LIETUVIŲ TERMINOLOGIJA

LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA

Ю. ЛАУЧЮТЕ

WOODWORKING TERMINOLOGY

(BORROWINGS FROM THE BALTIC LANGUAGES INTO THE SLAVIC LANGUAGES)

In ancient times, craftsmanship, alongside agriculture and animal husbandry, was one of humanity’s most important occupations. The culture and standard of living of tribes and peoples before the era of written records can be judged on the basis of archaeological, ethnographic, and linguistic evidence. Needless to say, this applies above all to facts of material culture, and for the latter the level of development of crafts is highly significant. As for archaeology and ethnography, the importance of these sciences for reconstructing the history of crafts is obvious. Linguistics, too, can make its contribution here, particularly through the study of craft terminology.

Linguistic research into craft terminology is equally important for the history of language and for the history of a people. First, this vocabulary, which generally goes back to a sufficiently ancient period, offers exceptionally rich material from both phonetic and word-formation perspectives. It is also of interest for its semantic connections and changes. Second, craft vocabulary is usually interesting from an etymological perspective as well. The origins of particular words attest to the original kinship of two or more languages, to the distinctive character of the culture associated with a given craft, and, finally, to contacts between tribes and peoples, reflected in language in the form of borrowed words or shared innovations.

Linguistic evidence is especially important in the field of woodworking vocabulary, since this vocabulary is generally more archaic than that of other crafts. Furthermore, unlike pottery or blacksmithing, the archaeological evidence in this field is, for well-known reasons, extremely sparse.

Certain features of both ancient and later language contacts in the Balto-Slavic area are particularly striking in vocabulary relating to woodworking. The aim of this study is to identify the part of the woodworking vocabulary that was borrowed by the Slavs from the Baltic languages¹. The geographical distribution of the borrowings and the time of borrowing (if the word

¹ Borrowings from the Slavic languages into the Baltic languages have been studied in considerable detail (although not always convincingly) in the works of A. Brückner, P. Skardžius, V. I. Kostelnicki, and others.

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(attested in written monuments), the origin of the borrowed word in the Baltic languages themselves (the possibility of Baltic mediation in borrowing into the Slavic languages is taken into account).

The sources used to identify Balticisms included dictionaries (explanatory, dialectal, and etymological) of Russian, Belarusian, Ukrainian, Polish, and Lithuanian, K. Jablonskis’s monograph², A. A. Verzhbovsky’s dissertation³, as well as numerous articles and studies on Slavic lexicology and ethnography⁴.

The following discussion concerns vocabulary related to the primary processing of wood (preparing raw materials, carpentry, people engaged in wood processing, tools, etc.), as well as names for products of the woodworking craft (household items, construction, means of transport, etc.).

I. TERMS RELATED TO THE PRIMARY PROCESSING OF WOOD

Raw materials and their preparation

Polish: waszować ‘to haul a log out of the water during timber rafting’ (SJP). Cf. Belarusian: вашчаваць ‘to tear into pieces; to rip’—Volkovysk, Svislach, Grodno (Rozwadowski); вашчаваць, ваўчаваць ‘to work hard’—Dyatlovo; ‘to lift, turn over, carry something heavy’—Mosty district (Arashonkava).—Lithuanian važoti ‘to rip, tug (with a hook)’, related to važãs ‘hook’. Rozwadowski 19; Urbutis 52.

Polish: g’enać ‘to prune branches’—Białystok region (Kudzinowski).—Lithuanian genėti ‘to prune branches’. Kudzinowski 223.

Polish: dziegieć ‘tar’. Belarusian: дзёгаць. Russian: дёготь. Ukrainian: деготь, діготь, дьоготь. Old Czech: dehet. Slovak: deht.—Lithuanian degùtas ‘tar’, cf. Latvian deģuts, deģuots, same meaning, related to Lithuanian dègti ‘to burn’ (= Latvian degt). Vasmer I, 493; KESRYA 122; Sabaliauskas 85; Nepokupny M 6,33; Urbutis 55, etc. Sometimes these are considered cognate formations (Trautmann 49, Brückner 109, etc.), but this view has not gained acceptance.

Russian: (об)жергать ‘to strip leaves from branches’—Lithuanian SSR (Skuratov).—Lithuanian žerti ‘to scatter, rake (leaves), gather by raking’. The г- sound in the Russian word may have arisen by analogy with another Balticism, (об)жергнуть ‘to step over’ (←Lithuanian žergti ‘to spread one’s legs; to mount’).

Polish: attested in written sources from 1590, mawkna, mowkna, takna ‘bast, inner bark’. Belarusian: attested in written sources from 1590, мавкня, мовкна, same meaning.—Lithuanian táukna ‘thick tree bark; bast’. Jablonskis 128.

² K. Jablonskis, Lithuanian Words in the Written Language of the Old Lithuanian Chanceries, Part I, Kaunas, 1941. Abbreviated: Jablonskis.

³ A. A. Vyazhboŭski, Belarusian-Lithuanian Lexical Interrelations, Candidate dissertation, Minsk, 1960. Abbreviated: Verzhbovsky.

⁴ See the list of abbreviations at the end of the article.

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Polish: plesyś ‘to tear, strip (bark)’ — Białystok region (Kudzinowski). — Lithuanian plēšuti, iterative of plēšti ‘to tear, rend’. Kudzinowski 224.

Polish: szakal, szakalik, szakaluк ‘a small chip; a piece of finely split firewood’ — Vilnius and Sejny regions (SPG, Turska, Zdancewicz); šakal ‘a log’ — Białystok region (Kudzinowski). Belarusian: шакалі ‘wood chips’ — Voronovo region (Cyhun). Russian: шакали ‘dry tree branches, sticks’ — Lithuanian SSR (Nemchenko). In Russian and Belarusian dialects this word is more widespread with the meaning ‘husk; bran’. — In the meaning ‘chip, stick’, the word under investigation is borrowed directly from Lithuanian šakalys, plural šakaliai ‘splinter; wood chips’ (compare Latvian = лтш. sakali). Otrębski JP 83; Zdancewicz LP 349 et al.

Polish: šlokšni ‘long strips from willow branches used for basket weaving’ — Sejny region (Zdancewicz). — Lithuanian slúoksna ‘fiber, ribbon’; slúoksnis ‘layer, sheet’. Zdancewicz LP 349.

Polish: šypul ‘an elongated piece of split wood; a stick; a chip’ — Sejny region (Zdancewicz). Belarusian: шыпу́ль ‘a thin wood chip’ — Zelva region (Stetsko); шыпулька ‘a chip; a needle’ (Vidugiris). — Lithuanian šipulys ‘a chip, a stick’. Zdancewicz LP 50; Vidugiris, 237.

Woodworking tools

Polish: attested in written records from 1563 wediga ‘an axe for making troughs’. Belarusian: attested in written records from 1633 ведека, same meaning. — Lithuanian vedega, same meaning. Jablonskis 249.

Belarusian: attested in written records from 1590 кошшена ‘a woodworking tool’. — Lithuanian kaišena ‘a curved gouge, a carving tool for making troughs, etc.’, from kaišti ‘to scrape’. Jablonskis 295.

Polish: skaptuk ‘a knife for making wooden spoons’ — Sejny region (Zdancewicz). — Lithuanian skaptūkas, diminutive of skāptas ‘gouge, carving tool’. — Zdancewicz LP 348.

Polish: sklut, sklud, Schlud ‘axe, hatchet’ — dialectal (SJP). Attested in written records from 1614: skliut, skliud, szklut (Jablonskis). Belarusian: склюд ‘hatchet’ — literary (BRS); скялот ‘adze’ — northwestern (Grinblat), ‘large axe for working wood’ — Vitebsk region (Kasp.); шклюд ‘hatchet’ — Glusk region (Yank.); шклюот same meaning — southern (Matsk.). Attested in written records from 1599: склют, склут (Jablonskis). Russian: склют ‘a carpenter’s tool; an adze’ — Pskov region (KPOS); склюд ‘a broad axe for shaping wood’ (KSRNG). Ukrainian: шклюд ‘a large axe for hewing wood’ — Zhytomyr and Kyiv regions (Lysenko, Nepokupny). Attested in written records from 1552: склют (Nepokupny). — Lithuanian skliūtas, skliuta ‘hatchet, adze’, compare Latvian slute, šļute ‘a type of axe’. Fraenkel 811; Wierzbowski 700—702; Nepokupny M b, 36; Nepokupny 34; Urbutis 152—153 et al. J. Karłowicz was wrong to regard the Lithuanian word as borrowed from the Slavic languages (O języku, 150).

Polish: attested in written records skult ‘a carpenter’s tool’ (Jablonskis, II). Belarusian: attested in written records скулт, same meaning (Jablonskis, II). — Lithuanian skūltas, same meaning (cited from the manuscript of A. Wierzbowski’s dissertation).

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Names for persons engaged in carpentry

Polish: in written monuments from 1561: dojlid, dojlida “woodworker; carpenter” (Jablonskis). Old Belarusian: dojļid “architect” — obsolete (BRS); “carpenter” — rare (N). In written monuments from 1450: daulida, doulid, do(u)lida (Jablonskis); dovlidə (Kornitz). Ukrainian: in written monuments дойлидъ (Nepokupny). — Lithuanian dailidē “builder, carpenter.” Fraenkel 79; Vasmer I, 522; Verzhbovskij 242—247; Sabaliauskas 85; Urbutis 56; Nepokupny 30 et al.

Polish: in written monuments skultodojlida “carpenter who works with a skult” (Jablonskis, II). Old Belarusian: in written monuments скултодойлида same meaning (Jablonskis, II). See the words скулт and дойлидо(а).

Polish: in written monuments ratodaila “cartwright, wheelwright” (Jablonskis, II). Old Belarusian: in written monuments ратодашла same meaning (Jablonskis, II). Lithuanian ratadāila “wheelwright; wheelwright’s workbench” (cited from the manuscript of A. Verzhbovskij’s dissertation).

In view of the new etymology proposed by Yu. V. Otkupshchikov, the following presumed Balticism may also be included in this group of words:

Old Russian: *ремесь, ремесъ (→ Russian, Belarusian, Ukrainian ремество, Russian, Ukrainian ремесло, cf. Polish rzemieslo, Czech řemeslo, etc.). — Lithuanian remēsas “craftsman,” Latvian remesis “carpenter.” Otkupshchikov, Iz istorii, 123—128.

II. PRODUCTS OF THE WOODWORKING CRAFT

Household objects

Polish: in written monuments from 1650 werpel’, werpelia “small beer barrel.” — Lithuanian verpelė “small barrel.” Jablonskis 290.

Polish: in written monuments from 1563 undera, wądera, wondera, wundera “barrel for storing grain.” Old Belarusian: in written monuments from 1592 вондера, вундера same meaning. — Lithuanian underė “small barrel.” Jablonskis 267.

Polish: žlukta, žlukto “a tub on legs for soaking and steaming laundry” — dialectal (SJP); Augustów, Vilnius, Chełm (SGP, Otrębski): žłokło “small barrel” — Lithuania (SGP); žlukt, žluktas, zlukta, zlukto “a tub on legs for washing laundry” — Białystok, Sejny (Zdancewicz). In written monuments from 1617: žlukt, žlukta, žlukto, žlokto, žlókto, zlukт, zlukta, zlukto (Jablonskis). Old Belarusian: жлукта “tub for steeping laundry” — literary (BRS). In written monuments from 1600: (for) жлукчен’я (Jablonskis). Russian: жлук, жлукта, жлукто “tub for washing laundry” (D), Smolensk (Dobr.); “vessel for steaming laundry” — Bryansk, Kursk, Oryol (KSRNG); жлук, жлукто “tub or vat in which laundry is steamed” — Bryansk, Pskov, Smolensk (KPOS, KSRNG); жлукто same — Kursk, Krasnoyarsk (KSRNG); жлук, жлукта same — Kursk (KSRNG); жлукта same — Don region (KSRNG). Ukrainian: жлукто “bottomless tub hollowed from a single piece of wood, for steeping laundry or cloth” (Gr.). — Lithuanian žlīktas, žlīktis, žlūgtas “tub for soaking and steaming laundry; laundry washing; laundry soaked and prepared for washing”; žlūkti “to soak laundry,” cf. Latvian zlaukts “trough-shaped vat for straining.” Fraenkel 1318; Vasmer II, 58; Būga I, 320;

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II, 685—688; III, 641; Otrębski JP 84; Wierzbowski 312—318; Zdancewicz ZPSS 292—304; Nepokupny M 6, 36; Urbutis 60, etc.

Polish: klumpie “women’s shoes; footwear with wooden soles”—Augustów, Suwałki dialects (SGP); klampie, klompie, klompie, klumpie—dialectal “footwear with wooden soles” (SJP); klump, klump, klump’a, klumpi same meaning—Białystok, Masovia, Sejny, Tykocin dialects (Zdancewicz, Kudzinowski, Gloger). Belarusian: клумба “boot with a wooden sole”—Vitebsk dialect (Kasp.); клумб, клумп same meaning (Mat.). Russian: клумба “boot with a wooden sole”—Pskov dialect (KPOS); клумпи same meaning—Lithuanian SSR (Nemchenko). — Lithuanian klùmpė, klùmpis, klùmbė, klùm-bis “a shoe with a wooden sole or made entirely of wood,” cf. Latvian klumpas same meaning. Fraenkel 275; SJP II, 373; Wierzbowski 458—460; Zdancewicz LP342; Urbutis 61, etc. The Baltic words, in turn, are considered borrowings from East Prussian (German) klompe, klumpe “wooden shoes”; Fraenkel, loc. cit.

Polish: kusz, kousz—obsolete, kowsz “goblet; bowl; wooden water dipper”—dialectal (SJP, Karłowicz, Słownik); “wooden ladle with a handle”—Lithuania (SGP). In written sources from 1537: kawssy, kowsz (Jablonskis). Belarusian: койцы “scoop” (BRS). Semantic variants in the dialects: “ladle,” “large scoop for hot water in a bathhouse,” “vessel used to scoop up flour,” “grain shovel,” etc. In written sources from 1486: ковшь (Jablonskis). Russian: ковш “wooden ladle with a handle, a scoop”; in the dialects: “serving spoon.” In written sources from 1357–1359: ковшь (Sreznevsky). Ukrainian: ківш “scoop for pouring grain or flour; ladle, dipper” (Gr.). In written sources from 1552: кови (Nepokupny). — Lithuanian: káušas “ladle; large spoon,” cf. Latvian kauss “skull; cup, spoon.” Fraenkel 231; Vasmer II, 273; Sławski III, 22; Wierzbowski 391—398; Sabaliauskas 86; Urbutis 62; Nepokupny 35; Otkupshchikov V 185—192, etc. The hypotheses of an inherited relationship between the Baltic and Slavic words (KESRYA, issue I, 154), as well as of reverse borrowing from Slavic into Baltic languages (Trubachev 302), are unconvincing.

Belarusian: in written sources from 1584: крося “large chair.” — Lithuanian kràsė “armchair.” Jablonskis 107.

Polish: in written sources from 1598: kraycz “barrel” (see below krayczkubilis). — Lithuanian kraitis “dowry.” Jablonskis 107.

Polish: in written sources from 1751 krayczkubilis “barrel (for the dowry).” Lithuanian kraičkubilis same meaning. Jablonskis 353.

Polish: kurp, kurpie, kurpiel “bast shoe; woven footwear, old boot” (SJP); kurp’ “bast shoes made of lime-tree bark”—Sejny dialect (Zdancewicz). Belarusian: курпы “a particular kind of shoe” (Karski). Russian: курпы “bast shoes made of birch bark or hemp, kurptsy”—Pskov, Tver dialects (Dal, KPOS). — Lithuanian kùrpė “shoe, footwear with a wooden sole; slippers”; Latvian kùrpe “shoe,” Old Prussian kurpe same meaning. Fraenkel 918, Vasmer II, 428; Karłowicz, O języku 325; Unbegaun 346—349; Zdancewicz LP 343; ZPSS 293, 306; Wierzbowski 458—459; Sabaliauskas 87; Urbutis 63—64, etc. A. Brückner’s view that this word was borrowed from Slavic into Baltic languages is mistaken (Brückner 284).

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Polish: plompie “a type of footwear made from a single piece of alder wood”—Augustów dialect (SGP). — This word results from the blending of two Lithuanian words: Lithuanian klūmpės (→ Polish klumpie, see above) and Lithuanian plium̃pis, plural plium̃piai “footwear that is much too large and slips off the feet.”

Some names for wooden objects (usually associated with peasant households) may also provisionally be assigned to this group of words.

Belarusian: in written sources from 1599 жомб, жонб, жуми “ard.” Lithuanian žambis same meaning. Jablonskis 270.

Belarusian: корста “a trough with a lid; formerly used instead of a coffin”—Vitebsk dialect. Russian: корста “coffin; bier”—obsolete (Dal); cf. керста “coffin”—Arkhangelsk dialect. — Lithuanian kārstas “coffin.” Vasmer II, 338; Verkhovsky 381—387; Otkupshchikov 211—212; Kazlauskas 145; Karaliūnas 179—180. Hypotheses of reverse borrowing from Slavic into Baltic languages (Fraenkel 223; Būga II, 193—194; etc.) are unconvincing, primarily because the word has no etymology in the Slavic languages.

Polish: psěkorr “a granary bin for storing grain, hollowed from a single piece of wood”—Sejny dialect (Zdancewicz). — Lithuanian prākartas “livestock manger, trough.” Zdancewicz LP 347.

Woodworking crafts have always been widely used in construction. It is in this field that terms of Lithuanian (Baltic) origin penetrated most intensively into the Slavic languages. Both names for entire structures and names for various parts of structures were borrowed (these structures were generally part of a peasant household).

Names of buildings

Polish: arud, harud, (h)orud ‘granary, grain bin’ — Vilnius region (Otrębski). In written sources from 1599: orod, orud, horud (Jablonskis). Belarusian: аруд ‘grain bin’ — regional (BRS). In written sources from 1583: оруд, орудо (Jablonskis). Russian: аруд ‘grain bin, storage pit’ — western dialect (D). — Lithuanian arūodas ‘grain bin, granary’. Cf. Latvian arūds, same meaning. Fraenkel 18; Vasmer I, 90; Otrębski JP 82, 84; Blese 8; Verkhobsky 63–64; Sabaliauskas 85; Urbutis 47–48 et al.

Polish: jawia ‘a room where grain is dried’ — Augustów region (SGP). In written sources from 1554: jawia, jawga, jawia, jawgia, yawia, jewia, jewia, jewnia, iowia, jowia, iownia, jownia (Jablonskis). Belarusian: ёўня — literary, ёўня — dialectal, ‘a drying barn, a room in a drying barn for drying sheaves (most often flax)’ (BRS); ёўня — dialectal (Stankevich). In written sources from 1540: евга, евга, евъя, евъя, евля, евня, еива, явга, явъя, явъя, явя (Jablonskis). Russian: евня ‘drying barn, threshing barn’ — western (D); ‘drying barn’ — Pskov (KPOS); ‘grain dryer of a special design’ — Smolensk (Dobr.); евняй ‘a drying rack without a ceiling; the lower part of a drying barn where sheaves are dried’ — Smolensk (Blomkov). Ukrainian: евня (Nepokupny). — Lithuanian jauja ‘drying barn’. Fraenkel 192; Otrębski SI Oc 474; Blese 13; Verkhobsky 268–282; Sabaliauskas 86; Nepokupny M 6, 33; Smulkova 66–61; Urbutis 58–59 et al. M. Vasmer’s view that the Baltic and Slavic words are inherited cognates, following E. Berneker and others, is unconvincing (Vasmer II, 6),

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Polish: in written sources from 1583: klaim, klaym, kloim, kloym ‘threshing floor, barn’. Belarusian: in written sources from 1579: клаим, клоим same meaning. — Lithuanian kláimas, klojtimas same meaning. Jablonskis 86.

Polish: klunia, klonia ‘a pine-log barn; a place to sleep’ — dialectal (SJP); ‘a barn; a room where grain is stored’ — Białystok region (SGP). The form kłūonas is attested as a later borrowing — present-day (Zdancewicz). In written sources from 1535: klunia, klunia, klonia (Jablonskis). Belarusian: клу́ня ‘barn, drying barn’ — regional (BRS); ‘threshing barn’ — Mogilev region (Yank.); ‘hay shed’ — Vitebsk region (Kasp.); клунья, клюня ‘a shed for storing straw and grain (less often hay); a barn’ — southwestern (Urbutis). In written sources from 1503: клоня, клуна, клоня (Jablonskis). Russian: клунья ‘barn, threshing shed; chaff house, husk shed’ — southwestern (D); Voronezh, eastern Kazakhstan, Kursk, Novosibirsk, Tambov, Tomsk regions (KSRNG); ‘small stable, shed’ — Pskov (KPOS); ‘large shed’ — Kursk (KSRNG); ‘a building for storing sheaves’ — Rostov, Sverdlovsk regions (KSRNG); клуна, клунь ‘barn; shed’ — Don region (KSRNG). Ukrainian: клунья ‘barn; threshing floor; drying barn’ (Gr.). In written sources from 1590: клунья (Jablonskis); from 1570: клоня (Nepokupny). — Lithuanian klūonas ‘threshing floor; bleaching place behind a shed; shelter’ (= Latvian klūōns ‘threshing floor; barn’). Vasmer II, 255; Slawski II, 276; Verzhbovsky 357–365; Zdancewicz ZPSS 289, 300; Smulkova 60–61; Nepokupny M 6, 35; Sabaliauskas 86; Urbutis 61–62 et al. Assumptions that the word under study is of inherited Slavic origin (Berneker I, 522 et al.) are erroneous.

Polish: in written sources from 1606: lepty, lipty ‘an extension adjoining a house’. Belarusian: in written sources from 1591: лепъты, липты same meaning. — Lithuanian liptai, liepiai ‘stairs (usually to another floor of a house)’. Jablonskis 118.

Polish: in written sources from 1603: namogol, numagal, numogal, nomogol ‘a room at the end of a house; the end part of a house’. Belarusian: in written sources from 1584: намокал, намакал, намокал, нумогол, нумгал same meaning. — Lithuanian natagalis, natugalis. Jablonskis 135.

Polish: pita ‘house’ — dialectal (Safarewicz). In written sources from 1562: pat, pot, pit(a) (Jablonskis). Belarusian: in written sources from 1597: ном(ъ), нумъ ‘house’ (Jablonskis). — Lithuanian pāmas ‘house’. Safarewicz 242 et al.

Polish: paszura ‘feed store’ — Augustów region (SGP). Russian: пашура ‘a shelter for farm equipment, firewood, fodder, etc.’ — Lithuanian SSR (Nemchenko). — Lithuanian pašiūrė ← šiūrė ‘shelter, shed’ (← German Scheuer ‘shed’; Fraenkel, 993).

Russian: перть ‘a Karelian dwelling hut’ — Arkhangelsk region (D); Old Russian: пърть ‘bathhouse’ (Buga). — Lithuanian pirtis ‘bathhouse; drying barn for flax’ (= Latvian pirts ‘bathhouse’). Finnish mediation may have been involved in the borrowing from the Baltic languages into Russian dialects; cf. Finnish pirtti, Karelian pertti — Buga II, 516. The view that the Lithuanian word was borrowed from the Finnic languages (Knabe 67) is untenable in view of the inherited Baltic etymology of the word under study.

Polish: in written sources from 1634: pirkaitia, pirkayta ‘small hut’. Belarusian: in written sources from 1596 пиркоита same meaning. — Lithuanian pirkaitė, a diminutive of pirkià ‘peasant hut’. Jablonskis 168.

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Polish: in written records from 1581: pirtikia, pirtyka, pyrytkia “bathhouse.” Belarusian: in written records from 1578: пиртиля, пиртылка, пиртилка, пертика same meaning. — Lithuanian pirtikė, diminutive of pirtis “bathhouse.” — Cf. Jablonskis 168. Also belonging here is a secondary diminutive formation from the same Lithuanian word pirtis > pirtikė > pirtikaitė → Old Polish pirtykayta, pirtykaycia (from 1601), Old Belarusian пиртикаита (from 1687). Jablonskis, 319, 347.

Polish: in written records from 1574: primien, prymien, prytnia, przetnia, przymna, przymnia “annex” (Jablonskis). Belarusian: прымень, прымень, прывен “entrance hall” — northwestern (Hrinblat), прымян same meaning — Volkovysk (Stankevich); примн, примень “farm building” (Karski). In written records from 1521: примен, применъ, примн, примън, прымень, прымн (Jablonskis). Ukrainian: in written records from 1552 примен (Nepokupny). — Lithuanian prietemė “porch, vestibule; entrance hall.” Karski 131; Verzhbovskii 594–599; Hrinblat 532; Urbutis 68; Nepokupny 34 et al.

Belarusian: проворок “anteroom” — Braslaw (Nepokupny). — Lithuanian dialectal (eastern) prāvaras “anteroom.” Nepokupny M 3, 23.

Polish: in written records from 1722: przywntok “annex to a house.” Belarusian: in written records from 1602: прынамок same meaning. — Lithuanian prienamis same meaning. — Cf. Jablonskis 135. Polish: punia (puńka) “small wooden shed; hay-storage room” — dialectal (SJP), Lithuania (SGP). Belarusian: пуня “hay shed” (BRS). This word is especially widespread in northeastern Belarus and, locally, also in the southwest. The following meanings are recorded less often: “shed for agricultural implements,” “annex to a shed,” “stable,” “sheep shed” (Smulkova). In K. Jablonskis’s book, this word is not identified as a Lithuanianism, but it is attested in Polish (from 1598) and Belarusian (from 1516) texts. Russian: пуня, пунька “barn, hayloft; hay shed; separate storeroom; wattle-built compartment for storing odds and ends” — Kaluga, Novgorod, Oryol, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tambov, Tver regions (D), Latvian SSR (Sinitsa). — Lithuanian pūnė “shed; threshing barn; stable; booth” (Latvian pūne “seed shed; shelter”). Vasmer III, 407; Būga II, 622; Karski 135; Urbutis 68; Sabaliauskas 40–44 et al. The possibility of reverse borrowing from Slavic languages into Baltic languages has also been proposed (see Fraenkel 667), but most researchers have not accepted it.

Polish: in written records from 1611 reia, reje, reya, riya, riga, ryia, ryga, ryja “threshing barn, barn for storing grain” (Jablonskis). Belarusian: рея “threshing barn, barn for storing grain” — Grodno, Minsk regions (M); рэя same meaning — Vitebsk region (Kasp.). In written records from 1612: рига (Jabl.); A. Verzhbovskii gives the following phonetic variants: регия, рэя. Russian: рей, рэя “threshing barn, barn for storing grain” — western dialects, Pskov region (D); рэя same meaning — Latvian SSR (Sinitsa). — Lithuanian dialectal rejā, rijā “threshing barn, barn for storing grain” (Latvian rija same meaning). Fraenkel 716; Vasmer III, 463; M–E III, 523; Blese 19; Verzhbovskii 632–634; Urbutis 150–151 et al. The Baltic words, in turn, are borrowed from the Finnic languages; see Fraenkel, loc. cit.

Polish: swiren, świren, świron, dialectal świrna, świrnia “Lithuanian grain store; barn; storeroom” (SJP). In northeastern dialects (Białystok, Sejny, Vilnius), the following phonetic variants are attested: śf’iren, śf’ironek, ś’v’eronek, świrnia, świronek, śv’irnas, śv’irnalis, śv’irn[uk]as

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and others (Kudzinovski, Zdancewicz, Otrębski, Turska). In written records from 1535: swieran, swierzonek, swiren, świren, swirenek, swironek, swirzen (Jablonskis). Belarusian: сøран “barn,” diminutive свіронак — literary (BRS); “storeroom, pantry” (N). The word is especially widespread in western dialects, where the following phonetic variants are attested: сверан, свырань, свьверен, свьверонак and others (Smulkova, Steiko). In written records from 1499: сверень, свирен, свиренок, свирень(б), свиронек, свиронок; from 1489: свирененны (Jablonskis). Russian: свирен, свирон “barn” — western dialects (D); свирен “manorial building in which food supplies are stored” — Smolensk region (Dobr.); свирна “building for storing grain, chaff, sheaves, and hay; barn” — Pskov region (KPOS). Ukrainian: in written records from 1539 свирен, свирень, свьрень “farm building” (Jablonskis, Nepokupny, more). — Lithuanian svīrnas, svīrna “barn, grain store.” Fraenkel 955; Brückner 537; Potebnja 99; Karski 135; Verzhbovskii 662–679; Sabaliauskas 88; Zdancewicz ZPSS 288–289; Smulkova 62–63; Urbutis 152; Nepokupny 34 et al. For additional information on this word, see Vasmer 579.

Polish: in written records szalina “hayloft” (Jablonskis II). Belarusian: in written records шалина same meaning (Jablonskis II). — Lithuanian šalinė “hayloft; chaff store” (cited from the manuscript of A. Verzhbovskii’s dissertation).

Construction elements

Polish: atrama “in dwelling huts, a low beam laid to support the other beams, on which the ceiling is laid”—the Polish-Belarusian borderland (Tsykhun). Belarusian: атрама same meaning—Latgalian, Vitebsk (Kasp., Epimakh-Shypila), cf. атраміна “a transverse, crosswise beam in a house”—Vitebsk (Kasp.). — Lithuanian atramà “prop, support, pier (of a bridge),” otat-rénti “to prop up, support.” Tsykhun 50.

Polish: attested in written records from 1583: giegnia “rafter.” Belarusian: attested in written records from 1644: кгекгӗне same meaning. — Lithuanian gėgnė “rafter,” plural gėgnės “rafters.” Jablonskis 75.

Polish: grabiasto, drabiasto “poles tied to the rafters, on which the thatch is laid”—dialectal (SJP); grabiasto “poles on the roof on which the straw lies”—Lithuania (SGP). Attested in written records from 1581: grebest (Jablonskis). Belarusian: грабёст “poles for lathing the roof across the rafters”—Vitebsk (Kasp.); драбёст “roof lathing”—regional (BRS). Attested in written records from 1603: грабясны, гребясны, греблясты, кгребесты (Jablonskis). Russian: гребёс-т(а), гребязо(а) “slab; batten laid across a rafter; lath”—Lithuanian SSR (Nemchenko). Ukrainian: (при)хребестити “to finish a thatched roof”—central and eastern Polesia (Nepokupny). — Lithuanian grebėstas “roof lath,” plural: grebėstai “roof lathing.” Nemchenko 172; Nepokupny 39–41 et al.

Polish: krejga “ridgepole; roof ridge”—Augustów, Lithuania (SGP); krejga same meaning—Sejny; kraja, kreigas, krejga “longitudinal edge; top of a thatched roof”—Suwałki (Zdancewicz); krejka same meaning—Vilnius (Wierzbowski). Belarusian: крэйка “the top of a roof, where the slopes meet; end; ridge”—Grodno (Stan-

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kevich). — Lithuanian kraigas, kreigā, kreigas “ridgepole (of a roof).” Karlowicz, Słownik 311; Westphal 157; Wierzbowski 872; Zdancewicz, LP 342; ZPSS 289–290; Urbutis 64.

Polish: polendy “sleepers, beams (for example, beneath a floor)”—northeastern (Zdancewicz). — Lithuanian palindai “ceiling, wooden floor in a threshing barn on which grain and hay are stored; wooden ceiling in a cellar, in a pit.” Zdancewicz, MS (239).

Polish: attested in written records from 1752: sklaut “vault.” — Lithuanian skliautas same meaning. — Jablonskis 355.

Russian: шпа́ры “rafters”—Latvian SSR (Sinitsa). Latvian spāre, spāra same meaning (← Middle Low German spare M—E III 987). Sinitsa 34.

Polish: szulo, dialectal szula “wooden post in a wall or fence, to which cross-poles are attached” (SJP). Attested in written records from 1583: szvl, szul, szula (Jablonskis). Belarusian: шу́ла, шуло́ “post in a building or garden; gatepost” — literary (BRS); шулина same meaning—Vitebsk (Kasp.); шуль, шулка, шулле “post” (Sabaliauskas). Russian: шуло “fence post”—western (D); шула “corner upright log in buildings; block of wood”—Pskov (KPOS), Smolensk (Dobr.); шулы “door grooves”—Pskov (KPOS); “posts”—Lithuanian SSR (KSRNG). Ukrainian: шуло “post in a fence or wooden wall”; вовшу́ла, вушу́ла, овшу́ло, ушу́ла same meaning—Zhytomyr (Lysenko). — Lithuanian šūlas, šūlē “post (in a fence, in a hut wall); gatepost; doorjamb; upright; stave.” Būga II, 620–622; Otrębski, Sławia 476; Skardžius, SL 18; Nepokupny, M 6, 33; Wierzbowski 840–848; Sabaliauskas 88; Urbutis 156 et al.; cf. Vasmer IV, 484–485. A. Brückner's assumption that the Slavic words were borrowed from German and the Lithuanian word from Polish is incorrect (Brückner 557).

Polish: attested in written records from 1671: uzły “pole ceiling of a storage hut.” Belarusian: attested in written records from 1602: ужълы same meaning. — Lithuanian ižlos same meaning. Jablonskis 246.

A particular type of woodworking is the manufacture of means of transport—various kinds of carts and boats. Here, too, a certain number of words borrowed from Baltic languages into Slavic languages are found:

Polish: wicina, obsolete wycina “river vessel with a roof, sailing along the Neman” (SJP). Attested in written records from 1582: wicina, wicyna (Jablonskis). Belarusian: віціна “an old flat-bottomed river vessel” (Wierzbowski). Attested in written records from 1538: витина (Jablonskis). Russian: витина “a navigable flat-bottomed vessel on the Neman and Pripyat”—Grodno, Kovno, Minsk (D); витим “a type of barge on the Neman” (Vasmer). — Lithuanian vytinė, vytinė, vytinė “elongated river vessel,” obsolete; cf. Latvian vitens “side of a boat.” Fraenkel 1267–1268; Wierzbowski 175–179; Urbutis 53 et al. See also: Vasmer I, 321–322. The assumption that the Lithuanian word was borrowed from Slavic languages (Brückner 153), or that the words are cognate by inheritance (Brückner 613), is erroneous.

Belarusian: грынджалы, крынджалы “a type of sleigh for transporting heavy loads”—Gomel (Wierzbowski); крынджалы “device”—eastern Mogilev (Bialk.). Russian: кринджолы “sleigh”—southern Russian dialects of Khmelnytskyi Oblast (Nikitenko); “small sleigh”—southwestern (Vasmer). Ukrainian: керинджо́лы “small sleigh” (Potebnya). — Lithuanian grįžulas, grįžalas “drawbar; turning

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“Circle.” Potebnja III, 99; Wierzbowicz 416; V. V. Martynov (from a presentation at the symposium on Baltic loanwords in Belarusian, held in Minsk in 1969). Borrowing from Polish is unlikely (Vasmer III, 377).

Belarusian: эльбки “unwieldy sled” — Vilnius region (Kirkor). — Lithuanian slidēs “skis” or Lithuanian dialectal slēdēs “sled.” The phonetic form of the Belarusian word may have been influenced by analogy with words having the stem з(о)л-.

Russian: ка́ра “large wagon with high sides for hauling hay”; кары “sledge attachment for hauling logs” — Lithuanian SSR (Nemchenko, DL). — Lithuanian kāras (plural: karai) “wheelbarrow, cart.” Cf. also Russian карю́ки “sledge attachment for hauling logs” — Lithuanian SSR (Nemchenko); borrowed from Lithuanian kariūkai, a diminutive of karai (Nemchenko, DL 64).

Belarusian: лайба “barge” — Vitebsk region (Kasp.). Russian: лайба “huge boat” — Smolensk region (Dobr.); лайва same — Volkovysk, Novgorod, Polotsk, Pskov regions (KSRNG); лова “vessel among the Novgorodians, Germans, and Karelians” (Sreznevsky). — Lithuanian laivas, laivė, Latvian laiva “ship, boat.” Blese 14; Wierzbowicz 466–470. The view that the word under investigation is of Baltic origin is not generally accepted and requires further argument.

Polish: lubna “large painted board chest with seats, placed on a sledge for ceremonial rides” — Sejny region (Zdancewicz). Russian: лубни “pleasure sled” — Lithuanian SSR (Skuratov). — Lithuanian lūbnios “a low-sided sledge; a wide sledge with attached seats.” Zdancewicz LP 344.

Polish: attested in written sources from 1595: perga “boat.” Belarusian: attested in written sources from 1589: перкаа, перга same. — Lithuanian pérgas “boat, small boat.” Jablonskis 163.

Polish: ragucie “sledge for hauling firewood” — dialectal (SJP); raguci “sledge” — Vilnius region (Turska). — Lithuanian rogūtės, diminutive of rōgės “sledge.” Fraenkel 685; SJP V, 467; Karłowicz, O języku 324; Wierzbowicz 884.

Russian: ратка “two-wheeled cart” — St. Petersburg region (Vasmer). The word was borrowed from Lithuanian rātas “wheel,” plural rātai “cart, wagon,” through the mediation of Finnic languages (Finnish ratas, Livonian ratas “wheel,” plural rattaat “cart”). On the Baltic origin of the Finnic words, see Fraenkel 703; on the Finnic origin of the Russian word, see Vasmer III, 447.

Polish: szlaje “type of sledge” (Karłowicz); szlajki same — Vilnius region (Otrębski); šleje “old-fashioned harness” — Tykocin region (Gloger). Attested in written sources from 1749: szlaie, szlaje, szlajki (Jablonskis). Belarusian: шлайки “small sleds”; шланки, шлаи same — dialectal (Wierzbowicz). Russian: шлан “two-horse sledge for hauling firewood and logs,” шлайки “light sledge for outings” — Lithuanian SSR (Nemchenko). — Lithuanian šlãjos “sledge, wood-hauling sledge,” diminutive šlãjikės, šlãjukės. Fraenkel 998; Karłowicz, O języku 324; Wierzbowicz 804–806; Nemchenko 171 et al.

Names for parts of means of transportation also belong to this same group of words:

Polish: dugnina “board at the bottom of a wagon” — northeastern Suwałki region (Zdancewicz). — Lithuanian dugnine same, related to dūgnas “bottom.” — Zdancewicz, Sprawozdania 76.

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Russian: капы ‘parts of a sleigh by means of which the runners are joined’ — Lithuanian SSR (Nemchenko). This word is considered to be borrowed from Lithuanian kaitras ‘corner’ (Nemchenko DL 64). However, most likely the source of the borrowing was Lithuanian kāтpa ‘crossboard in a sleigh; wooden seat in a sleigh’.

Weaving (from twigs, osier) is usually regarded as an ancient form of woodworking. In addition to the above-mentioned Baltisms denoting materials for weaving, several more borrowings can be noted—names of woven objects.

Polish: bucz ‘cone-shaped basket covered with a net, for catching small fish; fish trap; fyke net’ — dialectal (SJP), Augustów region, Lithuania (SGP); in written records from 1670: bucz ‘fishing gear’ (Jablonskis). Belarusian: буч ‘fish trap’ (BRS); буча ‘stationary fishing gear’ — Vitebsk dialect (Nikif.). In written records from 1667: буч ‘fishing gear’ (Jablonskis). Russian: буч ‘fish trap; woven fishing gear’ — western dialect (D); Lithuanian SSR (Nemchenko). — Lithuanian būčius, būčis, būčas ‘fish trap made of netting or twigs’. SJP I, 225; Zdancewicz LP 337; Urbutis 51–52, etc.

Polish: warża ‘woven or wooden fish keep-net’ — Lithuania (Otrębski). Belarusian: ваража ‘wooden keep-net for preserving live fish’ — Drisviaty, Senno, Naroch (Laumane). Russian: варжа ‘woven or wooden fish keep-net’ — Latgalian (Laumane). — Lithuanian vārža ‘fish trap’, eastern dialect ‘woven or wooden keep-net’. Otrębski JP 83; Laumane 17.

Polish: in written records from 1700: kiescie ‘baskets for carrying hay and straw’. — Lithuanian kėstės ‘stretchers’. Jablonskis 86.

Polish: in written records from 1804: kresc’ ‘small basket’. — Lithuanian dialect krėštis same meaning. Jablonskis 107.

Belarusian гёгли, гёгли ‘fishing gear—a kryga’ most likely belongs to this group — Braslav, Myadel districts (Laumane); it is borrowed from Lithuanian, cf. Lithuanian gėgnės ‘roof rafters’, dialectal ‘fishing gear’ (Laumane 16).

As for such widely known Baltisms as Polish, Russian, Belarusian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian вентерь ‘fishing gear’ or Polish and Belarusian резины, Russian резвины/розвины ‘net for carrying hay or fodder’, they must be passed over, since the corresponding realia have undergone significant changes, as a result of which their original connection with wood (osier, twigs) as the raw material for making these objects has most likely been lost (they are usually rope nets).

* * *

All the Baltisms cited above belong to the branch of woodworking that requires the hands of a person with particular skills in this field. The sphere of more primitive use of wood and wooden objects in agriculture remains untouched (the reference is to names of wooden implements such as Belarusian and Russian dialectal жагины, жегины ‘a device made of sticks for drying hay, clover, etc.’ ←

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Lith. žaginÿs ‘rack for drying hay’; Russ. dial. brūnklя ‘a small wooden board with holes at both ends for tying cows in the cowshed’ ← Lith. brunklys ‘gag; toggle’, and many others). Also excluded from the survey are names for wooden tools (or parts thereof) specific to other crafts (weaving, spinning, etc.; for example, Polish dial. rateluki ‘small hoop in an embroidery frame’ ← Lith. rateliūkai ‘small hoops’, Polish dial. truść ‘one wooden tooth in a weaving reed’ ← Lith. strustis ‘weaving-reed blade’, etc.).

The identified borrowings from the Baltic languages into Slavic in the field of woodworking constitute a relatively large group of words (over 70, even without counting uncertain Balticisms such as лайба and others), most of which are used in dialects and colloquial speech, while only a small number occur solely in monuments of Polish and Belarusian writing.

By origin, this vocabulary is predominantly native Baltic, reflecting the distinctive features of Baltic woodworking culture. The only exceptions are three words borrowed into the Baltic languages from German (климбы, шпары) and Finnish (рига).

A characteristic feature of this group of Balticisms is that many words are known not in just one Slavic language (or dialect), but in two or more, so that their distribution area is several times larger than that of the Baltic languages themselves (cf. the words щупло, склют, дёготь, клуня, евня, свирон and others, attested in the dialects of four or more Slavic languages). This fact indicates, first, the intensity of borrowing in the field of woodworking and, second, the relatively early date of the borrowings. Written Slavic records show that some borrowed Baltic words had entered the language by the 14th century at the latest (ковш and possibly ремесь), the 15th century (дойлид, клуня, свирон), or the 17th century (евня, жлукто, прымен, пуня, склют, щупло), that is, considerably earlier than the Petrine era, when, for example, words of German origin began to enter Russian woodworking terminology in large numbers.

Furthermore, it should be noted that borrowing did not take place in just one specific branch of woodworking, but affected almost every area of this ancient craft: construction, cooperage, weaving, primary wood processing, tools, means of transport, and so on. Such variety in the borrowed vocabulary, together with its wide distribution and the early date of borrowing from Baltic into Slavic in this sphere of the material life of the Baltic and Slavic peoples, points to a fairly high level of woodworking culture among the ancient Balts⁵.

⁵Other views concerning the question under study are also known; cf., for example, the conclusion that “the level of culture … of woodworking among the Slavs was relatively higher than among the Balts” (O. N. Trubachev, *Craft Terminology in the Slavic Languages*, Moscow, 1966, p. 167).

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List of Abbreviations

Languages, dialects, vernaculars

август. — August (regional)

арх. — Arkhangelsk (regional)

белост. — Białystok (regional)

блр. — Belarusian

болг. — Bulgarian

брянск. — Bryansk (regional)

вильн. — Vilnius (regional)

вит. — Vitebsk (regional)

Volkov. — Volkovysk

Voron. — Voronezh

Glussk. — Glusk

Gomel. — Gomel

Grodn. — Grodno

Donsk. — Don

Drisv. — Drisvyaty

Old Prussian

Old Czech

Dyatlov. — Dyatlovo

Zhytomyr. — Zhytomyr

Zelv. — Zelva

Kaluzh. — Kaluga

Kievsk. — Kyiv

Koven. — Kovno (Kaunas)

Kursk. — Kursk

Latvian SSR — Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic

Latgalian — Latgalian

Liv. — Livonian

Lithuanian SSR — Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic

Lith. — Lithuanian

Latv. — Latvian

Mazovian — Mazovian

Minsk — Minsk

Mogilev — Mogilev

Mosty — Mosty

Myadel — Myadel

Ger. — German

Novgorod — Novgorod

Novosibirsk — Novosibirsk

Oryol — Oryol

Peterhof — Peterhof

Pol. — Polish

Psk. — Pskov

Rost. — Rostov

Russ. — Russian

Ryazan. — Ryazan

Sverdl. — Sverdlovsk

Svisl. — Svisloch

Sein. — Sejny

Slav. — Slavic

Slovak. — Slovak

Smol. — Smolensk

Snud. — Snud

Mid.-Low German — Middle Low German

Suvalk. — Suwałki

Tamb. — Tambov

Tver. — Tver

Tykocin — Tykocin dialect

Ukr. — Ukrainian

Finn. — Finnish

Chełm — Chełm dialect

Czech — Czech

Dictionaries, monographs, articles

Arashonkava — A. U. Arashonkava, E. U. Hrynaveckene, U. P. Kavalchuk, Yu. F. Matsekevich, Ya. M. Romanovich, L. A. Shatalova, From the vocabulary of Belarusian dialects of the western zone, “Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the BSSR,” Social Sciences Series, 4, 1969, pp. 123—134.

Бернекер — E. Berneker, Slavisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, 1908.

Blese — E. Blese, Some relations between White Russian and the Baltic languages, “Studi Baltici”, V, 1935—1936, pp. 1—29.

Брюкнер — A. Brückner, Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, Warszawa, 1957.

Būga — K. Būga, Selected writings, I—III, Vilnius, 1958—1962.

Бялк. — І. К. Бялькевіч, Краёвы слоўнік усходняй Магілёўшчыны, Мінск, 1970.

Vidugiris — A. Vidugiris, Rev.: Dictionary of Belarusian-Russian languages, “Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics”, VIII, 1966, pp. 235—237.

Gloger — Z. Gloger, Dictionary of the folk dialect in the Tykocin district, “Prace filologiczne”, IV, 1893, issue III, pp. 793—904.

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Гр. — B. Grinchenko, Dictionary of the Ukrainian Language, Kyiv, 1908–1909.

Гринблат — M. Ya. Grinblat, Belarusians: Essays on Their Origin and Ethnic History, Minsk, 1968.

Д — В. И. Даль, Толковый словарь живого великорусского языка, I—IV, М., 1955.

Добр. — В. Н. Добровольский, Смоленский областной словарь, Смоленск, 1914.

Зданцевич LP — T. Zdancewicz, Lithuanian Lexical Elements in the Polish Dialects of the Sejny Area, „Lingua Posnaniensis“, VIII, 1960, p. 333—352.

Зданцевич MS — T. Zdancewicz, The Dialects of Sejny County against the Background of Settlement Processes, „Materiały do dziejów ziemi sejneńskiej“, Białystok, 1963, p. 231—266.

Зданцевич Sprawozdania — T. Zdancewicz, The Geography of Lithuanian Lexical Borrowings and Their Slavic Semantic Equivalents in the Podlasie–Suwałki Dialects, „Sprawozdania z prac naukowych wydziału nauk społecznych“, zesz. 3, 1968, p. 69—83.

Зданцевич ZPSS — T. Zdancewicz, Lithuanian and Ruthenian Lexical Areas in the Białystok Region, „Z polskich studiów slawistycznych“, seria druga, Warszawa, 1963, p. 287—310.

Казлаускас — J. Kazlauskas, Review of: Yu. V. Otkupshchikov, From the History of Indo-European Word Formation, Leningrad, 1967, „Baltistica“, IV (I), 1968, p. 144—147.

Каралюнас — S. Karaliūnas, On Several Lithuanian Loanwords, „Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai“, XII, 1970, p. 179—188.

Карлович O języku — J. Karłowicz, On the Lithuanian Language, „Rozprawy i sprawozdania z posiedzeń wydziału filologicznego Akademii umiejętności“, II, 1875, p. 135—376.

Карлович Słownik — J. Karłowicz, Dictionary of Words of Foreign and Less Clear Origin Used in the Polish Language, Kraków, 1894—1905.

Карский — Е. Карский, Белорусы, I, Вильна—Варшава, 1904.

Касп. — М. Касьпяровіч, Віцебскі краёвы слоўнік, Віцебск, 1927.

Киркор — A. Kirkor, An Ethnographic View of Vilna Governorate, „Этнографический сборник“, issue III, St. Petersburg, 1858, pp. 115—276.

Кнабе — G. S. Knabe, Lexical Borrowings and Ethnogenesis (On the Question of “Baltic Borrowings” in the Eastern Finno-Ugric Languages), „Вопросы языкознания“, 1962, no. 1, pp. 65—76.

Корчиц — M. A. Korchits, Construction Vocabulary in the Language of Old Belarusian Writing of the 15th–17th Centuries. Candidate’s dissertation abstract, Minsk, 1970.

КПОС — Card Index of the Pskov Regional Dictionary (B. A. Larin Interdepartmental Lexicographic Office, Leningrad State University).

КСРНГ — Card Index of the Dictionary of Russian Folk Dialects (Leningrad Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences Institute of Linguistics).

Кузиновский — Cz. Kudzinovski, Jaćwingowie w języku, „Acta Baltico-Slavica“, I, 1964, p. 217—225.

КЭСРЯ — N. M. Shansky, V. V. Ivanov, T. V. Shanskaya, Concise Etymological Dictionary of the Russian Language, Moscow, 1971.

Лаумане — Б. Лаумане, В сб.: „Лексічныя балтизмы ў беларускай мове“, Мінск, 1969, стр. 16—18.

Lysenko — P. S. Lysenko, Dictionary of the Dialect Vocabulary of Northern Zhytomyr Region, in: “Slavic Lexicography and Lexicology,” Moscow, 1966, pp. 15–60.

Мат. — Матэрыялы для слоўніка народна-дыялектнай мовы, Мінск, 1960.

Matskevich — Yu. F. Matskevich, Dialectal Features of South Belarusian Speech, in: “Proceedings of the First Dialectological Conference of the BSSR,” Minsk, 1950, pp. 55–80.

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M—E — K. Mühlenbach—J. Endzelin, Latvian-German Dictionary, I—IV, Riga, 1923—1946.

Н — Н. И. Носович, Словарь белорусского наречия, СПб., 1870.

Nemchenko — V. Nemchenko, The Vocabulary of the Dialect of the Russian Population of the Jonava District of the Lithuanian SSR, “Scholarly Notes of Higher Educational Institutions of the Lithuanian SSR,” issue 3, Linguistics, Vilnius, 1961, pp. 147—175.

Nemchenko DL — V. N. Nemchenko, Dialect Vocabulary Common to the Russian Old-Settler Dialects of Lithuania and the Lithuanian Language, “Scholarly Notes of the P. Stučka Latvian State University,” 92, 1968, pp. 36—72.

Nepokupny — A. P. Nepokupny, Lithuanianisms in the Vocabulary of Ukrainian Written Monuments, “Movoznavstvo,” 1970, no. 6, pp. 30—40.

Nepokupny M E — A. P. Nepokupny, On Balto-East Slavic Linguistic-Ethnographic and Ethnic Relations (Three Episodes from the Geography of Baltisms), “Movoznavstvo,” 1969, no. 3, pp. 16—28.

Непокупный М б — А. П. Непокупный, Украинско-балтийски студи, „Мовознавство“, 1968, № 6, стр. 33—42.

Nikif. — N. Ya. Nikiforovsky, Sketches of Everyday Folk Life in Vitebsk Belarus, Vitebsk, 1895.

Откупщиков — Ю. В. Откупщиков, Из истории индоевропейского словообразования, Л., 1967.

Otkupshchikov V — Yu. V. Otkupshchikov, On the etymology of Lithuanian kāušas, Latvian kaiss ‘skull; scoop,’ “Baltistica,” VI (2), 1970, pp. 185—192.

Otkupshchikov, From the History — Yu. V. Otkupshchikov, From the History of Balto-Slavic Lexical Relations, “Baltistica,” VII (2), 1971, pp. 119—128.

Otrębski JP — J. Otrębski, Lithuanian Loanwords in the Polish Dialect of the Vilnius Region, “Język polski,” XVI, 1931, pp. 79—85.

Otrębski Sl Oc — J. Otrębski, Review: K. Jabłoński (Jablonskis). Lithuanian Words in the Written Language of Old Lithuania. Kowno, 1941, “Slavia Occidentalis,” XIX, 1948, pp. 471—479.

Potebnya — A. A. Potebnya, On the History of the Sounds of the Russian Language, I—III, Warsaw, 1880—1883.

Rozwadowski — J. Rozwadowski, On the Original Mutual Relationship of the Baltic and Slavic Languages, “Rocznik slawistyczny,” V, 1912, pp. 1—25.

Sabaliauskas — A. Sabaliauskas, The Development of Lithuanian Vocabulary, “Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai,” VIII, 1966, pp. 5—141.

Safarewicz — J. Safarewicz, Balto-Slavic Linguistic Relations, Studia językoznawcze, Warsaw, 1967, pp. 241—243.

SGP — J. Karłowicz, Słownik gwar polskich, I—VI, Kraków, 1900—1911.

SJP — J. Karłowicz, A. Kryński, W. Niedźwiedzki, Słownik języka polskiego, I—VIII, Warszawa, 1900—1927.

Sinitsa — A. I. Sinitsa, From observations on the vocabulary of the dialect of the Russian old-settler population of the Preiļi District of the Latvian SSR. In: “Pskov Dialects I,” Pskov, 1962, pp. 219—237.

Skuratov — Materials from Russian dialects of the Ignalina District of the Lithuanian SSR, contributed by G. L. Skuratov, a student at Leningrad State University.

Slawski — F. Sławski, Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, I, Kraków, 1952 ff.

Smulkova — E. Smułkowa, Lituanizmy w białoruskim słownictwie rolniczym, „Lingua Posnaniensis“, XIV, 1969, p. 55—69.

Sreznevsky — I. I. Sreznevsky, Materials for a dictionary of the Old Russian language, I—III, St. Petersburg, 1893—1903.

160

Stankevich — A. Stankevich, З літуанізмаў ў беларускай мове, „Калосьсе“, IV, 1938, pp. 172—175; 225—226; V, 1939, pp. 36—37; 118—120; 176—178.

Stetsko — P. Сцяцко, Дыялектны слоўнік (3 гаворак Зэльвеншчыны), Minsk, 1970.

Траутман — R. Trautmann, Baltisch-slavisches Wörterbuch, Göttingen, 1923.

Трубачев — О. Н. Трубачев, Ремесленная терминология в славянских языках, М., 1966.

Turska — H. Turska, Język polski na Wileńszczyźnie, „Wilno i ziemia Wileńska“, I, Wilno, 1930, p. 219—225.

Unbegaun — B. O. Unbegaun, Ein baltisches Lehnwort im Moskowitischen Rußland, „Die Welt der Slaven“, VII, 1962, p. 346—349.

Urbutis — V. Urbutis, Dabartinės baltarusijų kalbos lituanizmai, „Baltistica“, V (2), p. 43—44; V (2), p. 149—162.

Westphal — S. Westfal, Lexical Elements of Baltic Origin in the Polish Dialect Spoken Near Lake Wigry (Suwalki District, Poland), „The Slavonic and East European Review“, XXIV, 1946, 63, p. 156—159.

Vasmer — M. Vasmer, Etymological Dictionary of the Russian Language, I—IV, Moscow, 1964—1973.

Fraenkel — E. Fraenkel, Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg—Göttingen, 1955 ff.

Цыхун — Г. А. Цыхун, В сб.: „Лексічныя балтызмы ў беларускай мове“, Мінск, 1969, стр. 49—53.

Epimakh-Shypila — Dictionary of B. Epimakh-Shypila. Edited by R. Semashkevich, „Полымя“, No. 7, 1969, pp. 225—229.

Yank. — F. M. Yankowski, Dialect Dictionary, I—II, Minsk, 1959—1970.

Other abbreviations

east — eastern; reg. — regional; dial. — dialectal; north — northern; west — western; obs. — obsolete; liter. — literary; south — southern

11. Lietuvių terminologija