like a gentleman; to live like a nobleman’ (Даль III 16)

porà 3, 4 (fem.) 1. ‘a man and a woman as spouses, lovers, and the like’: The father-in-law greets the pair together with all the guests K. Donel (Pp 38 [see also Krištopaitienė 2005: 295]); 2. ‘a male and female bird or animal’: Larks, running about in pairs, played K. Donel (VD 62 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 181])

← (Old / Modern) Polish para ‘two identical things, a pair; a pair of people; an even number; a few, a small number, etc.’ (< Middle High German pâr, par ‘equal, identical; a pair’ ← Latin par [adj.] ‘equal, identical; corresponding; paired’, [noun] ‘a pair, two’ [SW IV 50–51; SPW XXIII 246–247; SSt VI 37; Brückner 1985: 395; Būga I: 109; LEW 639; Фасмер III 203; ЭСБМ VIII 160; MLex 157]) → Old Belarusian пара ‘a pair’ (Булыка 1980: 154), Belarusian па́ра ‘ditto’ (ТСБМ IV 35), Old Russian пара ‘ditto’ (СРЯВ XIV 150), Russian па́ра ‘ditto’ (Даль III 17)

pōteriai 1 (masc.) ‘(relig.) certain prayers recited from memory’: It was decided to read the Lord’s Prayer, as Christians ought K. Donel (RG 185 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 181])

← Polish dialect Pater (noster) (Old Polish Pater noster) ‘the prayer “Our Father”’ (SPW XXIII 313; Karłowicz IV 56–57) ≠ (Old / Modern) Polish pacierz²² ‘Our Father (prayer); prayer, praying;

²² Nina Borowska (1957: 332), matyt, remdamasi lenkų leksemos afrikatos -c- ir baltarusių dantinio -t- diferenciacija, teigia, kad lie. pōteriai pasiskolintas iš senosios gudų kalbos (dar žr. Адомавичюте 1980: 9). Dėl tos pačios priežasties lie. dial. pōterka 1 (sf.) ‘atskiras karolių rutuliukas’: Raikštelis nutrūko, ir pabiro pōterkos LŠ; Paimk siūlą, verk poterą prie poterko s Lp; Jau kap skūpi, pōterkėlė (toks maloninis

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‘rosary bead; rosary; backbone, etc.’ (< s. č. páter ‘Our Father [prayer]; rosary’ ← V. lo. paternoster ‘rosary’ [SW IV 5; SPW XXIII 7–9; SSt VI 3; Kuzinowski 1974: 100; Brückner 1985: 390; ЭСБМ VIII 244; Machek 1968: 437–438; Rejzek 2001: 453; Bělič, Kamiš, Kučera 1978: 296; Blaise 1994: 661; cf. Zinkevičius 1987: 139]) → Old Belarusian паперъ (наперъ) ‘prayer’ (ГСБМ XXIV 55; Булыка 1980: 180) ≠ Belarusian (dial.) па́пер(ъ), (pl.) на́перы (на́піръ) ‘prayer; Our Father (prayer); rosary’ (Носовичъ 1984: 395; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 228; СБГП III 468; ЭСБМ ibd.)

pročià 2 (f.) ‘w o r k, l a b o r’: And for your labor, though slight, you give thanks, having departed K. Donel (PL 345 [Kabelka 1964: 188])

← (s. / v.) Polish praca ‘human activity, work; effort; fatigue; result of work, etc.’ (< s. č. práce ‘work, activity; work (written or artistic)’ [SW IV 965; SPW XXX 1–20; SSt VII 20; ЭСБМ X 18; Machek 1968: 477–478]) → Old Belarusian праца ‘human activity, work; concern; result of work’ (ГСБМ XXVII 484–485; Булыка 1972: 257, 1980: 95), Belarusian (dial.) пра́ца ‘same’ (Носовичъ 1984: 493; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 249; СБГП IV 104; ТС IV 215; ЭСБМ X 18–19), Russian dial. пра́ца ‘work, activity’ (Даль III 382)

pùlokas 1 (m.) ‘p i s t o l’: But the pistol also ruined Durakas, bursting K. Donel (ŽR 310 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 190])

← (v.) Polish pułhak, półhak ‘a type of weapon’ (< [calque] from Halbhaken ‘half + weapon’ [SW IV 943, V 432; SPW XXXIV 436; ЭСБМ X 212; see also Palionis 1967: 278; Адамовичюте 1982: 43, 46]) → Old Belarusian пулгакъ (полгакъ) ‘medium-sized firearm’ (ГСБМ XXVI 115, XXIX 344–345; Булыка 1980: 70), Belarusian пулга́к ‘same’ (ЭСБМ ibd.)

pūstélninkas 1 (m.) ‘d r u n k a r d, d r u n k a r d’: You drunkards! Does God give us his blessings so generously every day for this, that we should eat them up each morning like pigs? K. Donel (RG 433 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 191])

↔ (s. / v.) Polish pustelnik ‘a person living in a remote, uninhabited place; a loner, hermit’ (SW V 438; SPW XXXIV 471) → Old Belarusian пустельникъ, пустэльникъ ‘loner, hermit’ (ГСБМ XXIX 356; Булыка 1980: 175), Belarusian (dial.) пустэ́льнік ‘same’ (Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 263; СБГП IV 193; ЭСБМ X 241)

rodà 2 (f.), róda 1 ‘a d v i c e’: You will learn and accept good counsel K. Donel¹ (LKŽe)²³

← (s. / v.) Polish rada ‘advice; council; deliberation; reason; meeting place; town hall; councillor’ (< MHG rât ‘advice, consultation; council’ / German Rat ‘same’ [SW V 461–462;

(vocative), cannot! Lz (LKŽe) and Lithuanian póterkos 1 (f., pl.) ‘beads’ A1, Smn, Brt: Several rows of póterkų around the neck Ds; I will buy you little rosary beads NS 83; blessed rosary beads Drsk (LKŽe; see also ZtŽ 505), apparently belong to the Belarusianisms, i.e. derive from Old Belarusian намєрку ‘beads’ (ГСБМ XXIV 42), Belarusian (dial.) на́меркі, намэркі (на́ерки, на́еркі, на́міркы / на́ерка) ‘(amber or glass) beads’ (Носовичъ 1984: 395; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 228; ТСБМ IV 133; СБГП III 467; ЭСБМ VIII 222, 244), which would presuppose Polish paciorka, (pl.) pacierki ‘rosary bead; rosary; rosary beads’ (SW IV 5), since no derivational variants with dental –t- are recorded in Polish.

²³ This lexeme is not included in the word list of K. Donelaitis prepared by J. Kabelka (see Kabelka 1964: 197).

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SPW XXXV 25–60; SSt VII 420; GS 166; MLex 164; ЭСБМ XI 24; see also LEW 741; Zinkevičius 1988: 133]) → South Belarusian pada ‘municipal council that decides matters of city administration and judicial disputes; advice’, Belarusian (dial.) ра́да ‘advice; means’, South Russian pada ‘advice; advisory council of nobles to the King of Poland; council; collegial decision; king’s adviser’, Russian па́да ‘advice; council’

rokùndas 1 (masc.) ‘a c c o u n t, s e t t l e m e n t’: You, puffed-up belly... Just wait and see what will happen when, as you die, you find yourself having to give an account K. Donel (Ag 26 [Kabelka 1964: 198])

↔ (South / Old) Polish rachunek ‘calculation; bill; arithmetic; financial report, etc.’ (< Old High German rech[e]nunge ‘account’ [SW V 458–459; SPW XXXV 6–7; SSt VII 418; Siatkowski 2004: 43; Фасмер III 450; ЭСБМ XI 154; MLex 164; see also Walczak 1995: 80, 142; Kabasińskaitė 1998: 11]) → South Belarusian рахунокъ, рахункъ, рохунокъ ‘calculation’, Belarusian (dial.) раху́нокъ / раху́нак ‘document; calculation, accounting; order; report’ ≠ South Russian рахунка, рахунка ‘calculation, bill’ ≠ Russian dial. раху́нок ‘order’

skárbas 3 (masc.) ‘m o n e y, t r e a s u r e’: When Amtsrots saw three sacks of new treasure, he came to his senses again and stopped sighing heavily K. Donel (ŽR 436 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 204])

← (South / Old) Polish skarb ‘treasure; wealth; (state) treasury’ (< Old High German schērf / Old Saxon skerf, skerpƒ, scerf ‘[small] coin; lepton—a small Greek coin’ ← Old High German scarbôn, skarbôn ‘to carve; to mince’ ↔ *‘carved surface of a coin’ [SW VI 131; ISJP 18; SSt VIII 216–217; Фасмер III 633; ЭСБМ XII 118; Kluge 2002: 799; Wackernagel 1878: 253; Köbler 1993: 1749, 1762; Schützeichel 2012: 288; see also Zinkevičius 1988: 130]) → South Belarusian скарбъ ‘money; valuables; state treasury; wealth; storehouse for valuables’, Belarusian (dial.) скарб(ъ) ‘(state) treasury; wealth; treasure; jewels’, South Russian (dial.) скарбъ ‘belongings; movable property; household goods; (dial.) (state) treasury’

skrynė 4 (fem.) ‘a c e r t a i n w o o d e n, l i d d e d, l e g g e d, o r n a - m e n t e d c h e s t f o r s t o r i n g s o m e t h i n g (u s u a l l y c l o t h e s o r a t r o u s s e a u)’: What good is it that Diks, naked beside a full chest, kneeling and moaning, worships treasures K. Donel (VD 24 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 206])

← (South / Old) Polish skrzynia ‘lidded box; chest, etc.’ (< Old Czech skříňe ‘cupboard; box’ ← Old High German schrīn / Old Saxon scrīni, skrīni ‘box; cupboard’ ← Latin scrinium ‘round box for storing books and documents’ [SW VI 190–191; SSt VIII 261–262; Linde V 273; Буга II 487; Фасмер III 657; ЭСБМ XII 156–157; Machek 1968: 550; Rejzek 2001: 578; Bělič, Kamiš, Kučera 1978: 503; Wackernagel 1878: 258; Köbler 1993: 1787; Seebold 2008: 757; Schützeichel 2012: 293; see also Palionis 1967: 275; Zinkevičius 1987: 140; Филичева 2003: 137]) → South Belarusian скрыня, скрыня ‘box;

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rectangular container; hiding place; coffin’ (ГСБМ XXXI 388–389), Belarusian (dial.) скрыпня ‘large box; perforated container (a box with holes for keeping live fish); box for storing flour or grain; manger’ (Носовичъ 1984: 588; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 291; СБГП IV 464; Сцяцко 1972: 102–103; see also Прыгодзіч, Прыгодзіч 2011: 148), South Russian скрыпна ‘iron-bound box, chest; lidded box’ (СРЯВ XXV 31; see also Гарбуль 2009: 405–406), Russian скрыня ‘box, lidded box’ (Даль IV 209)

skūrā 4, 2 (fem.) ‘an animal’s skin, either freshly removed or tanned, hide’: I slaughtered so many pigs and goats too that I scarcely knew where to hang the hides K. Donel (VD 382 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 206])

← (South / Old) Polish skóra ‘human and animal skin; backside; tanned hide; tree bark, etc.’ (SW VI 169–170; SSt VIII 250–251; Linde V 261–262; see also Mikulėnienė 2004: 78) → South Belarusian скупа ‘skin; tanned animal hide; life’, Belarusian (dial.) ску́па ‘human skin; tanned animal hide’ (Носовичъ 1984: 589; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 292; СБГП IV 471–472; ТС V 52; ЭСБМ XII 167) ≠ Russian шку́ра ‘an untanned animal hide with fur; tree bark; a worthless woman, etc.’ (Даль IV 638–639; Фасмер IV 451)

šmõtas 2 (masc.) ‘a separate part or piece of an object’: The wheel turns heavily, creaking on its axle, and, tearing up the foul earth, scatters it in clods K. Donel (RG 17 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 227])

← (Old) Polish szmat ([Old] Polish szmata) ‘piece; scrap; a great deal, etc.’ (< Old High German snat[t]e ‘strip; scar’ / German dialect [Swabian] Schnatte ‘notch in a tree or cut of meat’ / German Schnat ‘boundary, line, strip’ [SW VIII 638; Linde V 554; Фасмер IV 458–459; LEW 1015; see also Zinkevičius 1990: 35; Kardelis 2003: 89]) → South Belarusian шматъ ‘piece; piece of meat’ (СЛш; Булыка 1980: 186), Belarusian (dial.) шмат(ь) ‘piece; large quantity; large in size, much’ (Носовичъ 1984: 714; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 350; СБГП V 486–487), Russian шматъ ‘piece; offcut; part; distance, etc.’ (Даль IV 640)

šoblė 4 (fem.) ‘sabre, sword’: It seemed to me the whole world, gathered to fight, had brought swords and sabres into the colourful meadows K. Donel (VD 439 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 227])

← (South / Old) Polish szabła ‘sword with a curved blade, etc.’ (< Hungarian szablya ‘curved sword’ [SW VI 549; SSt VIII 526–527; Linde V 500; Фасмер III: 541; Wołosz 1989: 301–302; Géza 1991: 278; Tóth 2007: 130; see also Palionis 1967: 278; Zinkevičius 1988: 129]) → South Belarusian шабля ‘sword’ (Булыка 1980: 70), Belarusian (dial.) шабля ‘sword; rapier’ (Носовичъ 1984: 703; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 346; СБГП V 450)

trõpytis, -ija, -ijo (impersonal reflexive verb) ‘to happen, occur’: It once happened that, as I was riding to perform my corvée, as a village elder must, I gave lazy Slunkius a good thrashing K. Donel (RG 501 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 241])

← (South / Old) Polish trafić ‘to hit a target; to attack, touch; to meet, find; to happen at the right time; to choose; to please; to manage; to express clearly, explain, etc.’ (< Old High German treffen ‘to hit’ [SW VII 91–92; SSt IX 179; Linde V 644–645; Фасмер IV 94; ЭСБМ XIII 350]) → South Belarusian трафи́ти ‘to hit, reach; to meet’ (Булыка 1972: 324, 1980:

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189) ≠ Old Belarusian mpanumu ‘to torment; destroy; test; attack’ (ГСБМ XXXIII 420–422), Belarusian (dial.) mpánulь / mpániub, mpáfьub ‘to hit a target; find, meet; guess; manage, overcome; be able, etc.’ (Носовичъ 1984: 638; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 314; СБГП V 117; ТС V 151; ЭСБМ XIII 349–350), Russian mpáfьutb, mpánutb ‘to hit a target’ (Даль IV 426; Фасмер ibd.)

vožyti, -ija, -ijo (transitive verb) ‘to value, esteem’: You do not begrudge pies or cakes, and you do not value the lords’ finest drink K. Donel (PL 135 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 262])

← (Old / Middle) Polish ważyć ‘to weigh on scales; weigh; decide; risk; assess; wave; intend; hate; take a risk; attain a level or value, etc.’ (← [Old / Middle] Polish [dial.] waga ‘scales; a building where weighing is done; weighing; traction; animal track; weight; weighed quantity; weight; importance, significance; respect; lever; cable, rope; hanging weights; a brank; loom weights, etc.’ < Old High German wâge / Old High German wâga / Old English Wage ‘scales; weight; weight’ [SW VII 442–443, 476–477; Linde VI 125–126, 150–151; SSt X 34–35, 52–54; Karłowicz VI 64; Brückner 1985: 598–599; Фасмер I 263; ЭСБМ II 12; Wackernagel 1878: 368; Köbler 1993: 2185; Schützeichel 2012: 367; see also Zinkevičius 1988: 131, 134; cf. Шанский²⁴ I³ 4; Судник 1975: 142]) → Old Belarusian важити, важити ‘to weigh; cost; weigh on scales; assess, value; consider; have value; intend’ (ГСБМ II 291–294; Булыка 1980: 184), Belarusian (dial.) ва́жыць / ва́жыць ‘to weigh on scales; take a risk; dare, intend; assess; bear in mind’ (Носовичъ 1984: 42; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 55; СБГП I 268; ЭСБМ II 23), Russian dial. важить ‘to weigh; hang (up)’ (Даль I 159)

zalnierius 2 (masc. noun) ‘soldier’: And like some soldier, leaving his nose on the battlefield... he trudges off to serfdom K. Donel (Pp 180 [Kabelka 1964: 262])

← Polish dial. (DLd [Kujawy]) żołnier, żołnierz ‘soldier’ (← Old Polish [dial.] żołnierz / [Middle Polish żołnierz] ‘soldier; army’ < Czech žoldnéř ‘ditto’ ← Old High German soldenäere, soldner / Old High German Söldner ‘mercenary soldier’ ← Italian soldato ‘warrior’ [Karłowicz VI 447; SW VIII 717; SSt XI 590; ISJP 69; Kudzinowski 1974: 101; Machek 1968: 730; Kluge 2002: 855; see also Palionis 1967: 279; Адамавичюте 1982: 43, 46; Zinkevičius 1988: 131; Walczak 1995: 80; Rejzek 2001: 751; cf. Жирмунский 1948: 106]) → Old Belarusian золнеръ ‘warrior’ (Булыка 1980: 61)

žegnōnė 2 (fem. noun) 1. ‘blessing’: But... having blessed the table with such hellish blessings, he grabs the bread to slice K. Donel (VD 122); 2. ‘(fig.) to receive the fruits of God’s favor’: And from the stinking manure a blessing comes K. Donel (VD 277 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 264])

← (Old / Middle) Polish żegnanie ‘imitation of the sign of the cross, blessing; consecration, etc.’ (SW VIII 703; SSt XI 580; Linde VI 883) → Belarusian жегна́нне ‘blessing; taking leave’ (Носовичъ 1984: 154) – for the etymology, see žegnóti

²⁴ Some Slavicists argue that this is a pan-Slavic borrowing from Old High German wâga (for more detail, see Преображенский I 61–62; Шанский ibd.; ЭССРЯ I 92).

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to bless, -es, -ed (verb, trans.) ‘to bless (usually with the sign of the cross)’: All this is futile; what shall we do, or even begin to do, if your blessing little hand will not help K. Donel (ŽR 672 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 264])

← (Polish / Old Polish) Polish zegnać (się) ‘to make the sign of the cross with the hand; to bless; to consecrate; to confirm (Protestants); to charm away (illness, the evil eye); to take leave, entrust to God’s care, etc.’ (< Czech žehnati ‘to bless; to give thanks’ ← Middle High German ségenen / German segnen ‘to bless, make the sign of the cross with the hand; to endow’ ← Vulgar Latin signare ‘to cross oneself, bless; make the sign of the cross; baptize; confirm, etc.’ [SW VIII 703; SSt XI 579–580; Linde VI 882; Brückner 1985: 664; ЭСБМ III 199; Machek 1968: 724; Niermeyer 1976: 970; MLex 189; see also Palionis 1967: 274; Судник 1975: 84, 170; Zinkevičius 1987: 138; Walczak 1995: 54; PEŽ IV 106; Филичева 2003: 141; cf. Kardelis 2003: 66]) → Old Belarusian жегнати, жегнати / жегнатися, жегнатися ‘to take leave, see off; baptize’ (ГСБМ IX 282; Булыка 1980: 182), Belarusian жегнаў (жагнаў) ‘to bless; make the sign of the cross with the hand’ (Носовичъ 1984: 154; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 100; ЭСБМ III 199)

to lend, -s, -ed (verb, intransitive, transitive) ‘to lend something to someone’: Thus the sheep... seeing such a miserable plight and having no help anywhere in the world, promises to repay the barley she had borrowed K. Donel (Šd 25–27 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 265])

← (Polish / Old Polish) Polish życzyć ‘to wish someone well, rejoice at another’s success; win someone over, recruit; advise, give advice; allow, consent; lend, let someone use’ (SW VIII 730–731; SSt XI 604; Linde VI 1064–1065; see also Walczak 1991: 72; Kardelis 2003: 106; Kazak 2011: 80) → Old Belarusian жичити, жычити, жычити, жычьити ‘to desire, wish’ (ГСБМ X 39; Булыка 1972: 114, 1980: 133), Belarusian жичыць ‘to wish’ (Носовичъ 1984: 156), Russian dialectal жичить ‘to borrow’ (СРНГ IX 201) ≠ Old Belarusian зичити, зычити ‘to desire, wish’ (ГСБМ XIII 271–272), Belarusian (dialectal) зычыць / зьічьць ‘to wish; advise’ (Носовичъ 1984: 222; ЭСБМ III 353; ТС II 170), Russian dialectal зычить ‘to wish’ (Даль I 697)

1.2.1. Morphophonetic variants and secondary derivatives of uncertain Polonisms

young grafted tree (diminutive noun) ‘a young grafted tree’: And at home, having let the lovely little grafted trees grow wild K. Donel (Vp 29 [Kabelka 1964: 67]) ⇦ graft

graft 4, 2 (noun) Plv 1. ‘a twig or shoot used to graft another plant, a graft, scion’ SD 361, R 276, K: This is a poor graft; it will not take Pbs; Grafting shoots, or scions, must be sound and not hollow inside S. Dauk; 2. ‘a young grafted tree, graft’ R 327: The graft planted last year is growing well Plv; All the grafted trees froze this winter Pgr; The hare gnawed all the grafted trees over the winter Grž et al. (LB 66, RD 73, BB Ps 128.3); 3. ‘(usually plural) vaccination, vaccine’: Smallpox vaccinations rš; I was vaccinated, but the vaccinations did not take Kp; 4. ‘a vaccination mark on the body’: Now there is no sign of that vaccination mark Plv; What large vaccination marks! Slnt; 5. ‘the notch in the blade of a folding knife’: The knife’s notch is elongated Jrb – see ščiepas (see also Roszko 2009: 76)

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graft 4 (dial.) Ndž, Švnč, ErnW 1. ‘a small branch, a shoot used to graft another plant, a graft, a scion’ Sut, MP 93: I took grafts from the pear tree Ign; (fig.): We are to... graft into the soul shoots of all kinds of holy nature DP 96; 2. ‘a young grafted tree, a graft’: I bought grafts OZ 55 /\ When I was a young graft Aps; Your little ones are like olive shoots (young shoots) Mž 386

← (Polish / Old Polish) Polish szczep ‘rootstock; a grafted tree, etc.’ (SW VI 581; SSt VIII 538–539; Linde V 521; see also ALEW [s. v. čiepas]),

‖ ≠ Belarusian (dialectal) ишчэпа ‘rootstock’ (Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 353; Сцяшковіч 1983: 568) ≠ Russian щепа ‘wood chip, splinter’ (Даль IV 655; cf. Фасмер IV 502–503)

to watch over, -s, -ed (verb, trans.) ‘to protect, look after’: Do you not watch over the boys, as a father ought K. Donel (ŽR 299 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 67])

to watch out, -s, -ed (reflexive verb) 1. ‘to beware’: So beware of the puffed-up master’s whipping K. Donel (ŽR 409); 2. ‘to take care, make an effort’: From my earliest days I took care to behave decently K. Donel (Pš 30 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 67]) – see dbóti (with epenthetic or non-etymological -a- [on this phonetic phenomenon, see Zinkevičius 1966: 135–136; see also Адомавичюте 1982: 47; Zinkevičius 1988: 38, 130; Zinkevičius II 272])

to heed, heed, heeded (verb, intrans.) ‘to pay attention, take notice’: But heed it not, dear fellow, do not weep, grieving excessively K. Donel (PL 529 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 63]) – see dbóti (with apheresis of initial d-)

to heed, -s, -ed (verb, trans., intrans.) ‘to watch (something), look (for something)’: The sorcerers pay attention to the cry of the bird Ch 5Moz 18.10; Oh, pay no attention to anything, my dear sister JR 165; I pay no heed even to the girls, though the lad is in my heart JV 276

← (Polish / Old Polish) Polish dbać ‘to care; pay attention, etc.’ (SW I 431; GS 28; SPW IV 561–565; SSt II 44; ЭСБМ III 129–130; Urbutis 2009: 423) → Old Belarusian дбати ‘to care; think about something; notice, pay attention’ (ГСБМ VII 271–272; Булыка 1980: 197), Belarusian (dialectal) дбаць ‘to care; think, pay attention’ (Носовичъ 1984: 127; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 92; TC II 9), Russian dialectal дбать ‘to care; accumulate, collect’ (Даль I 416)²⁵

to incur expenses, -s, -ed (reflexive verb) ‘to incur expenses’: Therefore her parents... spent a great deal because of this, and also had to buy the household goods K. Donel (RG 142 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 108]) – see kaštavóti

kaštúodintis (-ytis), -inasi, -inosi (verb. refl.) ‘to incur expenses, to cost oneself’: Others did not want to spend so much K. Donel (LKŽe)²⁶ – see kaštavóti

kaštavóti, -ója, -ójo (verb. intr.) ‘to cost, to come to’: Did your shoes cost a lot? Ds (LKŽe; see also ZtŽ 278; ZŠT I 353)

²⁵ Some Slavists reconstruct Proto-Slavic *дбати ‘to care for’, i.e., they treat the East Slavic lexemes listed as inherited rather than as loans from the West Slavic linguistic area.

²⁶ This lexeme is not included in J. Kabelka’s collection of K. Donelaitis’s words (see Kabelka 1964: 197).

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← (Old / Middle) Polish kosztować ‘to cost; to incur expenses, to cost’ (← [Old / Middle] Polish [dial.] koszt ‘expenses, funds; price, value’ < Czech kość ‘the same’ ← Old High German kost[e] ‘expenses, funds’ [SW II 495–496; SPW XVI 14–16, 17; SSt III 357; Karlowicz II 446; Sławski II 545–546; Siatkowski 2004: 16; Polomски 2010: 7; cf. Kluge 2002: 531; Фасмер II 361; ЭСБМ V 107; LEW 228; MLex 113; see also Palionis 1967: 276; Адомавичюте 1982: 43; Zinkevičius 1988: 136]) → South Belarusian коштовати ‘to cost’ (ГСБМ XVI 72), Belarusian (dial.) коштова́ць ‘to try; to cost’ (Носович 1984: 250; TC II 231), South Russian коштовати ‘to cost, to come to’ (СРЯВ VII 396–397), Russian dialectal коштова́ть ‘to cost; to be valued; to suit, etc.’ (Даль II 183)

krõmininkas 1 (masc.) ‘merchant, seller’: Rudikis... soon slipped in among the merchants and traders K. Donel (Rj 6 [LKŽe; Kabelka 1964: 118]) – see krõmininkas

krõmininkas (krõmnykas), -ė 1 (common gender) 1. ‘merchant, seller’: It should be ordered (forbidden) that merchants... roam through farmsteads and homesteads BzBk II 119; 2. ‘(figurative) hunchback’: We also call a hunchback a krõmininkas Ds; 3. ‘(figurative) a lively person’: Who is this lively fellow running here? Ds

← (Old / Middle) Polish kramnik ‘small-goods vendor; itinerant merchant’ (← [Old / Middle] Polish kram ‘trading stall; small shop; artisans’ workshop; goods, etc.’ < Old High German krâm ‘goods, small items, etc.’ / Middle High German krâm ‘market stall, etc.’ // German Kram ‘small goods; junk; affairs, etc.’ [SW II 526, 527; SPW XI 121–122, 124; SSt III 375; Kluge 2002: 534; Wackernagel 1878: 165; Köbler 1993: 1264; Schützeichel 2012: 182; see also Kabelka 1964: 25, 118; Palionis 1967: 276; Адомавичюте 1979: 99–100, 1982: 43; Walczak 1995: 142]) → South Belarusian крамникъ ‘merchant, seller’ (ГСБМ XVI 89–90), Belarusian (dial.) кра́мникъ ‘seller; shopkeeper’ (Носович 1984: 251; СБГП II 514)

kùknė 2 (fem.) ‘kitchen’: Therefore, emboldened, I entered the open kitchen K. Donel (Pp 114 [Kabelka 1964: 26, 119]) – see kùchnė

kùchnė 2 (fem.) ‘kitchen’ ZtŽ 322; ŽŠT I: 254; kuchnià 2 ‘same’: Go into the kitchen; you will find kneaded bread there and eat ps. Rimašiai (DvŽ I: 316; see also ZtŽ 322; ŽŠT II: 446); ← (Old / Middle) Polish kuchnia ‘oven for cooking food; cooker; room where food is prepared; manner of preparing dishes, etc.’ (< Old Czech kuchyně ‘kitchen’ ← Middle High German kuhhinna ‘place for cooking; kitchen; inn’ ← Latin coquina ‘kitchen; cookery’ [SW II 618; SPW XI 531–532; SSt III 459; Фасмер II 436; ЭССРЯ I 454–455; Machek 1968: 305; Wackernagel 1878: 168; Köbler 1993: 1278; Seebold 2008: 482; see also Palionis 1967: 277; Walczak 1995: 92; Siatkowski 2004: 14; Филичева 2003: 136]) → South Belarusian кухня ‘room where food is prepared; food supplies’ (ГСБМ XVI 256–257; Булыка 1980: 97), Belarusian (dial.) ку́хня ‘kitchen; cooker’ (ТСБМ II 764; СБГП II 592; ЭСБМ V 175), South Russian кухня ‘room intended for preparing food; kitchen utensils’ (СРЯВ VIII 150), Russian ку́хня ‘kitchen’ (Даль II 228)

nabãšininkas 1 (masc.) ‘deceased person (of a dead person)’: But the deceased Amtsrot did not do so to the peasant K. Donel (VD 177 [Kabelka 1964: 137]) – see na-bãštininkas (with -ti- absorbed)

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nabāščikas, -ė 1 (noun) ‘d e c e a s e d p e r s o n (a b o u t a d e a d p e r s o n)’ – see nebāščikas nebāštikas, -ė 1 (noun) 1. ‘d e c e a s e d p e r s o n’; 2. ‘d e c e a s e d s o u l (a b o u t a d e a d p e r s o n)’ – see nebāščikas, -ė (with the de-affrication of the structural element -č-)

nabāštikas, -ė 1 (noun) 1. ‘d e c e a s e d p e r s o n’; 2. ‘d e c e a s e d s o u l (a b o u t a d e a d p e r s o n)’ – see nebāštikas, -ė (with the change of -e- in the first component to > -a- due to regressive assimilation, i.e. n-e-b-a-štikas → n-a-b-a-štikas)

nabāštininkas, -ė 1 (noun) 1. ‘d e c e a s e d p e r s o n’; 2. ‘d e c e a s e d s o u l (a b o u t a d e a d p e r- s o n)’ – see nabāštikas

nabāštininkas, -ė 1 (noun) ‘d e c e a s e d p e r s o n’ – see nabāštininkas, -ė

nebāščikas, -ė 1 (noun) ‘d e c e a s e d s o u l, o n e a t e t e r n a l r e s t (s a i d o f a d e a d p e r s o n)’: Kāp numirė žmogus, vėža nebāščikų Micaičiai (DvŽ II 9; also see ZtŽ 427; ZŠT II 445)

← (cf.) Polish nieboszczyk ‘deceased person; cream cheese buried in the ground to acquire a particular flavor’ (SW III 260; SPW XVII 147; Brückner 1985: 33) → cf. Belarusian небож-чыкъ, небожчыкъ, небожчыкъ, небожущикъ, небожущыкъ, небозчикъ, небосчикъ, небощикъ, небощыкъ ‘deceased person, dead person’ (ГСБМ XIX 391), Belarusian (dial.) нябожчык, нябо́йчык, небо́чык (Belarusian dial. нібо́чык) ‘deceased person; pauper’ (Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 196; СБГП III 242–243; ЭСБМ VIII 58)

ponātis (masc.) ‘y o u n g n o b l e m a n’: And now you’re already showing off your crest like a young nobleman K. Donel (PL 268 [Kabelka 1964: 180]) – see ponāitis (with monophthongization of the diphthong ai [for more on this, see Zinkevičius 1966: 91, 2006: 187; also see Kregždys 2012: 41])

ponāitis 1 (masc.) 1. ‘y o u n g, u n m a r r i e d n o b l e m a n; a n o b l e m a n’s s o n; y o u n g n o b l e’: R, N, I: In those quarters one girl sits at the table, while there are already a dreadful number of those young noblemen BsP IV 47; Once he was walking through the forest and met a young nobleman LTR (Bsg); Just then, as you see, a handsomely dressed young gentleman appeared beside him and walked along with him S I 366 et al. (Šts, JD 27, JV 50, 444, 916, Gmž, BsO 215, Krž, Grk, Jrg, Lkš, Škn, LTR (Brž), Dv, Ad, Ml, Pnd, Dglš); 2. ‘the Lord’²⁷: Worship the young Lord, savior of humankind Mž 208; 3. ‘i d l e, i d l e r, s p o i l e d p e r s o n’ Grž (LKŽe; also see DvŽ II 121; ZtŽ 502)

↔ cf. Polish panic, (dial.) Polish panicz ‘handsome young man, good-looking fellow; nobleman’s son; young nobleman; young unmarried nobleman; dandy, idler; unmarried man’ (SW IV 35; SPW XXIII 153) → cf. Belarusian паничъ, пануцъ ‘young nobleman; bridegroom’ (ГСБМ XXIII 425), Belarusian панічъ / паніч ‘nobleman’s son; young man of noble birth; a neatly and cleanly dressed young man; young nobleman’ (Носовичъ 1984: 391; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 221)

pōniškas, -a 1 (adj.) ‘b e l o n g i n g t o n o b l e m e n’: The noblemen’s children, sitting together with the peasants, sometimes gaze while brotherly scraping in the mud K. Donel (PL 309 [LKŽe; also see Kabelka 1964: 181]) ⇦ pōnskas, -à

pañskas, -à 4 (adj.) ‘n o b l e m a n l i k e, s p o i l e d’: You’ve become far too pañskas—what a mess you are! Mžš; Will you know how to receive him? He is very pañskas! Brt; A pañskas thing (said about

²⁷ Dominykas Urbas (1996: 294) nurodo sememą ‘jaunas ponas’, o ne reikšmę ‘Viešpats’.

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(having spoiled a person), but whatever you do not serve him Mžš; põnskas, -à 4 (adj.) ‘p o n i s h, o f t h e l o r d s’ Pagaujenai (DvŽ II 122; see also ZtŽ 503; ŽŠT I 235, II 352)

← (s. / v.) Polish pański ‘of a lord, king, monarch; of God, Christ, the Lord; aristocratic, splendid, wonderful, etc.’ (SW IV 42; SPW XXIII 190–213) → Old Belarusian панский, паньский ‘of a ruler, king; of a lord, etc.’ (ГСБМ XXIII 432–434), Belarusian па́нскі(ŭ) ‘of a lord, lordly’ (Носович 1984: 392; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 221; ЭСБМ VIII 146), Old Russian панский ‘of lords; of emigrants from Poland, Lithuania, etc., living in Moscow’ (СРЯВ XIV 145), Russian панской ‘same’ (Даль III 16)

rokúoti, -úoja, -ávo (verb) 1. (intransitive) ‘t o p e r f o r m a r i t h m e t i c a l c a l c u l a t i o n, t o c o u n t’: So let us not grumble that the lords show their crests and curse, counting the names of devils every day K. Donel (ŽR 514 [Kabelka 1964: 198]); 2. (transitive) ‘t o a s c r i b e’: He has no sense, so he should not be blamed for the sin (the dog) K. Donel (Rj 36 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka ibid.]) – see rakavoti

rakavoti, -oja, -ojo (transitive verb) ‘t o c o u n t’ SD¹ 153; rokavóti, -ója, -ójo 1. ‘t o p e r f o r m a r i t h m e t i c a l c a l c u l a t i o n, t o c o u n t’ Ds; 2. (reflexive) ‘t o a c c o u n t f o r o n e s e l f’: And when a long time had passed, the lord of that servant returned and settled accounts with them Ch 125.19; How did you account with your soul (conscience)? DK 68 (see also DvŽ II 194)

← (s. / v.) Polish rachować ‘to count, (to) consider; to expect; to trust, etc.’ (< Old High German rechen, rechnen ‘to count’ / German rechnen ‘to calculate’ / [SW V 457–458; SPW XXXV 4–5; SSt VII 418; Brückner 1985: 451; Połomski 2010: 14; Фасмер III 450; ЭСБМ XI 151; MLex 164; see also Kazak 2011: 81]) → Old Belarusian раховати, раховать, роховати ‘to count; to consider, pay attention’ (ГСБМ XXX 32; Булыка 1980: 81), Belarusian (dial.) раховаýb / рахаваýb ‘to (cal)culate; to keep in mind’ (Носович 1984: 561; Байкоў, Некрашэвіч 1993: 278; СБГП IV 293; TC IV 287), Russian dialectal ра́хова́ть ‘to count, measure; discuss, consider’ (Даль IV 86; СРНГ XXXIV 345) ≠ Belarusian dialectal рахова́цца ‘to keep in mind, consider’ (TC ibid.)

1.3. Alternative Polonisms

kùsinti, -ina, -ino (transitive verb) ‘t o t e m p t, i n c i t e, p e r s u a d e’: Slunkius... urged Pelėdpalaikis to prepare for battle K. Donel (Pp 206 [LKŽe; see also Kabelka 1964: 122])

↔ (s. / v.) Polish kusić ‘to taste; to try; to tempt; to hinder’ (< Old Church Slavonic ИСКѪСИТИ ‘to test; to tempt; to evaluate’ ← Proto-Slavic *kusiti ‘to taste; to touch’ ← Gothic kausjan Luke 14.19 ‘to test, try; to taste’ [SW II 649; SPW XI 589–591; Sławski III 429–430; Фасмер II 431–432; ECУM III 160; ССЯ I 796–797; Uhlenbeck 1900: 94, 95; Lehmann 1986: 219; see also ЭССЯ XIII 135; Kardelis 2003: 107),

‖ Old Belarusian кусити ‘to tempt; to test’ (ГСБМ XVI 246) ≠ Old Russian кусити ‘to touch; to taste’ (СРЯВ VIII 144 [Germanisms]).

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2. SUMMARY

The Polonisms used in K. Donelaitis’s works fall into the groups of monogenic (11), indeterminate (47), and alternative (1) Polonisms. Structurally, these borrowings are divided into morphologically (α) pure (ālasas, blūznyti, bòstras, budavōnė, cimbōlai, čestavōti, čỹžė; grẽčnas, –à; gvõltas, gvõltyti, karbãčius, klãpas, klãpčius, kób­otas, kūkarka, kūkorius, kulkà, lenciūgas, macnùs, maskōlius, miesčionis, mišìa, moliavōti, moliōrius; nõbažnas, –a; padõnas, paliavōti, pažỹčyti, põnas, ponavōti, porà / póra, procià, pùlokas, rodà / róda, skárbas, skrynė, skūrà, šaltyšius, šmõtas, šoblė, trõpyti, vỹskupas, võžyti, zalniẽrius, žegnonė, žegnóti, žỹčyti), (β) hybrid (čestavójimas, glóda, kùšinti, lėbauti; nuõpertas, –à; pasilie cavōti, pōteriai, pūstėlninkas, rokùndas), and (γ) semantic morpheme-by-morpheme (or partitive) calques formed by word formation (iškadà, pakamõrė, péržegnoti). There are 24 morphophonetic alternants and secondary derivatives (adpẽntai, atpẽntai, bóti, česnis, čiepėlis, dabóti, dabótis, delmõnas; iškādininkas, –ė; jóm arkas, jóm arkininkas, kaštúodintis, kaštúotis, krõmininkas, kūknė, mąčkas, nabãšnikas; ponãtis; põniškas, –a; rokúoti, svìklas, šaltyšiáuti, šėtra, viñčiavoti).

In terms of frequency and trends of use, they imply two main groups: 1) nonstandard vocabulary—dialectisms used only in Lithuanian dialect areas, and archaisms / historicisms found in older and later Lithuanian writings (adpẽntai, ālasas, atpẽntai, blūznyti, bòstras, bóti, budavōnė, česnis, čestavójimas, čestavōti, čiepėlis, čỹžė; dabóti, dabótis, delmõnas, glóda; grẽčnas, –à; gvõltas, gvõltyti; iškādininkas, –ė; jóm arkas, jóm arkininkas, karbãčius, kaštúodintis, kaštúotis, klãpas, klãpčius, kób­otas, krõmininkas, kūkarka, kūknė, kūkorius, kùšinti, lenciūgas, lėbauti, mąčkas, macnùs, maskōlius, mišìa, moliavōti, moliōrius; nabãšnikas, nõbažnas, –a; nuõpertas, –à; padõnas, pakamõrė, paliavōti, pasilie cavōti, pažỹčyti, ponãtis, ponavōti, procià, pùlokas, pūstėlninkas, rodà / róda, rokùndas, rokúuoti, skárbas, skūrà, svìklas, šaltyšius, šaltyšiáuti, šėtra, šmõtas, šoblė, trõpyti, viñčiavoti, võžyti, zalniẽrius, žegnonė, žỹčyti); 2) words of the standard language (cimbōlai, kulkà, miesčionis, péržegnoti, põnas; põniškas, –a; porà / póra, pōteriai, skrynė, vỹskupas, žegnóti).

3. CONCLUSIONS

1. Based on (α) the primary source of borrowing of lexical alternants (from an areal perspective), (β) the correspondence of phonetic / morphological / semantic variants of lexemes (based on modulation of α), and the use of Slavic primary (not necessarily indigenous) forms in West and secondary East Slavic languages (based on factors α and β), the Polonisms in K. Donelaitis’s works are divided into 3 groups: I. m o n o g e n i c (not implying corresponding Polonisms and / or borrowings in East Slavic languages); II. i n d e t e r m i n a t e ([from the perspective of factor α] Polish borrowings also used and / or formerly used in East Slavic languages of various periods;

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Slavic languages); III. a l t e r n a t i v e (III.1. reflexes of indigenous Proto-Slavic forms used in Polish and in one of the East Slavic languages [Belarusian or Russian (from an areal perspective)]; III.2. pairs of lexical variants of non-Slavic origin, where the West and East Slavic lexemes that may have given rise to the Lithuanian Polonism derive from different proto-forms; III.3. semi-Polonisms).

2. K. Donelaitis’s works contain: a) 11 monogenic Polonisms and 12 of their morphophonetic alternants and secondary derivatives; b) 47 indeterminate Polonisms and 12 of their morphophonetic alternants and secondary derivatives; c) 1 alternative lexical borrowing of Polish origin.

3. The utilitarian value of the inventory of Polonisms in K. Donelaitis’s works is supported by the explication of the ethnic identification of lexemes, whose principal outcome is the segregation and codification of borrowings from Polish and Belarusian, as well as Germanisms.

ABBREVIATIONS OF THE TITLES OF K. DONELAITIS’S WORKS

Ag – “The Oak Acorn” (fable)

L 1 – K. Donelaitis’s first (surviving) letter (written in Lithuanian)

Lg – “The Fox and the Stork’s Feast” (fable)

PL – “The Joys of Spring” (part of the poem Metai)

Pp – “Pričkus’s Tale of a Lithuanian Wedding” (an early fragment of the poem Metai)

Pš – “The Tale of the Dung Beetle” (fable)

RG – “The Gifts of Autumn” (part of the poem Metai)

Rj – “Rudikis the Fairground Trader” (fable)

Šd – “The Big-Headed Dog” (fable)

VD – “The Labors of Summer” (part of the poem Metai)

Vp – “The Wolf the Farmer” (fable)

ŽR – “The Worries of Winter” (part of the poem Metai)

LANGUAGE ABBREVIATIONS

Belarusian (or Belarusan) word

Bulgarian word

Czech word

dialectal word (dialectism)

DLd – dialect of Greater Poland (Polish wielkopolski) (western Poland)

Gothic word (from the extinct East Germanic language)

Greek word (from the ancient-period language)

Italian word

Yiddish word (a hybrid language based on the High German dialects [Bavarian-Austrian varieties], with lexical elements inherited from Hebrew of the ancient and medieval periods and a lexical superstratum from Central and Eastern European languages) (the lexemes are transcribed, re-

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based on Yidisher Visnshaftlekher Institut [YIVO], transliterated according to the systems for rendering Polish Yiddish [PN–74/N–01212])

Kšbd – Kashubian dialect zone

le. – a Polish (Modern Period [from the 19th century] language) word

lie. – a Lithuanian (language) word

lo. – a Latin (language) word

MLd – Lesser Polish (le. małopolski) dialect (southern Poland)

n. – a Modern Period (language) word (only in combination with a language abbreviation)

pers. – a Persian (language) word

pras. – a (reconstructed) form of Proto-Slavic

Psd – Polish borderland dialects (le. polszczyzna kresowa [Lithuania, Latvia, Belarus, Ukraine])

r. – a Russian (language) word

s. – an Old Period (language) word (only in combination with a language abbreviation)

s. sl. – an Old Church Slavonic (language) word

SLd – Silesian (le. śląski) dialect (southwestern Poland)

s. le. – an Old Polish (language [second half of the 12th century–15th century]) word

s. v. a. – an Old High German (language [8th–11th centuries (until 1050)]) word

tot. – a Tatar (language) word

turk. – a Turkish (language) word

ukr. – a Ukrainian (language) word

v. – a New High German (language [from 1650]) word

vengr. – a Hungarian (language) word

v. le. – a Middle Polish (16th–18th centuries) word

V. lo. – a Medieval Latin (language) word

v. v. a. – a Middle High German (language [from 1050 to 1350]) word

Lower Vistula–Masovian (Pol. mazowiecki) dialect (Central Poland)

For place names, grammatical abbreviations, and others, see LKŽe (online access: www.lkz.lt).

GRAPHIC ABBREVIATIONS

← – marker of the source of primary borrowing

↔ – marker of the source of partitive (or partial, i.e., involving only some parts of a word) borrowing

→ – marker of secondary borrowing (between Slavic languages, e.g., from Polish into Belarusian; from Germanic into Polish, etc.)

⇦ – marker of the source of secondary borrowing (hybrid formations)

≠ – marker of semantic contradiction (meaning discrepancy [from the perspective of Lithuanian-language lexemes])

∥ – marker of an alternative primary borrowing

≯ – marker of a discrepancy in phonetic or morphological structure (from the perspective of Lithuanian-language lexemes)

(...) – lexeme variants differing in phonetic or morphological structure

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXI

Kristijono Donelaičio veikalų skolintinė leksika: polonizmai

Lexical borrowings in the works by Kristijonas Donelaitis: Polonisms

SUMMARY

The article presents methodology and criteria of identification of the Polonisms in the poetic works and the 1^st letter written in Lithuanian by Kristijonas Donelaitis. The article deals with the etymology and developmental peculiarities of the 59 Polonisms and 24 morpho-phonetic alternatives and secondary derivatives.

Due to the analysis suggested here the following conclusions are proposed:

1. In accordance with the principles of (α) establishment of the primary source of variants of the Lithuanian loanwords (by virtue of areal attribution), (β) their phonetic / morphological / semantic identity (agreeably to modulation α), and also the usage peculiarities of primary forms (unessentially of the inherited layer) on the West Slavic ground and their secondary variants in the East Slavic languages (being based on the influence of factors α and β), Polonisms of the works by K. Donelaitis might be distributed into 3 groups: I. monogenic (i.e., not submitted in lexis of the East Slavic languages [by means of the factor α]); II. indeterminate (because of presence of variants of the loanwords from Polish in the East Slavic lexis [under the factor α] of the different period of time); III. alternative (III.1. the forms of the inherited layer specific to Polish and one of the East Slavic languages [in relation to the factor α]; III.2. doublet lexical variants of the foreign origin, derived from the different primary source; III.3. Semipolonisms).

2. The usage of the following Polonisms are identified in the works by K. Donelaitis: a) 11 monogenic lexical borrowings and 12 morpho-phonetic alternatives and secondary derivatives; b) 47 indeterminate lexical borrowings and 12 morpho-phonetic alternatives and secondary derivatives; c) 1 alternative loanword.

3. Lexis of the Polonisms of the works by K. Donelaitis is valuable for its clarification and evaluation features facing with the problem of segregation and codification of the Polonisms, White-Russianisms and Germanisms.

Įteikta 2014 m. spalio 7 d.

ROLANDAS KREGŽDYS

Lietuvių kalbos institutas

Petro Vileišio g. 5, LT-10308 Vilnius, Lietuva

[email protected]

Straipsniai / Articles

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