LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, XXVIII (1989)

KALBŲ RYŠIAI IR SĄVEIKOS

LAIMUTĖ BALUODĖ

LITHUANIAN LOANWORDS IN LATVIAN LAKE NOMENCLATURE

At present, approximately 4,200 lake names (about 6,800 including variants and duplicate names) are registered in the collection of lake names (limnonyms) at the A. Upītis Institute of Language and Literature of the Latvian SSR Academy of Sciences. Most of them (about 3,800) are lake names whose etymological roots lie in Latvian itself or in the languages of Baltic tribes that once lived in the territory of present-day Latvia. Limnonyms derived from other languages are relatively few—about 5% of all Latvian lake names. When these lake names of other origins are classified in greater detail, limnonyms with a Slavic etymology come first, of which approximately 160 (250)¹ have been registered (Balodė 1987, 12–20). From the point of view of word formation, approximately 45 (105) lake names could be considered limnonyms of Finnic origin. Certainly, there are many more lake names genetically associated with Estonian, Finnish, and Livonian, but here only those limnonyms are meant that are formed directly from Finnic-language lexemes (without Latvian-language appellatives as intermediaries). There are many hydronyms associated with Germanic languages (specifically, German and its dialects), but there are only a few Germanisms in the true toponymic-formational sense².

Approximately 50 (90) Latvian limnonyms have been identified that are in one way or another connected with Lithuanian, but by no means can all of them be called Lithuanian loanwords. Only lake names formed from Lithuanian appellatives can be regarded as borrowings from Lithuanian. There are few such limnonyms—Lithuanian loanwords: 11 (23) names:

Arlaks² Lvv I 42 (|| Arlaka ežers G) in Rauda < (?) *Erloks: (?) Lithuanian ėrlos ‘meadows used for haymaking’. Cf. Lithuanian Érla u, Prussian Arle Apr 11, Erling Apr. 34, etc. (EŽ 100).

Ašera lake G (||Ašarainis E II 168) in Kraslava³: Lithuanian ešerys (dialectal ašerys) LKŽ II 1164. In Latvian dialects, the form ašars ‘perch’ has been recorded only in the western part of Latvia, near the Lithuanian border—in Rucava (Laumane 1973, 72). Cf. || Ašāru ežers G—this is a genitive-form name, formed from the oikonym Ašāri k (ibid., E II 168), which in turn could also be of Lithuanian origin or have arisen later from the aforementioned lake name Ašarainis.

¹ Here and below, the number in parentheses indicates the number of lake names, including variants and duplicate names. Naturally, the statistical data should not be taken as absolute: when material from other sources is added, these figures may change, but they reflect the proportions of the individual etymological groups.

² Apie skolintus hidronimus lietuvių kalboje žr. Vanagas 1981, 124–126.

³ Traditionally, the location of a hydrographic feature is indicated by the name of the former rural municipality.

69

Bevorža ežers G in Andrupenė <*Bevordis: Lithuanian bevārdis LKŽ I 790. Cf. Lithuanian Bevārdis lake EŽ 63.

Esis E II 184 (|| Eša ežers E II 184) || (|| Ješs E II 181 || Ješa ežers Pag. apr. 586) in Bukmuiža (= in Andrupenė): (?) Lithuanian ešys ‘asys’ LKŽ II 1154. J. Endzelīnas etymologizes it similarly (with “?”): esiai ‘Kannen kraut’ (Endzelin 1934, 142).

Gīla ežers E II 8 (|| Gīlu ezers Pag. apr. 272) in Asytė: (?) Lithuanian gylē ‘depth, the deep part of a lake or river’ LKŽ III 298. Cf. also Lithuanian personal name Gylīs LPŽ I 666, Lithuanian hydronyms Gylē river, Gyliōkas lake, Gylupīs river EŽ 115.

Kulis E II 166 (|| Kuļu ezers G) in Skaistė: Lithuanian kulys ‘bay, promontory, bend, curve; corner, edge, piece’ LKŽ VI 836. Cf. Lithuanian Kulys lake EŽ 170. Cf. also Latvian kulis ‘pl. das Gesindel, Krethi und Plethi’ ME II 306, but this lexeme does not seem suitable as a motivation for the hydronym. J. Endzelīnas classifies the limnonym under analysis among hydronyms without a productive suffix (Endzelin 1934, 143).

Kumpotis river (|| Kumpota ežers G || Kumpotu ežers Pag. apr. 530 || Kumpoču ežers G) in Kurcums. Cf. “Kumpoce”⁴ tributary of the Laucesa stream Konv XII 22535=? Lithuanian Kumpotē river in Zarasai: Lithuanian kuñpti LKŽ VI 880. Cf. also other Lithuanian hydronyms with this root: Kuñpē lake, Kumpōnas river, Kumpuōtē lake, Kumpuōlis lake EŽ 171. But cf. also Latvian kùmpt ‘to become crooked’ ME II 312, kùmps ‘crooked’, kumpis I ‘the hunchback, the crooked one’ ME II 312, and other Latvian place names with this root in Kurcums – “Kumpin” vs U V 293, Kumpiniški vs E II 51. The Latvian origin of the limnonym under analysis is doubtful also because of the atypical suffix -ot-.

Kesis + ež Lw II 210 in Vilcėnai: (?) Lithuanian kėsas ‘tussock, clump’ LKŽ V 633 (although phonologically it raises doubts). Cf. Lithuanian Kėšė river, Kesautis river, Kesautē river, which A. Vanagas suspects developed (albeit irregularly) from *Kesē, *Kesautis EŽ 154. Cf. also Latvian kesis II ‘ein Einhauer’ ME II 371, kesis III ‘die Kratzbürste’ ibid., but semantically these lexemes are less suitable as motivations for hydronyms. Cf. also Latvian personal name Kesis (Staltmane 1981, 163).

Samañka U V 293 (|| Samañkas ežers G) in Kurcums = Lithuanian Samānis in the territory of the Lithuanian SSR: Lithuanian sāmana LKŽ XII 88. The parallel names Samaņu ezers Konv. X 18968 || Samañku ežers Pag. apr. 530 derive from the oikonym Latvian Samani village = Lithuanian Samāniai village in Zarasai District, Ladms 271. Cf. other Lithuanian hydronyms with this root: Samānē lake, Samānius lake, Samanūpis EŽ 289.

Žalva U V 278 settlement (|| Žalva U V 278 settlement) + lake in Asarė: Lithuanian žalvas Cf. Lithuanian Žalvas ež, Žalvē u, ež, Žalvys ež, which are considered Selonian hydronyms EŽ 392 (as also Būga RR III 278), Lithuanian Žalvē river EŽ 397. Also noteworthy here is the name Žalvas ežers 1962 (|| Žalvas ežers Pag. apr. 558 || Zalvu ežers) for another lake, derived from an oikonym, in Agluona (= in Kapiniai, Silajaniai): Žalva² village in Agluona 1962, which in turn apparently also derives from the Lithuanian (Selonian) adjective mentioned above.

Žirgds ežers G in Lyksna: Lithuanian žirgas. The parallel names Zirgežers Pag. apr. 562 || Zirgu ežers G: Latvian zirgs ‘der Pferd’ ME IV 726. Cf. Lithuanian hydronyms Žirgupē river, Žirgupis and others EŽ 403.

Unverified, questionable forms of toponyms, taken mostly from written sources, are placed in quotation marks.⁴

70

Besides these hydronyms—genuine Lithuanianisms—Latvian lake names connected with the Lithuanian language also include those derived from Latvian common nouns that are Lithuanianisms, e.g.⁵:

Dagu Lake G in Bebrene: Latv. dagis (probably a Lithuanianism) ME I 430 = dad zis ‘the burdock, the spear thistle (cirsium lanceolatum)’ ME I 429. But cf. also the oikonym Dag[i] vs (ibid., E II 49) and Latv. personal name Dagis (Staltmanė 1981, 141); therefore, it is quite possible that the hydronym under analysis was formed from an oikonym or a personal name.

“Kraipė” E I 106 in Lielstraupe: (?) Latv. kr aipīt ‘to twist, bend’ (recorded in Mežotne and Eleja, i.e. on the Lithuanian border—but this does not match the lake’s location) ME II 256; J. Endzelin likewise etymologizes it tentatively, with “?” (Endzelin 1934, 143).

Līņģis Lvv II 310 || Līņģu Lake G) in Burtnieki: Latv. liņgāt I, linguot ‘to hurl’ ME II 472, liņgāt II, linguot ‘to sway, hover; wobble’, which J. Endzelin derives either from Curonian or from Lithuanian (ibid.). In this case, the Lithuanian origin of the hydronym is highly doubtful. Cf. the semantically similar Līnga lake in Nuogale E II 118: līņģa ‘the sling; loop, detour, surf’, which is probably of Finnic origin (Liv. līnga, Est. liņg ‘sling’) ME II 471. On this root in toponyms, see further Dambe 1963, 251; Rudzīte 1968, 186; Duridanov 1969, 44; 1976, 40–41, etc. Cf. also Lith. Lingis lake, which A. Vanagas connects with Lith. lingė ‘curve’ LKŽ VII 526, lėngė ‘bend; hollow, valley, basin, ravine, pit’ LKŽ VII 330 (EŽ 192). J. Endzelin also compares the hydronym under discussion with the Lithuanian place names Lingė village, Lingėnai village Lvv II 310.

Tēviški² 1960 (|| Tēvišku Lake Konv. III 5034) in Demene (= Silene): Latv. tēviški, tēviška I ‘a share belonging to the old master’; 2. ‘the fatherland, the birthplace’, which J. Endzelin considers a Lithuanianism ME IV 177.

A considerable number of Latvian hydronyms derive from other Latvian toponyms, including some that are themselves considered Lithuanianisms, e.g.:

– from other hydronyms:

Ķekavas (dzirnavu) Lake Pag. apr. 20 in Duole: Ķekava river, a tributary of the Daugava E I 115. Cf. also the oikonyms Ķekava parish, Ķekavas muiža manor E I 38. K. Būga suggests that these Latvian place names are of Lithuanian origin (Būga RR III 624). Cf. Lith. Kekupys, although the origin of this potamonym (river name) is not entirely clear EŽ 151. Cf. also Lith. Kekuvà lake and Prussian Keckowa lake Lvv II 203.

Šķirnds Lake U V 285 (|| Šķirnas² Lake 1960) in Demene: Škirna river in Kurcums U V 293. Cf. also “Škirna” vs E II 50 in Demene. But cf. also Šķirnas lake in Smalvos (the same lake?), which A. Vanagas compares with Lith. Skernė river EŽ 304. These Lithuanian hydronyms may have been formed from the root sker-, skir-: skeryčiuoti, skerloti, skerlà (for details, see EŽ 303), Lith. skirti (EŽ 304).

Šunas Lake Konv. III 4792 (|| Šuņa Lake E II 170 || Šunęzers 1962) in Lyksna: Šuņa river, a tributary of the Daugava near Daugavpils. A possible connection with Lith. šuo ‘dog’ cannot be categorically ruled out. Cf. hydronyms of the same semantic type, Lith. Šunija river, Šunyks-tà river, Šunupis river EŽ 336, Prussian Suna river, Sune lake Apr. 176.

⁵ Owing to the article’s scope, only examples are included.

71

– from oikonyms of Lithuanian origin:

Bedušų ezers G (|| Beduša ezers G) in Silene: Beduši vs E II 49, which J. Endzelin relates (with “?”) to Lithuanian bedūšiai (Lvv I 94) <bedūšis LKŽ I 712.

“Kaitras ezers” Lvv II 6 in Asūne: Kàitra k (ibid., E II 164)<Lithuanian kaitrā LKŽ V 82 (J. Endzelin also compares it with this, with “?”, Lvv II 6).

Mindaugas ezers Pag. apr. 583 in Barkava: Mindauga² vs (ibid., E II 183) <Lithuanian personal name Mindaugas; therefore, the possibility that the hydronym is of personal-name origin cannot be ruled out. J. Endzelin compares Latvian place names with this root to Lithuanian Mindaugė k, Mindaugiškiai k (Lvv II 439). K. Būga likewise has no doubt that these Latvian toponyms are Lithuanian in origin (Būga RR III 624).

Pilvelų ezers Konv. XIX 37086 in Rūžina: Pilvelis² || Pilveļi² k (ibid., E II 186 kor.) <Lithuanian pilvas (diminutive pilvelis) LKŽ IX 1025, or <Lithuanian pilvė ‘mud, muddy ground’ LKŽ IX 1027. Lithuanian hydronyms Pilvė u, Pilvija +u, Pilvinas lake, Pilvis lake, Pilvignis lake (EŽ 259) are also associated with the latter Lithuanian appellative. Cf. also Prussian–Yotvingian Pilwag, Pilwung lake (Leyding 1959, 44, 60), Pilwin lake, Pilwen u Apr. 123. V. Dambe links the limnonym under analysis with the Latvian roots bal(i)-, pal(i)-, meaning ‘wet place’ (Dambe 1972, 142).

Smelines ezers G (|| Smelīnes ezers G || Smelina ezers G || Smelinskas ezers U V 293 || Smelinu ezers Konv. X 18969) in Kurcums: Smeline ap 1970 = Smēlyne k Ladms 284 <Lithuanian smėlynė ‘sandy soil, field, land’, LKŽ XIII 153, smėlis, smėlys (ibid.). Cf. Lithuanian Smėlynė lake in Smalvos EŽ 308 =(?) lake in Kurcums.

Šešku ezers 1963 (|| Šešku ezers G) in Škiaunė: Šeški k p || Šeški ap 1942 < Lithuanian šeškas. Cf. Lithuanian potamonyms with this root: Šeškinė u, Šeškynė u, Šeškinis u, Šeškupė u, Šeškupis u, Šeškupys u EŽ 329.

Špaku ezers 1975 in Silajaniai: Špaki k (ibid., E II 187)<(?) Lithuanian špōkas.

Urvy ezers Pag. apr. 501 (|| Urvas ezerinš 1960) in Elkšniūnai: Urvas vs (ibid., E II 58)<Lithuanian ūrvas. It is possible that the lake name was formed directly from the Lithuanian appellative (the appellative’s semantics do not contradict this hypothesis). Cf. Lithuanian Urvenų u EŽ 355. But cf. also Latvian urva I ‘a device for tethering cows—a wooden stake’ ME IV 308, or ūrva II ‘a derogatory name for a pig’ (ibid.).

Several Latvian limnonyms formed from Lithuanian personal names have been recorded, for example:

Jonužd ezerinš Lvv I 391 in Nereta: Lithuanian personal names Jonišis, Jonušys LPŽ I 844.

Petrauskų² ezers 1956 in Kaunata: Lithuanian personal name Petrauskas LKil.

Rimšas² ezers 1962 in Medniai: Lithuanian personal name Rimša LKil, but cf. also the Latvian personal name Rimša (Staltmanė 1981, 119). Cf. also the oikonym Rimšas² k (ibid., E II 173), although the limnonym’s genitive singular form indicates that the lake name could nevertheless be of personal-name origin. Another Latvian limnonym should also be mentioned here: Rimšu ezers G in Nirza, probably derived directly from the oikonym Rimši² k (ibid., E II 179). K. Būga considers Latvian place names with this root to be Lithuanian toponyms (Būga RR III 624). Cf. Lithuanian potamonyms Rimšiškė, Rimšupis, Rimšupys, Rimšulys —these, too, are mostly apparently names of personal-name origin (EŽ 278).

72

Šumsku Lake Konv. VIII 15462 in Silajaniai: Lithuanian personal name Šumskas LKil (though a connection with an identical Polish or Latvian surname is also possible).

The origins of some of the Latvian limnonyms analyzed here are more or less hypothetical; the origins of the lake names mentioned below are even less clear, although they could also be related to Lithuanian, e.g.:

Asva E II 168 (|| Asvas ezers G || Osvas ezers G) in Kraslava: (??) Lithuanian ašva ‘mare’ (also suggested with “??” by Endzelin 1934, 119). Cf. Lithuanian Ašvà river, Ašvijà river, Ašvinė river, Ešvinė river EŽ 50, earlier Asswene river, Asswaylen Apr. 12. On this root in toponyms, see: Būga RR III 536; Walde, Pokorny 1930, 54; Endzelin 1934, 119; Jonikas 1950–1951, 15; Porzig 1954, 206; Lvv I 45; Otrębski 1965, 37; Toporov 1988,I 136–137; however, there are certain doubts about this connection (see Vanagas 1970, 145; EŽ 50).

Ādmenis Lvv I 64 in Sinuole: (??) Lithuanian *odmuo, odmenis ‘river mouth’ LKŽ VIII 995. Cf. also Lithuanian Odmuo river EŽ 234. Parallel Latvian lake names || Ādmiņa ezers E I 83 || Ādmiņu ezers G || Ādmaņa ezers E I 83, apparently arising later from the oikonym Ādmiņi village E I 82, which may be linked to Latvian ādminis ‘the tanner’ ME I 236. In that case, the -men- in the limnonym under analysis might be explained by the fact that in suffixes i>e sometimes alternate (LGr 35 § b, Lvv I 65). Lithuanian influence is doubtful because of the lake’s location (in northeastern Latvia), but the semantics of the Lithuanian appellative seem more suitable for motivating the hydronym.

Indra E II 166 (|| Indras ezers Pag. apr. 572) in Skaistkalne: (??) Lithuanian indrė ‘reed’ LKŽ IV 108. Cf. other hydronyms: Latvian Indra river in Skaistkalne Pag. apr. 572, “Indrica” river E II 190, Lithuanian Indrailìs lake, Indrajà river, Indrajỹs lake, Indrinis lake, which A. Vanagas also connects with the Lithuanian appellative mentioned above (EŽ 130). For the limnonym under analysis, see also Endzelin 1934, 142, where it is classified among hydronyms without a productive suffix; Lvv I 362; Būga RR I 444, III 525.

„Kulpines ezers“ Lvv II 169 in Viļaka: (??) Kūlpė river, which A. Vanagas hypothetically connects with Lithuanian kulpėti, kūlpinti, kulpyti ‘to swim, to strike’ LKŽ VI 847, though other connections are also possible; cf. Upper Sorbian kolp, Kashubian kelp ‘swan’ LEW 175 (EŽ 171). J. Endzelin compares this Latvian limnonym with the Lithuanian river name mentioned above, as well as with Lithuanian Kulpidai stream and Slavic *kolpb ‘swan’ (Lvv II 169). M. Rudzytė compares this lake name with Latvian Kulpjupīte river and Estonian Kulpjärv (Rudzīte 1968, 184). V. Zeps also treats this name as a possible Finnic loan (Zeps 1977, 429).

„Skabu ezers“ E II 151 in Puopė: (??) Lithuanian skabùs ‘sharp, cutting or chopping easily’ LKŽ XII 652. In this case, a Lithuanian origin is not very likely because of the site’s location—in the northwestern part of Kurzeme. Cf. other Latvian place names with this root: Skabij village E II 189 in Vidsmuiža, Skabis village E I 35 in Ādaži, Skabi village E II 71 in Zasa.

Šlapuk 1962 in Skaistkalne (the authenticity of this name is highly doubtful): (?) Lithuanian šlāpias LKŽ XIV 1015. Cf. also Šlapuki marsh in Saliena, and Lithuanian hydronyms with this root: Šlapės river, lake, Šlapikė river, Šlapýtė river, Šlapiukai river, Šlāpuņis river EŽ 333.

When analyzing and comparing Latvian and Lithuanian hydronyms, we find many cognate and root-related words—that is, Baltic and Indo-European lexemes. However, there are very few lake names borrowed from Lithuanian. As was to be

73

it may be expected that most Latvian limnonyms which, without much doubt, could be called Lithuanianisms in the true sense of the word, are recorded along the Lithuanian border, in the southeastern part of the Latvian SSR.

ABBREVIATIONS

ap – inhabited locality

avd. – personal name

brus. – Belarusian

dem. – diminutive

dial. – dialectal form

dš. – right (tributary)

dv. – former manor

est. – Estonian

ež – lake

+ ež – drained or silted-up lake

jotv. – Yotvingian

k – village

kaš. – Kashubian

kln – hill

kor. – corrected

kr. – left (tributary)

lat. – Latvian

lyb. – Livonian

liet. – Lithuanian

p – additions

plg. – compare

pr. – Prussian

sorb. – Sorbian

u – river

vs – isolated homestead

|2∧2 – coincidence of intonations

1962... – year of registration (expedition)

LITERATŪRA

Apr. – Gerullis G. Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen. Berlin, 1922.

Balode 1987 – Balode L. Slāvu cilmes limnonīmi Latvijas PSR teritorijā // Onomastikas apcerējumi. Rīga, 1987. P. 12—20.

Būga RR I—III – Būga K. Rinktiniai raštai. T. 1—3. V., 1958—1961.

Dambe 1963 – Dambe V. Daži vērojumi Latvijas PSR dienvidrietumu daļas toponīmikā // Lietuviešu kalbotyros klausimai. 1963. T. 6. P. 247—267.

Dambe 1972 – Dambe V. Saknes bal(i)-, pal(i)- (skaņu mija) ar slāpas vietas nozīmi vietvārdos // Veltījums akadēmiķim Jānim Endzelīnam. Rīga, 1972. P. 125—150.

Dambe 1987 – Dambe V. Ieskats Latvijas PSR hidronīmu semantikā // Onomastikas apcerējumi. Rīga, 1987. P. 32—47.

Duridanov 1969 – Duridanov I. Thrakisch-dakische Studien. T.1: Die thrakisch und dakisch-baltischen Sprachbeziehungen. Sofia, 1969.

Duridanov 1976 – Дуриданов И. П. Езикът на траките. София, 1976.

E I, II – Endzelīns J. Latvijas vietu vārdi. D. 1.: Vidzemes vārdi. Rīga, 1922; D. 2.: Kurzemes un Latgales vārdi. Rīga, 1925.

EH – Endzelīns J., Hauzenberga E. Papildinājumi un labojumi K. Mīlenbacha Latviešu valodas vārdnīcai. S. 1.—2. Rīga, 1934—1946.

Endzelin 1934 – Endzelin J. Die lettländischen Gewässernamen // Zeitschrift für slavische Philologie. Wiesbaden, 1934. Bd. 2, H. 1/2. S. 112—150.

EŽ – Vanagas A. Lietuvių hidronimų etimologinis žodynas. V., 1981.

G – P. Stučkos LVU Geografijos mokslinio tyrimo sektoriaus kartoteka.

Jonikas 1950/1951 – Jonikas P. Zu den litauischen Ortsnamen // Beiträge zur Namenforschung. Heidelberg, 1950—1951. Bd. 2. S. 1—32.

Konv. I—XXII – Latviešu konversācijas vārdnīca. Rīga, 1927—1940. S. 1—22.

Ladms – Lietuvos TSR administracinio-teritorinio suskirstymo žinynas. V., 1976. T. 2.

Laumane 1973 – Laumane B. Zivju nosaukumi latviešu valodā. Rīga, 1973.

74

Leyding 1959 — Leyding G. Słownik nazw miejscowych okręgu mazurskiego. Cz. 2: Nazwy fizjograficzne. Poznań, 1959.

LEW — Fraenkel E. Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg; Göttingen, 1955–1965.

LGr — Endzelīns J. Latviešu valodas gramatika. Rīga, 1951.

LKil — Lietuvių kalbos ir literatūros instituto kartoteka.

LKŽ I–XIV — Lietuvių kalbos žodynas. V., 1968–1986. T. 1–14.

LPŽ I — Lietuvių pavardžių žodynas. V., 1985. T. 1.

Lw I–II — Endzelīns J. Latvijas PSR vietvārdi. Rīga, 1956. S. 1. D. 1; Rīga, 1961. S. 1. D. 2.

ME I–IV — Mīlenbachs K., Endzelīns J. Latviešu valodas vārdnīca. Rīga, 1923–1932. S. 1–4.

Otrębski 1965 — Otrębski J. Gramatyka języka litewskiego. W-wa, 1965. T. 2.

Pag. apr. — Salnais V., Maldups A. Pagastu apraksti. Rīga, 1935.

Porzig 1954 — Porzig W. Die Gliederung des indogermanischen Sprachgebiets. Heidelberg, 1954.

Rudzīte 1968 — Rudzīte M. Somugriskie hidronīmi Latvijas PSR teritorijā // Latviešu leksikas attīstība. Rīga, 1968. P. 175–197.

Staltmanė 1981 — Сталтмане В. Э. Латышская антропонимия: Фамилии. М., 1981.

Toporov I — Топоров В. Н. Прусский язык: Словарь. М., 1975–1984. Т. 1–4.

Toporov 1988 — Топоров В. Н. Заметки о латышских мифологических именах (Рукопись вручена „Onomastica Lettica“).

U IV — Plāķis J. Latvijas vietu vārdi un latviešu pavārdi. D. 1: Kurzemes vārdi // Latvijas universitātes raksti. Filoloģijas un filozofijas sērija. Rīga, 1936. S. 4. Nr. 1. P. 3–305.

U V — Plāķis J. Latvijas vietu vārdi un latviešu pavārdi. D. 2.: Zemgales vārdi // Turpat. S. 5. Nr. 5. Rīga, 1939. P. 213–528.

Vanagas 1970 — Vanagas A. Lietuvos TSR hidronimų daryba. V., 1970.

Vanagas 1981 — Vanagas A. Lietuvių hidronimų semantika // Lietuvių onomastikos tyrinėjimai (Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai. T. 21). V., 1981. P. 4–154.

Walde, Pokorny 1930 — Walde A. Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen / Herausgegeben und bearbeitet von Pokorny J. Berlin; Leipzig, 1930. B. 1–2.

Zeps 1977 — Zeps V. Critique of Proposed Finnic Hydronyms in Latgola // Studies in Finno–Ugric Linguistics. 1977. Vol. 131. P. 427–440.

ЛИТУАНИЗМЫ В ЛАТЫШСКОЙ ЛИМНОНИМИИ

Резюме

Лимнонимы ЛатвССР, которых насчитывается около 4200 (с вариантами и повторяющимися названиями около 6800), по своему происхождению являются не вполне однородным слоем лексики. Подавляющее большинство (около 3800 лимнонимов) — это названия озер, образованные на базе латышского языка. Лимнонимы иноязычного происхождения, т. е. образованные от иноязычных appellативов, составляют около 5% всех названий озер Латвии (лимнонимов славянского происхождения — около 160 (250), финно-угорского — около 45 (105) и т. д.).

Названий озер ЛатвССР, которые с топодеривативной точки зрения можно назвать литуанизмами, немного — около 11 (23), напр.: Ašarainis, Bevorža ezers, Gīļa ezers, Kulis, Kesis. Это лимнонимы, образованные непосредственно от литовских appellативов. Абсолютное большинство латышских лимнонимов-литуанизмов обнаруживаем неподалеку от границы Литвы, главным образом в юго-восточной части республики.

75

Латышских лимнонимов, генетически связанных с литовским языком, несколько больше — около 50. Это названия, образованные от латышских апеллятивов, которые в свою очередь являются литуанизмами, напр.: Dagū ežers: лтш. dagis < лит. dagýs; Deguta ežers: лтш. deguts < лит. degūtas; Tēvišķe? лтш. tēvišķe < лит. tēviškė. В определенном смысле с литовским языком связаны также лимнонимы, образованные от других латышских топонимов-литуанизмов или фамилий литовского происхождения, напр.: Durbes ezers: Durbė река < (?) лит. durbė; Šešku ezers: Šeški деревня < лит. šeškas; Jonuša ezeriņš: лит. фамилия Jonušis, Jonušys. Немало и таких латышских лимнонимов, которые можно связывать с литовским языком только с большой долей гипотетичности, напр.: Asva, Ādmenis, Indra, Kulpines ežers, Skabu ežers.