ARANKA LACZHÁZI

L o r á n d E ö t v ö s U n i v e r s i t y

R e s e a r c h a r e a s: c o n t a c t s b e t w e e n B a l t i c a n d o t h e r l a n g u a g e s, l e x i c a l b o r r o w i n g s.

DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all83-04

A FEW POSSIBLE HUNGARIAN LOANWORDS IN LITHUANIAN

Some Potential Borrowings from Hungarian into Lithuanian

A B S T R A C T

The article reviews Lithuanian lexemes that are of Hungarian origin or were borrowed from other languages through Hungarian. Most of these lexemes entered Lithuanian in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, usually indirectly, through Polish and, less frequently, German, Belarusian, or Russian. The borrowed words form thematic groups that reflect the historical and cultural ties between Hungary and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania of that period. Such groups include, for example, terms for military equipment and soldiers’ clothing, as well as names of certain products and goods transported from the former Kingdom of Hungary to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In most cases, a change in the meaning of the loanword is observed.

It should be noted that only a small proportion of these lexemes is recorded in contemporary standard Lithuanian, since these terms are generally archaic, obsolete words or dialectisms.

K E Y W O R D S: languages of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Hungarians in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, language contacts, lexical borrowings, loanword from Hungarian.

A N N O T A T I O N

The article aims to overview the Lithuanian words that are supposed to be of Hungarian origin or may be linked to Hungarian in an indirect way. Most of these lexemes have been borrowed through Polish, less often through German, Belarusian or Russian during the 16–18th^th centuries. They belong to specific thematic groups like military terms, names of military uniform details or names of products that were imported into the Grand Duchy of

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Lithuania from the former Kingdom of Hungary. In many cases a significant change in the semantic of the lexemes can be observed.

It is worth noticing that only a small number of these lexemes is being known and used in contemporary Standard Lithuanian, as these words belong rather to dialectal or historical lexicon.

KEY WORDS: Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Hungarians in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, language contacts, lexical borrowings, borrowings from Hungarian.

INTRODUCTION

In the Lietuvių kalbos polonizmų žodyne published in 2016, Rolandas Kregždys lists 28 Hungarian words (p. 286) that can in various ways be associated with corresponding Lithuanian lexemes, i.e. Hungarian words are recorded as possible sources of Polonisms. As is known, this dictionary is the first comprehensive etymological dictionary of the Lithuanian language in which such cases are discussed extensively and in which considerable attention is devoted to Lithuanian lexemes of Hungarian origin or borrowed through Hungarian. On the other hand, the spread of Hungarian words in the Baltic languages has been examined in the works of Hungarian linguists (Hollós 1998; Laczházi 2003; Tóth 2003, 2007, 2016a, 2018). Much has also been written about lexical elements of Hungarian origin in Polish (Wołosz 1989, 1991–1992), Russian (Hollós 1996), and Belarusian (Zoltán 2005, 2006). Having examined the conclusions of all the studies mentioned, one can observe that the study of words of Hungarian origin in Lithuanian yields interesting results; an overview of the material makes it possible to highlight the specific features of this lexicon, while the studies by Lithuanian and Hungarian linguists partly confirm and partly supplement and refine one another.

This article compares and summarizes data from Hungarian researchers and from PŽ and other etymological dictionaries of the Lithuanian language. With regard to the lexemes under consideration, the most important of these are the Alt litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (ALEW), representing the lexicon of old Lithuanian written monuments, and the Słownik etymologiczny języka litewskiego (SEJLė), supplemented with the latest data.

Lithuanian, as well as Latvian, contains quite a number of international words originating from Hungarian. These are mostly culinary terms or other names associated with Hungarian ethnic culture, for example, guliašas, tokajus, čardašas (Latvian gulašs, tokajietis, čardāšs), and so on. These loanwords—internationalisms—are discussed extensively by the Hungarian linguists Attila Hološas (Hollós 1998) and Silardas Tótas (Tóth 2003), and therefore are not examined in this article. Attention is devoted to the spread of words of Hungarian origin determined by the historical and cultural context of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 14th–17th centuries.

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According to the historical research of Raimonda Ragauskienė (Ragauskienė 2008; Ragauskas, Ragauskienė 2018), during the period in question Hungarians in Lithuania constituted a stable minority, ranking fifth or sixth in number among Westerners. They came to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania for political or economic reasons and because of intensive cultural and commercial ties, which became especially intensive during the rule of Steponas Batoras (Ragauskienė 2008: 29). Nevertheless, direct contact between Hungarian and Lithuanian can only be conjectured cautiously. Most of the lexemes examined in this article are also widespread in Polish and/or Belarusian (see Wołosz 1989, 1991–1992; Zoltán 2005); thus, they may have entered Lithuanian from those languages as well, or in parallel from both.

WORDS OF HUNGARIAN ORIGIN OR BORROWED THROUGH HUNGARIAN IN LITHUANIAN

The individual loanwords are discussed below in alphabetical order. Some are of Hungarian origin, with an indisputable Hungarian etymology. Others were borrowed from other languages through Hungarian. In such cases, Hungarian mediation is generally indicated by specific phonetic or—more often—semantic changes.

The phonetic–morphological variants and meanings of the lexemes are indicated on the basis of the electronic version (LKŽe) of the Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language. In cases where the etymology of a word is beyond doubt, the data from Lithuanian dictionaries are presented briefly, indicating the principal Lithuanian forms and meanings of the word, its borrowing route, and a more detailed source of description. Where possible, the date of the lexeme’s earliest known attestation in written sources is indicated (year, century). Only those etymologies that need to be supplemented with data from Hungarian, allowing an alternative etymological variant to be considered, are discussed in greater detail. A question mark is placed before words whose connection with Hungarian, although suggested by some authors, is doubtful.

aidùkas ‘a lord’s guardsman, servant’ < 1e. ajduk / hajduk 1564; 1. ‘a soldier in a Hungarian infantry unit’; 2. ‘a Hungarian policeman’; 3. ‘a robber’ < Hungarian hajdú, [pl.] hajdúk (the participial form of the verb hajt ‘to herd’; the original meaning in Hungarian

^¹ Besides R. Ragauskienė’s study, individual issues concerning the Hungarian role in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania have been discussed in Lithuanian and Polish historiography, for example, certain aspects of Hungarian participation in the Lithuanian Grand Duchy’s army, the influence of Hungarian fashions, the “Hungarian” period in the Birštonas district in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and the biographies of certain individuals, such as Steponas Batoras, Kasparas Bekešas, and the lutenist Valentinas Bakfarkas. See Ragauskienė 2008: 21 for more details.

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language was ‘herdsman’); eidukas ‘such an infantry-unit soldier, an artilleryman’. The word is also attested in comparisons, for example, Ein kaip eidukas, lek kaip aitvaras; ein kai eidukas (greitai), stov kai stiebas (Vosylуtė 1985: 68). Voiciechas Smočinskis sees here the meanings ‘devil, evil spirit’ (SEJLe: 9). In LKŽe the word is regarded as a borrowing of Slavic origin, whereas ALEW associates the form eidukas with the verb eiti (ALEW I: 260). The latter etymology is considered unreliable because parallels in Polish and Belarusian are disregarded; cf. Belarusian зайдук 1568, Russian Литовские зайдуки 1582, зейдук 1745, Ukrainian зайдук 1582. The common meanings of these words are: 1. ‘a hired soldier in the army of Steponas Batoras’; 2. ‘a hired soldier’; 3. ‘a servant dressed in a Hungarian uniform’. In Polish and Russian it also denotes a ‘robber’ (Hollós 1996: 24), in Russian ‘a tall person’, ‘an impudent, shameless person’, and ‘a restless animal’ (Аникин 2015: 321–323).

antālìkas ‘a small barrel for straining beer’ < Polish antalek < Hungarian ántalag < átalag, antalag ‘a barrel, wooden vessel; a 10–30, sometimes 75 litre barrel for wine’.

The word antalek ‘a small barrel for wine or beer’ has been attested in Polish since the 17th century and even earlier in surnames Jantulek 1608, Antalkowicz 1683 (Wołosz 1989: 226). South Belarusian антэлок ‘the same’ in 1583 is derived directly from Hungarian (Булыка 1980: 155), but because of phonetic discrepancies this form cannot be regarded as the source of the Lithuanian word (PŽ: 19; SEJLe: 37).

The word’s spread is associated with the intensive trade in Hungarian wine in Eastern Europe, while the change in meaning (the barrel’s purpose) indicates the term’s adaptation in Lithuanian.

? arendà ‘rent’ (also arenduoti ‘to rent’, arendõrius, arẽndorius ‘tenant’) < Old Polish arendà ‘rent’, arendować ‘to rent’, arendarz ‘tenant’ < Hungarian árenda ‘rent’ < Old French arender, arenter ‘to rent, lease’ < Latin arrendare ‘to rent’, renda, renta ‘rent’. In Lithuanian, the lexeme has been attested since 1600; it may also have been borrowed from East Slavic languages (where it entered from Polish), cf. Old Russian аренда, Belarusian арэнда ‘rent’, арэндарь ‘tenant’ in the 16th century (ALEW I: 54). In Andžejus Bankovskis’s opinion, this word was used and disseminated as a legal term in Hungary and later in Poland by the administration of the French-origin Anjou dynasty, which ruled Hungary from 1301 to 1399 and Poland from 1370 (BES I: 15).

? bardišius 1. ‘an axe with a long handle (a weapon of war)’ 1620; ‘a halberd’ 1870; 2. ‘a blunt tool (axe, knife, scythe)’; 3. ‘an object protruding where it should not (a stick or something else)’; 4. ‘a large person’; 5. ‘a poor animal’; bartišius ‘an axe with a long handle’ (LKŽe; ALEW I: 18), cf. Hungarian bárd ‘an axe with a long handle’.

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The word is attested with a similar meaning in Polish (bardysz ‘an axe with a long handle’), Russian (бáрдouш, бáрдouш ‘the same’), and Belarusian (бардouш, бaрдouш [бердouш] ‘the same’). Because of the position of the stress, the Lithuanian word is derived from East Slavic languages in ALEW and SEJLe (SEJLe: 116). PŽ regards it as a Polonism and associates it with Polish bardysz (berdysz) ‘a scythe-axe, an ancient weapon’, derived either from Latin barducium ‘a battle-axe’ < Greek βαρδούκιον ‘a club, sword’ < Proto-Slavic *bordy ‘axe’ < Germanic *barde ‘the same’, or from Hungarian bárd 1272 ‘axe’ < Old High German barta ‘axe, battle-axe’ (EWUng I: 82). Other authors likewise derive Polish bardysz (berdysz) from Hungarian (cf. BES I: 41; Stachowski 2002: 47). Unlike the aforementioned versions, Aleksandras Anikinas supports the etymological explanation of the Hungarian linguist Andrašas Zoltanas, who derives Polish bardysz (berdysz) from Russian бáрдыш <? Germanic barde and rejects the possibility of associating the word with Hungarian bárd (Аникин 2003: 107–108; Zoltán 1978)^²

bėkėšas ‘a warm outer winter garment, shorter than a cloak’ (LKŽe), cf. Hungarian bekecs / Bekes.

The name of the garment arose in Polish from the surname of Kasparas Bekėšas, an ally of Steponas Batoras (Hungarian Bekes arba Békés, Polish Kasper Bekiesz): bekieszka 1586 > bekiesza (for the derivational pattern, cf. Polish batorówka ‘a certain sabre; a certain cap’ from the surname Batoras, Polish węgierka ‘such a jacket’ from Węgier ‘Hungarian’). From Polish were borrowed Belarusian бекешка 1599, Russian бекéш 1789, бекéша, бекéшка 1854 (Аникин 2003: 56–57). Hungarian bekecs < bekes ‘a short outer garment’ is attested only from the 18th century; it was borrowed with this meaning from Polish (EWUng I: 92; Киš 1963: 48–52; Hollós 1996: 16–17; Bojtár 2015). Lithuanian bėkėšas may have been borrowed from Polish (Polish dialectal bekiesz; PŽ: 230) or from Belarusian. Since the stress position of the Lithuanian word coincides with that of Polish and Hungarian, rather than with the stressed forms of the East Slavic languages, this article leans toward deriving the word specifically from Polish. The stress position may have been determined by Hungarian influence (the Hungarian pronunciation of the surname Bekėšas—stress on the first syllable), but the emergence of the common noun from the proper noun is undoubtedly associated with Polish.

^² A. Zoltanas’s main arguments are as follows: 1. from the Old Hungarian form bárdos szerencze (literally: an axe with a bardash), regarded by some authors as the source of Polish bardysz, it is phonetically impossible to explain the replacement of the Hungarian adjectival suffix –os with Polish –ysz (cf. Hungarian Rák-os > Polish rok-osz, etc.); 2. Polish bardysz is attested much later (17th century) than Russian бáрдыш (15th century); moreover, in Polish the word denotes precisely a weapon used by soldiers of Muscovite Russia, which, incidentally, clearly differs in form and use from the light weapon denoted by Latin barducium < Greek βαρδούκιον (Zoltán 1978: 425–426). Consequently, borrowing in the direction Polish → Russian is impossible; the process proceeded in the opposite direction.

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čižmà ‘a men’s stocking’ < Polish cižma, czyžma ‘such a type of footwear, ankle boots’ < Hungarian csizma ‘a boot’ < Serbo-Croatian čižma ‘a shoe’ < Turkish çizme ‘a shoe’ (PŽ: 46).

derė̃sis ‘a horse with sorrel, roan, and white hair, a striped-coloured animal’; derė̃sas, derė̃sius ‘the same’ < Polish (dial.) deresz, dereś 1. ‘a roan horse’; 2. ‘a greying person’; 3. ‘a weak beverage (beer, mead, wine)’ < Hungarian deres 1. ‘a greying, grey-haired person’ 1291; 2. ‘a horse with sorrel, roan, and white hair’ 1591 (Wołosz 1989: 247–248; PŽ: 275; EWUng I: 254). Cf. also Belarusian дэрaш (Zoltán 2006: 500).

dalmõnas ‘pocket’, delmõnas 1. ‘pocket’; 2. ‘purse’, delmoninis ‘pocket’/‘pocket-sized’, delmõnpinigiai ‘pocket money’, delmõnuagis ‘pickpocket’ (LKŽe). Cf. also in 20th-century sources: su tuščiu delmonu parvažiuosi, esą jis pasiglemžęs „į delmoną“ prenumeratorių pinigus (DLKT).

The word is of Turkic origin, cf. dolama 14th century, dolaman 14th–16th centuries, dolman 1554–1555, doloman 1615 ‘a garment of Turkish soldiers, a wide cloak’ (Hollós 1996: 29). With this meaning it spread into many European languages, for example German Dolman around 1500, Doliman, English Dolyman 1585, Doliman 1872 ‘a women’s cloak/coat with wide sleeves’, Russian доломан 1658 ‘a long cloak, coat; a wide women’s garment’, Polish doloman 1543, dołman, dołaman ‘a women’s cloak/coat with wide sleeves’, Belarusian доломань 1516 ‘the same’. The meaning ‘a hussar jacket’ arose in Hungarian and is likewise attested in the aforementioned languages: English Doliman 1883, Russian долман 1741, Polish dołman, dołaman ‘a Hungarian jacket’, Belarusian доломань 1516 (Hollós 1996: 28–31; Wołosz: 248–249).

The Lithuanian word is derived from Polish dołman or Belarusian доломан (LKŽe; PŽ: 49), or from Russian долман, доломан (SEJLe: 241). Phonetically and morphologically, these etymologies are entirely acceptable, but the semantic discrepancy raises doubts.

Since Lithuanian delmonas / dalmonas is attested in sources (dictionaries) of Lithuania Minor and in the region’s dialects, it may have entered Lithuanian from German, and the semantic change may have occurred precisely in the dialects of Lithuania Minor. German influence is also shown by the aforementioned calques: delmõnpinigiai, cf. German Taschengeld, delmõnuagis, cf. German Taschendieb.

It is thought that ethnographic data make it possible to understand the semantic development: delmonas / dalmonas is a detail of women’s clothing in Lithuania Minor: a decorative (embroidered, beaded, often decorated with the owner’s initials) pocket tied to a belt. Estonian, Finnish, Norwegian, and Swedish women also wore a similar pocket; in these languages its name means ‘pocket’ or ‘small bag’ (Matulionienė 2015).

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Thus, the geographical distribution of this cultural object also makes it possible to associate the word more closely with German than with the Slavic languages.

In the Prussian service of the German language, Dolman is attested only as the name of a hussar jacket (PW: 1171). Hungarian light cavalry, hussar regiments served in the armies of various European states in the 16th–18th centuries, including Prussia. Hungarian hussars serving abroad always wore the distinctive ornate Hungarian uniform. An important detail of this uniform was a richly decorated pouch-pocket hanging from the belt, on which the initials of the regiment’s owner, and later those of the ruler, were initially embroidered (Báti Berkó: 26). The designs of this hussar pouch and the Lithuanian delmono are very similar. Therefore, although the fashion of wearing a pocket tied to a belt was widespread throughout Europe, including the Baltic region, the Lithuanian name of this pocket may, it is thought, be associated with the hussar uniform. Hussars wore their “pocket” together with a special hussar jacket—dalmonu (Hungarian dolmány, German Dolman); therefore, because of the constant use of both realities together, the name of the jacket could have been transferred to the pocket.

germkas ‘arms-bearer’ < Polish giermek 1500 ‘the same’ < Hungarian gyermek ‘child’ (ALEWI I: 315; PŽ: 310). The word was also borrowed with the meaning ‘arms-bearer’ into Belarusian: kıepмекъ 1567, kıepмокъ from the beginning of the 17th century (Wołosz 1989: 254). In Lithuanian it is attested only in 16th–17th-century writings (Bezzenberger 1877: 284; LKŽe).

eidukas see aidūkas

? kabõtas ‘such a garment’; kóbоtas ‘a sleeveless, warm women’s garment, waistcoat’. In LKŽe this word is illustrated by data from 18th-century dictionaries of Lithuania Minor and 17th–19th-century writings and is classified as a Polonism. It is also regarded as a Polonism in PŽ; cf. Polish kabat 15th century 1. ‘men’s and women’s outer garment, smock’; 2. ‘straitjacket’; 3. ‘a shirt in which those sentenced to be burned at the stake were dressed’; 4. ‘a soldier’s smock’; etc.; Lithuanian kabačikas 1. ‘a sleeveless garment’; 2. ‘a worn-out, no-longer-new, shabby skirt’ < Polish dialectal kabacik / kabačík ‘a smock; women’s blouse; women’s bodice’ (PŽ: 83). Regarding the origin of the Polish word, PŽ indicates three possible etymologies, including a Hungarian one: Hungarian kabát ‘cloak; jacket; short jacket; short women’s outer jacket’. However, the word is attested in Hungarian only from 1751 (EWUng I: 654), whereas the first attestation of the Lithuanian word is dated to 1747 in Pilypas Ruigys’s dictionary (Ruhig 1747). Therefore, the possibility that the Hungarian word was the source of Polish kabat → Lithuanian kabotas appears unlikely. Hungarian kabát is derived by Hungarian etymologists from one of the West Slavic languages, probably Slovak, kabát ‘cloak, smock, jacket’. Thus, two etymologies proposed by PŽ remain unrejected:

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1. Old Czech kabát ‘a short cloak reaching to the waist; such a soldier’s garment; jacket’ < Bulgarian кавад, кава́м ‘an ancient women’s garment; a sleeveless cloak, etc.’ < Greek χαβάδιον ‘men’s garment’ < Persian qabāh ‘outer garment, cloak’ and 2. Old Italian cap[p]a ‘a cloak with a hood’, capatus ‘wearing a cloak’ (PŽ: 338).

kantaras, kantaris ‘bridle, bit; rein’. In Lithuanian, some etymologists regard it as a Polonism (LKŽe): Polish kantar 1607 < Hungarian kantár 1571 < Turkish kantar (LKŽe; Wołosz 1989: 263). Since this term is widespread in many languages, the source of the Lithuanian word could also have been Belarusian кантар 1616 (Hollós 1996: 35). PŽ does not discuss this word as a Polonism, which indirectly confirms a Belarusian etymology.

karbačius, karbõčius, karvočius ‘such a whip, a knout’ < Polish (dial.) karbacz, Polish korba-cz ‘whip’ < Hungarian korbács ‘the same’ < Serbo-Croatian kòrbăč ‘the same’ < Ottoman kırbaç ‘the same’ (LKŽe; PŽ: 359; EWUng II: 796). Robertas Vološas (Wołosz 1991–1992: 270) and Wojciechas Smočinskis do not consider mediation by Hungarian necessary. The Polish linguist derives the Lithuanian word from Old Belarusian карбачу < Ottoman kirbaç (SEJLė: 574). Nevertheless, the fact that the borrowing is attested only in German–Lithuanian dictionaries of Lithuania Minor and in folklore more strongly confirms a Polish etymology (with possible mediation by German, cf. dialectal Prussian German Karbatsch (ALEW I: 453)).

karvažās, karvãšis, karvožius ‘a turned-back cuff’ < Polish karwasz 1641 1. ‘a sheet-metal bracelet’; 2. ‘cuff’ < Hungarian karvas 1539 ‘a sheet-metal bracelet’ (PŽ: 364), cf. kar ‘hand’ and vas ‘iron’. The meaning referring to a part of clothing arose in Polish. The original meaning is attested neither in Lithuanian nor in Belarusian; cf. Belarusian карваш 1689 ‘cuff’ (HSBM 14: 284; Zoltán 2006: 499).

? kašãrai (pl.) ‘residential buildings for manor workers, a farmhands’ settlement’ < Polish koszara, koszar, koszary (pl.) 1. ‘an enclosure for grazing sheep in the forest’; 2. ‘prison’; 3. ‘barracks’ (< Romanian cășărie ‘sheepfold; cheese dairy’ ←? Hungarian kosár ‘pen; sheepfold’; kašãrinis ‘farmhand’ (PŽ: 365). Hungarian etymologists maintain that Hungarian kosár 1313 ‘an enclosure where sheep are grazed’ is a Vlach shepherds’ sheep-breeding term widespread in many languages, which may have entered Hungarian from Romanian, but may also have entered it independently from Slovak and Ukrainian (EWUng II: 805). R. Vološas believes it may have been borrowed into Polish either from Hungarian or from Romanian (Wołosz 1989: 271–272). The origin of the Lithuanian word’s semantics remains unclear, since it is attested in none of the aforementioned languages, but is undoubtedly closest to the Polish meanings ‘prison’ and ‘barracks’, from which it could have developed; however, there is insufficient data to substantiate this assumption.

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katánka ‘a short outer garment’, katénka ‘a waistcoat with ruffles, pleats at the back’ (LKŽe). The form katánka is usually derived in the literature from Polish (dial.?) katanka ‘a short garment, jacket, homespun coat, greatcoat’. Russian каманка ‘the same’ 1664 and Belarusian каманка 1602 also derive from this word. Thus katénka may have arisen as a secondary form in Lithuanian (Smočinskis thinks otherwise: Lithuanian katénka < Belarusian dialectal katánka < Polish katanka < katana (SEJLe: 594)).

Because the sememe ‘garment’ is absent from the semantics, PŽ rejects a connection between Polish katanka and Hungarian katona ‘soldier’ (< Italian cattano ‘castle owner, petty vassal’ (EWUng I: 712)) and proposes associating the word with Italian catana ‘hunter’s jacket’ (PŽ: 368–369). However, the garment meaning could have arisen in Polish (Hollós 1996: 34); cf. Polish katona already in 1562 katan(a) ‘soldier’ in the 16th century (< Hungarian katana ‘an armed servant of a soldier; armed mounted man’ 1273), in which such a derivational model (the name of a garment from a personal noun with the suffix –ka) is highly productive, cf. bekieszka ‘such a jacket’ < surname Bekiesz, batorówka ‘a certain cap’ < surname Batory, marynarka ‘such a jacket’ < marynarz ‘sailor’. Therefore, semantics actually makes it possible to associate the Lithuanian word with Hungarian katona.

? kiepas ‘a simpleton, dolt’. PŽ posits a Hungarian etymology for this word, with borrowing through Polish: Polish dialectal kiep 1. ‘a simpleton’; 2. ‘hymen, cunnus; clitoris’; 3. ‘(joc.) a woman’; 4. ‘a fool, oaf, failure’ (< Hungarian kép ‘image; face, appearance’); cf. also Belarusian ken(ъ), Old Belarusian kenъ 1. ‘a fool’; 2. ‘a defeat when playing cards’ (PŽ: 375–376); the meaning ‘fool’ is also attested for the word in Ukrainian (ESUM II: 423).

Thus, the meaning ‘fool, simpleton’ coincides in Lithuanian, Polish, Belarusian, and Ukrainian, but their connection with Hungarian kép remains unclear. Polish etymological dictionaries provide more data: kiep 1. ‘fool’; 2. obs. ‘cunnus’ (Linde II: 994; SJP VIII: 665) and kiep 1. ‘fool’; 2. ‘penis’ 15th c. (Brückner 1927: 228). Aleksander Brückner derives the word kiep from the earlier roz-kiep or roz-skiep, and relates these forms to Polish oszczep ‘spear’, Old Russian ocкенъ ‘the same’. In the author’s opinion, it is precisely this etymology that makes it possible to explain the difference in the semantics of the lexemes in Hungarian and the other languages. Hungarian etymological dictionaries record two homonymous words: the Turkic-origin kép (1) 1138 ‘image, face, appearance’ and kép (2) ‘such a spear’, attested as early as 1138 but used only until the 16th century. The etymology of the second word is unclear. EWUng mentions the possible Slavic origin of the word and, thus, its connection with Hungarian kopja ‘spear’. The authors of EWUng admit that this etymology is not substantiated, although they do not rule out the possibility that kép (2) could have arisen in Hungarian as a phonetic variant of the Slavic-origin kopja ‘spear’ (EWUng II: 730–731). Regardless of this etymology, it is believed that Lithuanian kiepą can be derived from the Hungarian obsolete kép (2) ‘spear’

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(with possible semantic changes in Polish, penis → fool), rather than from kėp (1) ‘image, etc.’.

kóčas ‘a certain type of carriage, phaeton’ < Polish kocz ‘covered carriage, phaeton, etc.’ (< Hungarian kocsi ‘carriage’ ← toponymic Hungarian Kocs ‘a locality in Hungary where various carriages were manufactured’ (LKŽe; PŽ: 381; Kregždys 2018: 279).

? kuñtušas 1. ‘(obs.) a certain feudal garment of Lithuanian and Polish nobles (knee-length)’; 2. (usually pl.) ‘hair, a horse’s mane’; 3. ‘rag’. Hungarian kön̄tös 1372 ‘(women’s) outer garment; men’s coat, often lined with fur; housecoat’ is explained either as a derivative of German dialectal Gewand (kwent > kent + -es), or as deriving from Greek κάνδυς ‘a Persian outer garment with sleeves’, which was borrowed into Hungarian through Turkish kontoç (EWUng II: 816). The word could have entered Lithuanian by various borrowing routes: from Polish kuntusz / kontusz ‘housecoat, an old Polish and Ukrainian national garment’ from the mid-17th century (LKŽe; PŽ: 401–402) and/or Belarusian кунтуш ‘the same’ 1661 (LKŽe; SEJLe: 739). Interestingly, the word is also attested in the Latgalian dialect of Latvian: kuntuži (pl.) ‘worn-out clothes’, kuntušs (sg.) ‘a long men’s outer garment, housecoat, an old Polish and Ukrainian national garment’ < Polish kontusz / kuntusz or Belarusian конту́ш / кунтуш (Tóth 2016).

magerka ‘such a cap’ < Polish magierka 1621 ‘the same’ < Hungarian magyar ‘Hungarian, a Hungarian’; from Polish magierka also Belarusian макгерка, магерка 1577 ‘the same’, Russian мазирки литовския 1618 ‘the same’ (Hollós 1996: 52).

? mentas Hungarian mente 1543 ‘short fur-lined jacket’ is of unclear etymology and is associated with German Mantel, Middle High German mentelin, Italian mantello, South Slavic mén̄ten; Russian ментеня and others ‘(sleeveless, short) cloak’ (EWUng II: 961). This word, as a term for the short jacket of Hungarian hussars, came from Hungarian, cf., for example, Polish mętliczek 1584, mentyk, Slovak menteka 1564, mentyke 1690, Russian ментук 1806 (Hollós 1996: 47). The Hungarian linguist Attila Hollós, unfortunately without indicating the source, also mentions Lithuanian méntikas (Hollós 1996: 47). It was not possible to find such a lexeme in Lithuanian dictionaries.

It should be mentioned that some etymological literature also associates with Hungarian mente the Russian slang word мент ‘police officer’ 1989, which was borrowed from Polish slang mente ‘soldier’ (Aleksandr Moldovan summarizes this and other possible etymologies of Russian мент (Молдовáн 2011)). Although, according to A. Hollós, the etymology of Polish mente ‘soldier’ is doubtful (Hollós 1996: 46), it is obvious that the Lithuanian

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slang word mentas ‘police officer’^³ is the equivalent of Russian мемт, thus, if the latter is confirmed to be a word of Hungarian origin, then this Lithuanian word is also of Hungarian origin.

palōšius ‘sword’ < Polish pałasz ‘a certain sword, executioner’s sword’ (< German Pallasch ‘the same’ < Hungarian pallos ‘double-edged sword, broad-bladed sword; executioner’s sword’ < Turkish pala ‘curved Oriental sword’ (PŽ: 487). The form with the derivational suffix –s was formed precisely in Hungarian; it is attested from 1575 (EWUng II: 1104).

palsiōtas, palsōtas ‘stick, club’ < Polish palcat ‘switch, stick, club, etc.’ < Hungarian pálca, or rather from the accusative form pálcát). The possibility of borrowing from Polish palcat < Czech palcát < Hungarian pálca, pálcát (Wołosz 1989: 287; PŽ: 488) cannot be ruled out either. The spread of the accusative form is explained by the fact that the word was more widely used in legal texts and regulations concerning military matters as the name of a certain form of punishment (from 1683 (EWUng II: 1102)); cf., for example, Polish harum palcat ‘[to receive] three palsiōtas, i.e. beating three times’ < Hungarian három pálcát; in this case, the entire phrase (with the numeral) was borrowed as a term (Wołosz 1989: 287). Therefore, V. Smoczyński’s etymology, according to which the Lithuanian word is derived from Belarusian dialectal nałynam without reference to the Hungarian accusative form with –t (SEJL: 1045), appears insufficiently substantiated.

rokošas ‘a certain assembly of nobles, conference; a noble uprising against the king (16th–18th c.)’ < Polish rokosz 1537 ‘the same’ (LKŽe) < Hungarian Rákos, Rákosmező (a locality in present-day Hungary near the Rákos River, where the Hungarian diets assembled in the 13th–16th centuries (Hollós 1996: 54).

? šaldrà, šaldra 1. ‘frivolous person, scatterbrain’; 2. ‘vagabond, wanderer’; 3. ‘one who squanders wealth, spendthrift’; šaldras 1. ‘frivolous person, scatterbrain’; 2. ‘vagabond, wanderer’; šaldrökas, –ė ‘frivolous person, scatterbrain’; šaldravōtas, –a ‘frivolous, scatterbrained’; šaldravōti, –ōja, –ōjo; 1. ‘to behave frivolously, unseriously, to be a šaldra’; 2. ‘to squander, waste’; 3. ‘to frolic’ < Polish szoldra (dial. soldra); 1. ‘ham, lean bacon’; 2. ‘buttocks’; 3. ‘criminal’; 4. ‘German’; 5. ‘good-for-nothing, scoundrel, reprobate’. R. Kregždys interprets Polish szoldra as a morphophonological contamination of Hungarian sódar ‘ham’ and German Schulter ‘shoulder; ham’ (PŽ: 159). Hungarian sódar 1422 is an old loanword from Middle High German scholder ‘shoulder; ham’ (EWUng II: 1341). In the author’s opinion, Polish szoldra could have been borrowed directly from German, without Hungarian influence, especially since it is attested in Polish earlier than in Hungarian, as early as the 14th century (Brückner 1927: 551).

^³ Cf. Jaunimo žodynas. Available online: http://zodynas.kriu.lt/ [accessed 2020–01-27].

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The figurative meanings of this word used to describe a person or their behavior may be metonymic (ham / pig, cf. pogardliuve o człowieku „świnia“ (SJP VIII: 1192); przezwisko Niemców od 17 wieku (Brückner 1927: 551)).

šãtra, šėtrà 1. ‘tent’; 2. ‘home, shelter, roof’; 3. ‘a wind screen over a fire in a boat’. The word is attested in various Slavic languages, cf. Belarusian шапер, шапровый; Polish szater, szatra, szatr, szatro 1582; Old Russian шатъръ 12th c. In Hungarian it is considered an old loanword from a Turkic language, cf. Old Turkic čatyr ‘tent, screen’. Since the Russian data are recorded very early, some etymologists maintain that the word was borrowed directly into Russian from the Turkic languages. However, as demonstrated by the Hungarian linguists János Melich and István Kniezsa, the word’s phonetic changes (č > š, y > b) cannot be explained by the phonetic processes of the Slavic languages. Such changes could have occurred precisely in Hungarian, from which the word was later borrowed into Russian (EWUng II: 1310; Hollós 1996: 69). Similarly, Lithuanian šãtras, šãtrą, šėtrą, regardless of whether it is a loanword from Polish, East Slavic, or Old Belarusian (ALEW: 1180; SEJLe: 1566), must also be associated with Hungarian sátor as an intermediate source of borrowing. Otherwise, PŽ: here Polish szatra is derived directly from Tatar чадра ‘screen’, uamblp ‘tent’ < Persian chādar ‘tent’ (PŽ: 160).

šėras 1. ‘row’; 2. ‘a stack of grain’; 3. ‘strip of land’ <? Lithuanian šėregas < Polish szereg ‘a row of people, objects; group’ < Hungarian sereg ‘group of soldiers, army, crowd’ < Old Turkic čerig ‘[arrayed] army’ (PŽ: 611; SEJLe: 1559; KEWT: 111). In Lithuanian, the word completely lost its specific meaning associated with military terminology, while the new meanings denote things and objects having a similar (row-like) form.

šerengà, šeréngą, šėrengà, šarangà, šarànga 1. ‘row (usually of people)’; 2. ‘beating while driving someone through a passage formed by two lines of people’; 3. ‘a place through which one is fed, beaten, the buttocks, posterior’ (LKŽe) < Russian шерéнга ‘row (of people, soldiers)’ (PŽ: 611; SEJLe: 1559) < Polish szereg ‘row (of people, soldiers)’ < Hungarian sereg ‘group of soldiers, army, crowd’ < Old Turkic čerig ‘[arrayed] army’ (Hollós 1996: 70; KEWT: 111).

šõblė 1. ‘sword, sabre’; 2. ‘the upper movable part of a flail’; 3. ‘a pestle’; šoblìa ‘sword, sabre’; šõblis, šoblỹs ‘the same’ < Polish szabla ‘curved-bladed sword, etc.’ < Hungarian szablya from the 14th century ‘curved sword’ < Turkic (Kipchak) selebe ‘curved sword’. The word is also attested in Belarusian, so Belarusian шабля ‘sword’ could likewise have been the source of the Lithuanian words (PŽ: 626; Stachowski 2002: 50; SEJLe: 1613; EWUng II: 1379).

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tāboras, tāborius 1. ‘field camp (usually of nomads, an army, etc.)’; 2. ‘a group of nomadic Roma families; their camp, encampment’ < Polish tabor 1424 1. ‘camp of Cossack encampments’; 2. ‘campsite’; 3. ‘military artillery’; 4. ‘animal enclosure’; 5. ‘tent’; 6. ‘group of people’; 7. ‘herd of animals’ < Hungarian tábor 1383 ‘group of soldiers’ 1519 ‘army camp’ < Turkic *tabur ‘group of soldiers’ (EWUng II: 1468). R. Kregždys assumes Czech mediation (Old Czech tábor ‘campsite; camp’ (PŽ: 641)). This hypothesis is widespread in the etymological literature; the word is believed to be of toponymic origin and associated with the Hussite campsite named after biblical Mount Tabor. This latter etymology is nevertheless contradicted by the very early attestation of the word in Polish or even its earlier recording in Hungarian (as early as the end of the 14th century, and as an appellative as early as 1223? Thabor (Hollós 1996: 58; Stachowski 2002: 50)).

CONCLUSIONS

The lexemes examined show that most words of Hungarian origin or borrowed through Hungarian in Lithuanian belong to military terminology. These are names of various weapons or parts and details of clothing characteristic of Hungarian hussars. A smaller, but also clearly defined, group consists of names of goods and products transported from the former Kingdom of Hungary (i.e. from present-day Hungary and the southern part of present-day Slovakia, which also belonged to it) to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In this way, the borrowed lexicon reflects the nature of relations between Lithuania and Hungary in the 15th–17th centuries

The borrowed military terminology is characterized by semantic changes, i.e. the emergence of new, metaphorical meanings (for example, bardišius ‘axe, bayonet’ → ‘large man’, kuntušas ‘a certain outer garment’ → ‘hair, a horse’s mane’). These new meanings could already have emerged in the intermediary Polish language transmitting the word, but there were also cases in which they were recorded only in Lithuanian dialects. In such cases, the semantic change means extending a narrow, specialized meaning to denote everyday realities (for example, karvašas: ‘a sheet-metal bracelet’ → ‘cuff’, katanka ‘a soldier’s outer garment’ → ‘a certain jacket’, šoblė ‘sword’ → ‘pestle’). One lexeme displays clear “semantic adaptation”: the word antalikas ‘a certain barrel’, in which wine is stored in Hungary, but beer in Lithuania.

Most loanwords entered Lithuanian through Polish; fewer are associated with lexemes used in Lithuania Minor and with German influence.

The latest historical research, revealing the scale and circumstances of the presence of Hungarians in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, makes it possible, at least in some cases, to advance a hypothesis about direct Hungarian influence (cf., for example, the stress on the first syllable in the word bėkėsas). However, proving such influence appears particularly difficult, because the phonetic adaptation of Hungarian

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lexemes should theoretically entail the emergence of forms identical to those in the Slavic languages (for example, the replacement of Hungarian labial [b] with the vowel [o], cf. karuas: karvošius).

In conclusion, it should be noted that the words found and analyzed in Lithuanian and associated with the extent of Hungarian influence in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (cf. rare exceptions, for example, husaras, eidukas, taboras) are very rarely or no longer used in present-day Lithuanian, while the sources of the data presented are the lexicon of individual dialects or obsolete historical terminology.

ABBREVIATIONS

English – English language; Belarusian – Belarusian language; dialectal – dialectal word; Germanic – Germanic languages; Greek – Greek language; Czech – Czech language; Kipchak – Turkic Kipchak language; Croatian – Croatian language; Latvian – Latvian language; Polish – Polish language; Lithuanian – Lithuanian language; Latin – Latin language; Ottoman Turkish – Ottoman Turkish language; South Slavic – South Slavic languages; plural – plural form; French – French language; Russian – Russian language; Old – ancient/old; Slovak – Slovak language; Slovenian – Slovenian language; Serbian – Serbian language; Turkic – Turkic languages; toponym – toponym; Tatar – Tatar; Turkish – Turkish language; Ukrainian – Ukrainian language; East Prussian German dialect – East Prussian German dialect

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Hungarian – Hungarian language; German – German language; Middle High German – Middle High German language

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Some Potential Borrowings from Hungarian into Lithuanian

SUMMARY

Most of the Lithuanian lexemes of Hungarian origin analyzed in this paper, belong to military terminology, are the names of different weapons or tools used by Hungarian hussars or parts of their uniform. A smaller amount of the borrowed words refer to products imported from the former Kingdom of Hungary (which means also the southern territories of contemporary Slovakia) into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. So, these borrowings reflect the character of the historical and cultural contacts between Lithuania and Hungary in the 15–17th centuries.

It is characteristic, especially for the borrowed military terminology, that in Lithuanian, or in many cases already in Polish, they have undergone a more or less significant semantic change, developing new, metaphoric meanings (e.g. bardišius ‘halberd’ → ‘tall person’, kuntušas ‘caftan; jacket’ → ‘disheveled hair, mane’). This semantic change means the shift from a specific military term to a word belonging to the common everyday lexicon (e.g. karvušas: ‘armor’ → ‘cuff’, katanka ‘soldiers’ coat’ → ‘kind of coat’, šoblė ‘saber’ → ‘scutching sword’). A clear adaptation of semantics to the local reality shows the word antalikas ‘kind of barrel’, used in Hungary for wine, but in Lithuania for beer.

Most of the analyzed lexemes were borrowed into Lithuanian through Polish. Only in a few cases, where the word is registered in Eastern Prussia, the influence of German can be taken into consideration.

The latest research of Lithuanian historians (Ragauskienė 2008; Ragauskas, Ragauskienė 2018) regarding the role of Hungarians in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, allow us to rise a hypothesis about the direct influence of the Hungarian language (e.g. the accented first syllab in bėkešas). However, it seems to be impossible to prove this influence, as the phonetic adaptation of Hungarian words would theoretically give the same Lithuanian forms as words borrowed from Slavic languages (e.g. replacing Hungarian labial [b] with [o], see karvušas: karvošius).

Finally, it has to be emphasised that lexemes of Hungarian origin (with rare exceptions like husaras, eidukas, taboras) are extremely rarely or even no longer used and known in contemporary Standard Lithuanian. They rather belong to dialectal lexicon or historical terminology.

Įteikta 2020 m. birželio 10 d.

ARANKA LACZHÁZI

Lorando Eötvösö universitetas Filologijos fakultetas Múzeum körút 4/D, H-1088 Budapeštas, Vengrija [email protected]

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