ACTA LINGUISTICA LITHUANICA

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XLI (1999)

Laimutis BILKIS

Institute of the Lithuanian Language, Vilnius

LITHUANIAN SUFFIXAL DIMINUTIVE HELONYMS

1. The main features of Lithuanian diminutive formation

1.1. Lithuanian is notable for its abundance of diminutives. This is emphasized in all works devoted to both synchronic and diachronic studies of word formation (LKG I 254; Urbutis 1978: 280; Ambrazas 1994: 130; etc.). Their diversity of formation is particularly noteworthy: the large number of suffixes that can serve as derivational affixes, the real or potential possibility of forming diminutives from nearly every noun and a substantial proportion of adjectives, and so on.

Chronologically, four layers of Lithuanian diminutives are distinguished: 1) Indo-European: derivatives with the determinative *-k-; 2) diminutives that began to emerge in individual dialects and groups of Indo-European languages: derivatives with the determinatives *-l-, *-g-/-g’-, *-s- and with the adjectival suffix *-ino-; 3) Proto-Baltic: derivatives with the determinative *-t-, the adjectival suffix *-ino-, and the suffix for names of possessors of a quality *-ītio- (< *-ito- + *-io-); within this layer, a shared Lithuanian and Latvian diminutive stratum is also distinguished (derivatives with the suffixes *-ēno- (< *-ēn- + *-o-), *-īnio- (< *-ino- + *-io-), *-ātio- (< *-āto- + *-io-) and with the Slavic suffixes -ka, -uška); 4) Lithuanian: derivatives with -aitis (-aitė), -eitė, -uolis (-uolė), -yklė, -uklis, as well as with various Slavic suffixes (Ambrazas 1994: 153).

1.2. Research into the formation of Lithuanian diminutives makes extensive use of toponymic data (especially hydronymic data)¹. Hydronyms, as a relatively stable class of place names, can provide valuable information about the development of Lithuanian diminutives (chronology, distribution, etc.).

Apie deminutyvinius lietuvių upių ir ežerų vardus yra rašęs J. Senkus (Senkus 1963: 249–260), ypač detaliai jie ištirti A. Vanago hidronimų darybos studijoje (Vanagas 1970). Iš šių tyrimų matyti, jog lietuvių vandenvardžių su deminutyvinėmis priesagomis daryba yra adekvati apeliatyvinių deminutyvų darybos tendencijoms: pasižymi darybos produktyvumu (pvz., tarp priesagų vedinių daugiausia yra upių ir ežerų vardų su deminutyvų priesaga -ėlė, -elis) bei pakankamai gausiu darybos afiksų inventoriumi. Panašios tendencijos pastebimos ir latvių hidronimijoje – tarp priesaginės darybos limnonimų produktyviausios vėlgi deminutyvų darybos priesagos -īt- ir -iņ-. (Balode 1985: 61). Taigi čia pateikiama

¹In addition to the aforementioned article by S. Ambrazas, see also P. Skardžius’s study of word formation (Skardžius 1996).

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Analysis of the category of common nouns, or names of marshy places², appears to be a necessary and consistent continuation of hydronymic research. In addition, this analysis would make it possible to compare the formation of diminutive helonyms³ with that of other hydronyms and reveal their similarities and differences.

2. Problems in analyzing the formation of diminutive helonyms

When beginning to analyze suffixal diminutive helonyms, several key problems must be addressed, concerning 1) the determination of the word-formation method; 2) the determination of the lexical status of the derivational base; and 3) the determination of the derivative’s word-formation meaning, that is, its assignment to a particular word-formation category.

2.1. Regarding the problem of determining the word-formation method, cases should be noted in which the derivational base is a common noun, since the language has diminutive variants formed with various suffixes alongside any such noun; helonyms may therefore have arisen directly from these variants, e.g., Balėlė b. Rm < balėlė < bala; Raist-ūkas b. Dbg < raistūkas < raistas, and so on. If this word-formation pattern is assumed, the names of marshy places would have to be regarded as suffixal formations, that is, as containing a suffix that is not a derivational affix but merely a morpheme inherited directly from the base appellative. However, this does not seem correct. It is quite clear that the vast majority of diminutives that could theoretically serve as base words are not nominative nomenclatural geographical terms, since lexically they are not neutral and also express a certain evaluative, emotional aspect. The only exception might be the nominative term upėlis ‘small river’. The conversion of such appellatives into toponyms without an affix is not a common way for place names to arise. Of course, this does not mean that it is impossible, but it is almost impossible to identify such cases; therefore, all helonyms containing suffixes characteristic of diminutive formation should be considered suffixal derivatives.

2.2. In the work of Lithuanian toponymists, the lexical nature of the derivational base is considered particularly important: first and foremost, whether it belongs to the class of appellatives or proper names, and then whether it belongs to certain smaller subclasses (see Vanagas 1970; 1973: 209–219; Razmukaitė 1981: 199–206; 1983: 146–153; 1988: 88–104; 1989: 138–147; 1991: 53–60). For example, it is claimed that, alongside one or another more general suffix, oikonym formation is characterized by several suffix types that arose because suffixes depend on the lexeme to which they are attached, that is, on the nature of the derivational base: an appellative, a personal name, or a toponym (Razmukaitė 1989: 139). It is even argued that differentiating place names formed by all word-formation methods on this basis could be the first step in a derivational classification (Savu-

² Šių terminų vartojimas yra aptartas išsamiau (žr. Bilkis 1997: 35–57).

³ Following the established tradition of research on appellative diminutives, the term diminutive helonym is used here and throughout the article in a broad sense: diminutives are taken to include augmentatives, melioratives, and pejoratives, especially since it is hardly possible to distinguish the meanings of such derivatives in the case of helonyms (or toponyms in general).

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kynas 1971: 168). Todėl šio skirstymo nevengiama analizuojant ir deminutyvinius priesaginius helonimus, nes norima išsiaiškinti priesagų santykius su atitinkamiems leksikos sluoksniams priklausančiais pamatiniais žodžiais. Tiesa, tenka pripažinti, kad tai nėra struktūrinė, o tam tikra prasme semantinė klasifikacija, todėl konstatuotinas klasifikavimo nevienarūšiškumas (plg. Toporov 1963: 228). Tačiau jis pateisinamas, kadangi, kaip minėta, nuo helonimų darybos pamato leksinio pobūdžio gali priklausyti priesaginio helonimų struktūrinės ypatybės. Be to, tai nėra helonimų, o jų pamatinių žodžių semantinis klasifikavimas. Remiantis tuo, kas pasakyta, išskiriamos dvi pagrindinės deminutyvinių helonimų grupės. Pirmajai (1.) priskiriami helonimai, padaryti iš apeliatyvų (priesaginė toponimizacija), antrajai (2.) – helonimai, padaryti iš onimų (toponimų) (priesaginė transtoponimizacija). Jos skirstomos smulkiau – pirmoji: iš fiziografinių terminų, iš augalų pavadinimų, iš gyvūnų pavadinimų, iš objektų kuopą reiškiančių vietų pavadinimų ir t. t.; antroji: iš kitų helonimų, iš upių ir ežerų vardų, iš oikonimų, iš kitokių toponimų.

When classifying diminutive helonyms according to the lexical status of the base word, it is sometimes difficult to determine which group—the appellatives or proper names (more specifically, toponyms)—the latter belongs to. The fact that no unsuffixed place name with the same root has been recorded alongside a helonym with a diminutive suffix does not establish that such a name for a marshy place does not exist, or did not previously exist, in colloquial speech. However, in the absence of a specific way to prove this, only those helonyms whose base word is a place name that is actually attested—that is, recorded from colloquial speech—should be assigned to the transtoponymic group.

It should also be noted that in some cases the base helonym may not be an independent toponymic unit but a variant form alongside the derivative; however, this too is very difficult to establish. Moreover, this possibility does not significantly affect the lexical characterization of the derivational base, since in both cases the derivative is a place name, more specifically, a helonym.

2.3. Research into the word-formation meanings of suffixal helonyms is complicated by the fact that the base word of a considerable proportion of these derivatives is not entirely clear or is completely unclear, while suffixes are identified by comparing a helonym with other helonyms sharing the same root, river and lake names, other kinds of toponyms, and derivatives in which an analogous formative (suffix) can also be identified: Al-iūlė b. Šš – cf. Āliai marsh, Švnč; At-aisai marsh, Šlv – cf. At-uonės b. Trš, At-esys lake, Smn; for the suffix, cf. Ilg-áis(is) marsh, Krn, Juod-aisės marsh, Btr, Rim-aisai village, Rm, Latvian Raūnais(is) lake, Kļavaisa river, Ārais(is) lake, and so on. In such cases, the word-formation meaning of the helonyms (including those with suffixes characteristic of diminutive formation) is also unclear; therefore, the discussion of diminutive helonyms refers only to names of marshy places with clear derivation, that is, those whose base word is entirely clear.

The word-formation meanings of helonyms formed with suffixes characteristic of diminutive formation vary, and in some cases differ somewhat from those of the corresponding appellatives.

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2.3.1. Only those helonyms whose base word is a common noun can be considered genuine diminutive helonyms, e.g., Šak-ėlės < branch; Ąžuolyn-ėlė < oak grove; Uodeg-ikė < tail ‘a narrowing part of land, meadow, field, or forest’ (LKŽ XVII 460, 464); Ežer-iūkas < lake, and so on. These helonyms are analyzed in the first (1.) group.

2.3.2. Helonyms derived from adjectives are more properly assigned not to the category of diminutives, but to the derivational category of names denoting bearers of a nominal property (nomina attributiva), e.g., the relationship of the helonym Žal-ėlis to the base adjective green is roughly the same as that of the noun kart-ėlė ‘karren (a genus of cruciferous plants)’ (LKG I 360) to the base adjective bitter; the relationship of the helonym Apskrit-utė to the derivational base round is roughly the same as that of the noun rausvūtė ‘a moss growing in pine forests on pure sand’ (LKG I 352) to the derivational base pink, and so on. For this reason, it seems that helonyms of this type should not be discussed in the analysis of diminutive helonyms.

2.3.3. Helonyms derived from verbs with suffixes characteristic of diminutive formation should be regarded not as diminutives, but as derivatives belonging to the derivational category of names denoting bearers of a verbal property (nomina agentis). The relationship of the helonyms Murm-ėlės, Išpūv-elė, Siūb-ūkas, Pump-utis, Kriok-uzis, etc., to the corresponding base verbs murmėti (mūrma) ‘to murmur, gurgle, burble’ (LKŽ VIII 426), išpūti (išpūvo) ‘to rot completely, perish; turn into decayed matter’ (LKŽ X 1125), siūbuoti ‘to sway from side to side, oscillate; to sway, ripple on the surface, undulate’ (LKŽ XII 585–586), pumpėti ‘to expand, swell’ (LKŽ X 909, IX 312), kriokti ‘to breathe with difficulty, wheeze, puff; to roar loudly, rush’ (LKŽ VI 605–606) is analogous to the relationship of the common nouns čiūpelis ‘a sucker, a shoot’ (LKG I 334), sugriūvelis (LKG I 319), šlamūkas ‘a plant of the Asteraceae family, everlasting’ (LKG I 328), blizgutis ‘a glittering object, a hepatica’ (LKG I 324) to the base verbs čiūpti (čiūpo), sugriūti (sugriūvo), šlamėti (šlama), blizgėti (blizga).

2.3.4. Helonyms derived from other toponyms with suffixes characteristic of diminutives also exhibit a specific derivational meaning. With respect to the base word, such derivatives express not only diminutiveness (for this reason they are also called toponymic diminutive derivatives⁴), but also possessiveness. Relations of origin and belonging between the derivative and the base are sufficiently evident not only because they are determined by the relationship between the named objects themselves (Vanagas 1970: 75), but also by the properties of the derivational formant. For example, in helonyms Meldutišk-aitė, Bagm-ėlis, Žydbal-ytė, Kuden-iōkas, Švendr-iūkas, derived from the corresponding nonsuffixed place names with the same roots Meldūtiškė, Bagmas (Bagmà), Žydbalė, Kudėnis, Švendra, the suffixes -ait-, -el-, -yt-, -(i)ok-, -(i)uk- can also function as derivational formants for common-noun derivatives expressing diminutiveness and possessiveness—cf. karal-aitis, ant-ėlis, kat-ytis, stim-iōkas, generol-iūkas (LKG I 411), and so on.

⁴ Vanagas 1970: 75.

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It is true that studies of the semantics of river and lake names treat the derivational meaning of derivatives formed from place names of different classes differently: hydronyms derived from other river and lake names are considered diminutives (along with an expression of possessiveness), whereas those derived from all other toponyms are considered possessives. This distinction is based on differences in the quantitative relationships between the objects named by the base word and the derivative (Vanagas 1981: 46–48; 94–97). However, this criterion may be somewhat formal in some cases, since the diminutive relationship between toponyms (the derivative and its base), as linguistic units, may not correspond to the quantitative relationship between the objects they name: for example, the meadow Sidabrinė may be smaller than the lake Sidabrinaitis, but the derivative Sidabrinaitis may be a diminutive relative to the base word Sidabrinė. This is all the more true of the relationships between helonyms and other toponyms serving as their base words, since in this case it is altogether impossible to determine quantitative relationships between the named objects (e.g., between a bog and a meadow, a marsh and a meadow, a swamp and a lake, etc.). For these reasons, all helonyms derived from other place names (both helonyms and other kinds of toponyms) should, in terms of derivational meaning, be considered both diminutives and possessives, i.e., derivatives that express diminutiveness and possessiveness with respect to their base word.

Helonyms of this kind, that is, those derived from other toponyms, constitute the second (2.) group of marshy-place names under analysis.

It should be emphasized that, when establishing the derivational base of marshy-place names in this group, account must be taken of the localization data for the objects named by the base word and the derivative, since a derivative can be considered a product of transtoponymization only when the two objects are adjacent to or near one another⁵.

2.3.5. The derivational meaning of anthropohelonyms should be understood differently. Derivatives formed from personal names indicate belonging in relation to the base word and therefore can only be assigned to the category of possessives, e.g., the derivational meaning of the helonym Abrom-alis bog Slnt: Abrōmas surname (LPŽ I 60) would be ‘belonging to Abromas’; that of the helonym Tamul-ianka bog Krkn: Tamùlis surname (LPŽ II 1017), ‘belonging to Tamulis’; and that of the helonym Bìsl-aitė bog Jnš, which most likely originated from *Bìsl-aitė: Bìslis surname (LPŽ I 266), ‘belonging to Bislis’, and so on. Thus, this group of helonyms, too, is not the subject of the analysis of diminutive helonyms.

3. Analysis of Suffixal Diminutive Helonyms

3.1. Derivatives with Lithuanian (Baltic) suffixes.

The suffix -aič-

-aitė (-aitės). 1. Rūd-aitės rst. Sem < rūdà⁶ “a natural mineral substance from which metals are made; poor, marshy land containing peat, peat bog.”

⁵ This provision does not apply only to metaphorical helonyms.

⁶ In determining the appellatives serving as base words for suffixal diminutive helonyms, various Lithuanian-language dictionaries were used; to avoid citing them repeatedly after each base word, they are listed in the bibliography provided after the article. For the same reason, the meanings given are not those of all appellatives, but only of those less widespread in Lithuanian.

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The suffix -aič- is rare not only in the formation of helonyms but also in that of other place names and appellatives (for the latter, see LKG I 286). It should be regarded as a variant of the suffix -ait- (-aitė). Suffix -ait- -aitė (-aitės). According to the lexical status of their base words, derivatives whose formation is clear fall into two groups: appellative and onymic (toponymic). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Alksn-aitė b. Ply < álksna (alksnà) “bog, hollow, valley; a place overgrown with alders, alder grove”; cf. also álksnis (alksnỹs) “a tree of the birch family”; Apydėm-aitė b. Ml < apydėmė “a village’s common plot of land between two homesteads; a plot beside the house, an outlet”; Bal-aitė b. Kair, Snt, Šl; b., rst. Str; Balaità – Slavicized from *Bal-aitė rst. Grvš; Bal-aitė b. Grl, Mrk, Švnč; plk. Bzl etc. (14 in all); Bal-aitė⁷ b. Al, Lzd, Lg; plk. Šl; rst. KzR etc. (15 in all); Bal-aitės b. Šl; plk. Vs; rst. Sem etc. (9 in all); Bal-aitės b. Ml; plk. Kair, Vrn; Bal-aitės, a boggy alder grove, Jnk; plk. Grz, Mrc, Šl; plk. Mrs < balà; Duobur-aitė b. Kpč < duoburỹs “hollow”; Durpinÿč-aitė b. Alvt < dùrpinÿčia “a place where peat is or was dug; a pit in a peat bog”; Gir-aitė b. Vs; b., rst. Kpč; plk. Rs, Ššt etc. (10 in all); Gir-aitė b. Vs; plk. Šlv, rst. Mrk; Gir-aitė 2b. Kpč; plk. Dg, Mrk; rst. Arn; Gir-aitės b. Kuč < girià; Išdag-aitė b. Šmk < išdaga (išdaga) “a place in a meadow, forest, or peat bog that has been burned out or scorched by the sun; a burn”; Išdeg-aitė b. Erž < išdegas “a place in a meadow, forest, or peat bog that has been burned out or scorched by the sun; a burn”; Kalianij-aitės b. Vs < *kalianija – cf. kaliònija “a single homestead; a separate plot of land”; Kriauš-aitė plk. Vrd < kriaušis (kriaušys) “a steep, precipitous bank, a sharply rising place”; Kupurn-aitė b. Kuč < kupūrna “an unevenness in a meadow, a tussock, a mound; an overgrown molehill”; Lank-aitė plk. Smln < lankà “a large, level meadow, usually by a river and flooded during high water; a hollow, valley, slope”; Lauk-aitė b. Šln < laũkas “a level, treeless place; cultivated land, a crop field,” but it may also be a deadjectival derivative – cf. laũkas, -à “having a white forehead or white muzzle”; Paker-aitė rst. Mlt < pakerė “a place beneath tree roots scoured by water; a river, lake, or hollow bank undermined by water and sloping down, a steep bank”; Piev-aitė plk. Kr; Piev-aitės rst. Dg; Piev-aitės b. Vs < píeva; Pievel-aitė b. Žmt < pievėlė < píeva; Plyn-aitė b. Kbr; Plyn-aitė b., plk. Šk; Plyn-aitė b. Kbr < plýnė “an open place, plain; a marsh, bog”; Sal-aitės b. Alv, Dkšt; Sal-aitės b. Rd < salà “an area of land surrounded by water on all sides; a raised, dry patch of land in a quagmire or bog, a patch of one kind of grass or other plants, a hummock”; Šlyn-aitė plk. Alj < šlỹnas “grayish-blue or whitish sticky clay mixed with organic matter; soil of this clay; silt, mud”; b) from plant names: Egl-aitė b. Krkn; Egl-aitė b. Krkn < eglė (eglė); Obel-aitė lk. Dg < obelìs; c) from animal names: Kuis-aitė plk., tr. Rt < kuisis (kuisys) “mosquito, gnat”;

⁷ Helonym forms recorded from living speech but without marked stress are left unaccented here and throughout the article.

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d) from names of various objects or phenomena in the social environment: Pil-aitė b. Lzd < pilìs ‘castle’; e) from names of various objects on the basis of a particular resemblance (metaphorical derivatives): Niekot-aitė b. Sltn < niekotė ‘a small tub for winnowing or sifting grain and groats; a grain bin’ – for the semantics, compare Geld-ėlė b. Ttr.

Toponymic derivatives, according to the membership of their base word in particular classes of toponyms, can be divided into several groups.

2. a) from other helonyms: Alksnyn-aitė b. Vs < Alksnynė b.; Ašutin-aitė b. Mrk < Ašutinė b.; Bal-aitė b. Ckn < Balà b.; Bal-aitė b. Šl < Balà plk.; Dielin-aitė b. Mrk < Dielinė b.; Girnalov-aitės b. KzR < Girnalovė b.; Gojin-aitė b. Lzd < Gojinė b.; Yvin-aitė b. Šlvn < Yvinė (Yvinė) b.; Jendrin-aitė b., rst. Vs < Jendrinė b.; Jendrin-aitė b. Vs < Jendrinė b.; Kemšin-aitė b. Mrc < Kemšinė b.; Kiaulin-aitė b. Vs < Kiaulinė b.; Krakin-aitė b. Vs < Krakinė b.; Kūdabāl-aitė (|| Kūdabālaitis) b. ŠlnL < Kūdabale b.; Kūlyn-aitė b. Lp < Kūlynas b.; Kupstin-aitė b. Vs < Kupstinė b.; Lapūkin-aitė b. Srj < Lapūkinė b.; Lašišk-aitės rst. Dg < Lašiškės rst.; Luotin-aitė b. Lzd < Luotinė b.; Nendrin-aitė b. Kuč < Nendrinė b.; Ožkabal-aitė b. Šk. < Ožkabalė plk.; Ožnugar-aitė b. Rtnk < Ožnugarė b.; Polabal-aitė b. Lp < Polabalė b.; Prūd viet-aitės plk. Rs < Prūdvietės plk.; Rūdin-aitė b. Kuč < Rūdinė b.; Širok-aitė plk. Lp. < Širokė plk.; Tunišk-aitės b. Vrn < Tuniškės b. A couple of helonyms are formed not from names of marshy places designating other nearby features, but directly from neighboring genders: Medušk-aitė b. Alv is most likely a reshaping, due to metathesis, of *Medukšt-aitė < Medukštė, Medukšta; Meldutišk-aitė b. Mrk < Meldùtiškė.

The model of word formation discussed here regularly extends and represents the result of interaction between homogeneous toponyms observed in the word-formation system of Lithuanian river and lake names: derivatives with the suffix -ait-, characteristic of the formation of diminutives and possessives, expressing diminutiveness and belonging in relation to the base toponym (for the latter, compare Vanagas 1970: 75).

Other similar derivatives also represent this word-formation model:

b) from oikonyms: Keryv-aitė plk. Grk < Keryvai k.;

c) from other types of toponyms: Bal-aitės b. Vrn < Bālos pv.; Bendrābal-aitė b. Lp < Bendrābolė pv., which is most likely Slavicized from *Bendrābalė; Degus-aitė b. Lp < Dėgusė pv.; Kemsin-aitė b. Lzd < Kemsinė pv.; Kiauliabal-aitė b. Vrn < Kiauliābalis mš. dalis, pv.; Moragin-aitė b. Vrn < Morāginės pv.; Plyn-aitės plk. KzR < Plý nė ar.; Sal-aitės b. Mrc < Sālos l., pv.; Sal-aitės rst. Dg < Sālos pv.; Varnišk-aitė b. Kuč < Varniškės pv.

-aitis (-aičiai). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Bal-aičiai plk. Str; rst. Dv; Bal-aičiai plk. Čk; Bal-aitis b. Švnč; Bal-aitis b. Pls; Bal-aitis b. Onš < balà; Eglyn-aičiai b. Lp; Eglyn-aitis b. Lp < eglȳnas; Ežer-aičiai 2b. Ut; plk. Žl; rst. Gr, Vyd, Vrn; Ežer-aičiai plk., rst. Žl; the Slavicized helonym Ežeroičiai rst. Žl is of the same word-formation type – from *Ežeraičiai; Ežer-aitis b. Grz; plk. Blnk, Gr; plk., b. Grk; rst. Lel, Mrc, PžlM; Ežer-aitis b. Rod; Ežeroitis rst. Btr – Slavicized from *Ežer-aitis <

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lake; Gir-áičiai bog, Btr < girià; Karklyn-áičiai marsh, Bzl; Karklyn-ái tis village, Kpč < karklẏnas; Kelm-ái čiai marsh, Mcč < kélmas; Kvajyn-aitis village, Vs < kvajýnas “pine forest”; Liglynáičiai village, Lp < *Liglyn-áičiai is apparently a certain alteration of the original form Eglyn-áičiai (see); Lóv-aičiai marsh, Rs < lovỹs “hollow, channel, canal, ditch”; Mulyn-ái tis village, Lp < *mulynas < mùlas “mud”; Rūd-áičiai bog, Gr < rūdà “natural mineral substance from which metals are made; poor, marshy land mixed with peat, ore-bearing ground”; Rūd yn-aitis village, Erž < rūdýnas “bog with rusty water, peat bog; water containing rust, rusty water; land containing ore”; Samanýn-aitis village, Švn < samanỹnas; Šil-áičiai village, Knv; Šil-aičiai meadow, Dg < šìlas;

b) from plant names: Ąžuol-aitis village, Dg, Vrn < ą́žuolas;

c) from animal names: Dėl-aitis village, Sltn < dėlė “blood-feeding leech of warm waters, leech”; Gaigal-ái tis bog, Pkn < gaĩgalas “drake”; Várn-aitis village, Vlž < várna; Vilk-aičiai bog, Blnk < vìlkas.

The remaining formations can reliably be regarded as derivatives of various toponyms:

2. a) from other helonyms: Bendrar aist-aitis village, Vrn < Beñdraraistis bog; Kūdabal-aitis (|| Kūdabalaitė) < Kūdabalė village; Skundabal-aitis village, ŠlnL < Skùndabalis village; Švokšlin-aitis village, Onš < Švokšlinis village;

b) from river names: Akl-aitis bog, Dbg < Áklis river;

c) from other types of toponyms: Gulbin-aitis marsh, Grz < Gul̃binas forest; Veršišk-aitis bog, Dg < Veršiškis village.

The quantitative profile of helonyms—derivatives with the suffix -ait-—according to the lexical status of their base word and the derivational meaning determined by it is as follows: derivatives from appellatives (toponymization), i.e. true diminutives, are more numerous, accounting for 75%; derivatives from toponyms (trans-toponymization), i.e. derivatives expressing diminutiveness and possession, account for 25%.

The marsh name Mūtrung-ái tis in Grk deserves separate mention, since its relationship to the oikonym Mūtrungis village may be different: perhaps the original form of the helonym was *Mut-rungis, and later, when the village was given the same name, the relationships between these onyms were transformed, and the helonym, now as a possessive form, acquired the suffix -aitis. This phenomenon is quite common in the hydronymy of rivers and lakes (see Vanagas 1970: 77, 126 et al.).

Several fairly clearly delineated areas of distribution of formations with -ait- become apparent. Their greatest concentration is found in the southern and southwestern borderlands of Lithuania—around Lazdijai, Alytus, Varėna, Šakiai, and Vilkaviškis. Other areas with somewhat greater distribution are the eastern part of Lithuania and the territory around Raseiniai and Tauragė. It is noteworthy that the areas of distribution of helonyms and the names of rivers and lakes with this suffix largely coincide (for the latter, see Vanagas 1970: 79). The northern boundary of river and lake names (Priekulė–Jūžintai), however, is extended farther north by helonyms, reaching Šiauliai and Gruzdžiai.

Suffix -al-

-alė (-alės). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Bry l-alė plk. Ms < brýlas “clod”; Daub-ālės plk. Pšk < daubà “valley, hollow, ravine”; Ganykl-ālė plk. Žlb < ganyklà; Grau ž-ālės plk. Obl < gráužas (graužas) “gravel constituent; gravel,”

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pebbles; land by a gravel bank; gravelly area; a sand mound or islet deposited by a flood; a pebbly, sandy river or lake shore; a gravel pit”; Lank-ālė plk. Msd < lankà “a large level meadow, usually by a river, flooded during high water; valley, slope”; Mark-ālė b., plk. Vg; Mark-ālės b. Dr; Mork-ālės b. NmŽ – a reshaped form of *Mark-ālės < markà “a place for soaking flax, flax retting pond”; Pelk-ālė plk. Kltn; Pelk-alė plk. NmŽ; Pelk-ālės plk. Kltn, Varn < pélkė; Piev-ālė plk. Rt; Piev-alės b. Kl < píeva; Prūd-alė (|| Prūdėlė) plk. Užv; Prūd-alės plk. Mcč < prūdas (prūdàs) “pond”; Rūd-ālė b. Klm < rūdà; Šil-ālė plk. Vyr < šìlas; Tyr-ālė plk. Tl < týras “a boggy mire overgrown with sparse small trees”; Turpyn-ālė plk. Pkšt, Šll < turpýnas “a place with turfs, peat bog”;

b) from plant names: Gurgžd-ālė plk. Lk < gurgždis “an umbelliferous plant; forest angelica; garden angelica; lovage; ground elder; water hemlock; spotted hemlock”; Karkl-alė b. Dr < kàrklas; Kytr-ālė plk. Tv < kyt rė “yellow skunk cabbage (bog arum)”; Vingrykšt-ālė b. Krž < vingrykštis “bindweed”;

c) from animal names: Gerv-alės plk. Als < gérvė (gervė);

d) from names of various objects or phenomena in the social environment: Pil-ālė plk. Krt < pilìs;

e) from other appellatives: Šak-alės plk. Plm < šakà “a shoot growing from the trunk of a tree, shrub, or other plant.” It is possible, however, that this helonym has a different derivation—a suffixless derivative from the appellative šakalỹs “a thin, small stick, a piece of firewood.”

Another group of derivatives in -aitė is formed from various toponyms:

2. a) from other helonyms: Lakštin-alė plk. Plng < Lakštinė plk.;

b) from oikonyms: Lendrym-ālė plk. Dglk < Lendrýmai village part;

c) from other toponyms: Lank-ālė plk. Pkšt < Lankà stream; Liekn-alės plk. Plt < Lieknà forest, stream; Mark-alės plk. Pdv < Markos stream; Šil-alės plk. Žib < Šilai forest; Tyr-alės plk. Stlg < Týrai peat bog, wet meadow.

The helonym Pekl-ālė plk. Paš was most likely derived from the primary form Peklà, which names the same feature.

-alis (-aliai). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Dumbur-aliai plk. Kltn < dumburys “hollow”; Ežer-alis plk. Žlb; rst. Pln < ežeras; Gyvatyn-alis rst. Varn < gyvatýnas “a place with many snakes; swamp”; Mark-aliai plk. Varn; Mark-alis b. Varn < markà “a place for soaking flax, flax retting pond”; Paliūn-aliai (|| Paliūnėliai) plk. Nv < paliūnė “a place beside a quagmire; edge of a quagmire or swamp; wet, damp, marshy meadow”; Paversm-ālis plk. Plt < pavérsmis, pavérsmė “a waterlogged place beside a spring that never dries out and does not freeze in winter; source, spring”; Pjaun-alis 2plk. Šll < pjaunys “a mowable swamp overgrown with shrubs, a hollow where water remains in spring and autumn”; Prūd-aliai plk. Jčč; Prūd-aliai b. Lk; Prūd-ālis b. Tt; plk. Pšln < prūdas (prūdàs) “pond”; Pušyn-ālis plk. Plt; rst. Varn < pušýnas; Rub-ālis plk. Žr < rubà “boundary, line”; Skynim-aliai rst. Trg < ský imas (skynìmas) “a cleared, logged area of forest”; Smuklyn-ālis plk. NmŽ < smuklýnas “a wet, boggy

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‘place, quagmire’; Šaltin-alis n. End < šaltinis (šaltinys) ‘spring’; Tarp-aliai marshland. Krt – most likely from *tarpa, *tarpas or similar – cf. Polish dialectal tarfa ‘peat’ (Nitsche 1964: 88), Belarusian mapn, mapфa ‘peat’ (SBG V 91); Tyr-aliai marshland. Pkšt; Týr-alis marshland. Vgr, Žr; Tyr-alis marshland. Pln, Tv, Žlb; marsh. Rt < týras ‘a boggy marsh overgrown with sparse small trees’;

b) from plant names: Berž-aliai marshland. Brs < béržas ‘birch’; Kež-alis marshland. Plt < kéžas ‘a small, crooked, withered tree; stump; lichen of the kežiai family’; the other two variants of this helonym, Kež-alis, Kiž-alis, should be regarded as secondary, as certain alterations of the first;

c) from place names denoting a group of objects: Ožyn-alis marshland. Kv < *ožynas < ožys;

d) from names of various objects or phenomena in the social environment: Aptvor-ális marshland. Tv < aptvoras ‘fence, enclosure’; Num-aliai marshland. Skdv < nūmas ‘house’;

e) from names of various objects on the basis of a certain similarity (metaphorical derivatives): Jūr-alis n. Skd < jūra ‘sea’.

2. a) from other helonyms: Tyr-alis marshland. Tl < Týrai peat bog; Žaltatyr-alis marshland. Kl < Žaltatyris forest;

b) from other toponyms: Liūgn-aliai marshland. Kltn < Liūgnai village; Pākryž-alis marshland. Varn < Pākryžis hillfort.

In terms of the lexical status of the derivational base and derivational meaning, the -al- derivatives are distributed as follows: derivatives from common nouns (toponymization), i.e. genuine diminutives, account for 84%; derivatives from toponyms (trans-toponymization), i.e. diminutives and possessives, account for 16%.

The helonyms Marg-aliai marshland. Krt; Marg-alis n. Plt may be based on either the adjective márgas, -à, or the noun márgas ‘land measure’.

The distribution of helonyms with the suffix -al- differs somewhat from that of river and lake names formed in the same way (on the latter, see Vanagas 1970: 90): it is slightly larger, extending farther into eastern Žemaitija, as far as Tytuvėnai and Bazilionai. The outermost points of the area are Žemaičių Naumiestis – Dauglaukis – Kelmė – Tytuvėnai – Micaičiai – Barstyčiai – Pašilė – Skuodas; however, the concentration of such derivatives is much greater in the western and northwestern parts of Žemaitija.

Suffix -eik-

-eika (-eikos). 1. Bal-eikos marsh. Btrm < balà. Cf. the appellative diminutive živeikà ‘little fish’ (Ambrazas 1994: 131). On the other hand, the suffix may be Slavic—cf. Belarusian place names Батлейка, Варэйка, Рудамейка and so on (Lemciugova 1970: 89).

Suffix -ėk-

-ėkas. 1. Berž-ėkas marshland. Aln < béržas ‘birch’; Ežer-ėkas n. Kurn < ėžeras ‘lake’; Francūz-ėkas marsh. Glv < *francūzas – cf. prancūzas.

Suffix -el-

-elė (-elės). Distinguish helonyms formed from appellatives (toponymization) from those formed from other toponyms (trans-toponymization); their derivational meaning depends on this: productive-

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...formed from common nouns are considered diminutives, whereas derivatives from other toponyms express both diminutive and possessive relations with respect to the base word. 1. a) from physiographic terms: Ak-ėlė village Ig, Stk; bog Sem; Ak-ėlės lake Vdn; bog Vrn, Žž; bog, lake Nmt < akys “a hollow spot in a bog; a small body of water in a marsh or a lake in the process of silting up || a spring welling up from deep underground, a water hole”; Alksn-ėlė bog Būd < álksna (alksna) “a pool, hollow, valley; a place overgrown with alders, an alder grove,” but, on the other hand, cf. álksnis “a tree of the birch family”; Bagn-ėlė bog Aln; Bagn-elė village Mlt < bagnà “a marsh, bog, quagmire || deep mud, a mire”; Bal-ėlė villages Mrc, Nj, Trgn; lakes Krkn, Rd; bogs Pnm and others (about 110 in all); Bal-ėlė (|| Kertynė) village Šd; Bal-ėlės villages Mšk, Sv, Šmn; bog Žl and others (about 18 in all) < balà; Birž-ėlėvillages Alns, Tk; bog Trgn; Birž-ėlėsbog Žl < biržė “a small birch wood, birch grove, little birch grove”; Brast-ėlėvillages Pmp, Vs; lake Slv; bog Mlt and others (12 in all); Brast-ėlėsvillages Kpč, Ldvn, Lkšt; bogs Msn, Saml < brastà; Bucht-ėlėvillage Glv; bog Auk – cf. Polish buchta “bay, cove; a deep place in a river” (Nitsche 1964: 165); Bukt-ėlėlake Tl < buktà “an inlet of a river, lake, or pond; a backwater; a deep spot scoured out by water”; Daub-ėlėlake Tl < daubà; Degsn-ėlėsforest Mšk < dėgsnė (degsnė) “a burn, a burnt area”; also cf. degsnis “a burn, a scorched patch,” degsnys “a scorched patch, degsnė”; Diegl-ėlėforest Dj – probably from *Degl-ėlė– cf. dėglė “a deep, boggy place in a marsh”; Dirv-ėlėsvillages Ds; bog Lkm < dirvà; Dirž-ėlėvillage Rk < diržas “a strip of land”; Dumbl-ėlėvillages Dj, Jnšk; Dumbl-ėlėvillage Stč; Dumbl-ėlėsvillage Jnš < dūmblas; Duob-ėlėvillages Jk, Vs; bogs Kvr, Lel, Pbs and others (15 in all); Duob-ėlėbogs Prn, Vv; Duob-ėlėsvillage Trgn; lakes Jk, Pmp; bog Stk < duobė; Dzern-ėlėvillage Lp < dzernà “turf, sod”; Gal-ėlėvillage Rz < gãlas “edge; boundary; limit; end”; Gemb-ėlėsvillage Kair < gėmbė “a bend, curve”; Gir-ėlėvillages Antz, Km; lake Sgl; bogs Slk, Žl and others (19 in all); Gir-ėlėvillages Bsg, Sd, Vs; Gir-ėlėsvillage Užp; bog Pbs < girià; Goj-ėlėvillage Lzd; bog Pbs; Goj-elėlake Alksd < gõjus “a small, beautiful grove”; Grub-ėlėlake Rd; bog Šmn < grùbas “a mound”; Grūb-ėlėvillage PnmR < grūbà “a raised spot in a marsh, overgrown with shrubs and birches; a hill, knoll”; Kamš-ėlėvillages Krkn, Lp; lakes Ktv, Pn; bog Sug and others (9 in all); Kamš-ėlėvillages Brž, Kpč, Tršk; bog Nmt; Kamš-ėlėsvillages Bb, Rk; lakes Grnk, Jon < kamšà “a road filled or paved with twigs and brushwood; a filled-in, repaired hole; a boggy place”; a noteworthy helonym here is also Kamašalėvillage Rtn, which may have developed from *Kamaš-ėlė, itself resulting, through anaptyxis, from *Kamš-ėlė; Kapč-ėlėbog Dg < kāpčius “a mound of earth heaped up to mark a field boundary, furrow, or wall; a boundary marker, mound; a molehill”; Kems-ėlėbog Žl; Kems-ėlėsvillage Aln < kėmsa, kėmsas “a stump or small mound of earth overgrown with moss or grass, kesas”; Kin-ėlėbog Eiš < kinė (kinė) “a raised spot in a meadow, bog, or body of water; the end of a field edge adjoining cultivated land, a field-margin strip,” kinis “a crust overgrown on water; bog; an open spot in a bog; an eye”; Kopt-ėlėlake Mcč < koptà “ford, crossing; landing place”; Kūdr-ėlėvillages Ck, Ds, Grz; lake Pkr; bog Lbn and others (32 in all); Kūdr-ėlėŽb. Dg, village Ds; forest Pp; Kūdr-ėlėsvillages Dnv, Mšk, Rm, Sml, Vyd; Kūdr-ėlėslake Sk < kūdra (kūdrà); Kul-ėlėbog Pnvž < kulys (kūlis) “inlet, promontory; turn, bend; corner; edge, piece”; Kusc-ėlėvillage Pklnš – cf. Belarusian куце “alder grove”;

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Lank-ėlėvillages Kri, Lks; lake Akm; bog Ut and others (19 in all); Lank-elėvillages Pn, Pnd, Skm; Lank-ėlėsforest Pn; bogs Btr, Mrk; Lank-elėsvillage Vžns; lake Prv < lankà “a large, level meadow, usually beside a river and flooded during high water; a hollow, valley, slope”; Liekn-ėlėvillage Pbr; Liekn-ėlėsvillage Pn < lieknas (lieknas) “a wet, boggy meadow, marsh, pool; bog; a wet place overgrown with shrubs and stunted trees, a bog”; Liūn-ėlėvillages Antz, Pknš, Vp; bog Luok < liūnas; Mark-ėlėvillages An, Pbs, two villages Mlt, Žl; bog Vdn; Mark-ėlėsvillages Aln, Dbk, Rk, Šš; lake Šlv; Mark-elėsvillages An, Rgl, Rk < markà “a place for soaking flax, a flax-retting pool”; Pekl-ėlėvillages KzR, Nj, three villages Pn, village Srv; lake Srv and others (10 in all); Pekl-elėvillages Ars, Upt; lake Grk; bog Krn < peklà “hell; a very remote, faraway place; a poor, difficult road, a mire”; Pelk-ėlėvillages Kršk, Pp, Žg; forest Pp; lakes Krp, Pp, Vgr; Pelk-elėvillage Šd; lake Yl < pélkė; Piev-ėlėvillage Pls; bog Jnn; Piev-ėlėsvillages Kpč, Pls, Vrn; bogs Lh, Mrc < pieva; Pleck-ėlėvillage Šd – perhaps from *plečkaor the like – cf. plėcius“a piece of land, plot; a place, area, square”; Plyn-ėlėsbog Brš < pýne“an open, level place; marsh, bog”; Prūd-ėlėvillage Moc < prūdas (prūdas)“pond”; Rag-ėlėvillage Tj < rãgas“a pointed strip of land projecting into the sea, a lake, or a forest, a peninsula”; Riev-elėsbog Srj < rievà“shallow water; a raised spot in a bog, a small island”; Rub-ėlėlake Rd < rubà“boundary, line”; Rūd-ėlėvillages Al, Kn, Njn, Tz; Rūd-ėlėslake Stp < rūdà“a natural mineral substance from which metals are made; poor, marshy soil mixed with peat, iron-ore ground”; Sal-ėlėvillages Pg, Pnm, Rm, Užp; bog Sv and others (13 in all); Sal-elėvillage Kur; bog Skm; Sal-ėlėsvillages Ddsl, Km, Vb; forest Kpr; Sal-elėslake Krn; bog Jz < salà“an area of land surrounded on all sides by water; a raised, dry patch of land in a bog; a patch of one kind of grass or other plants, a tussock”; Šil-ėlėvillages Bč, Nj, Pmp, Všk; lake Pš and others (26 in all); Šil-elėtwo villages Nj, village Pnt; forest Pmp; lake Kri; Šil-ėlėsvillage Slč < šìlas“a forest of tall, straight conifers growing on sandy soil; a field or pasture overgrown with shrubs; heather”; Tėkm-ėlėvillage Luok; Tėkm-ėlėsvillage Mlt < tėkmė“a water current in a river; river, stream; (river) channel; a hollow in a deeper part of a river or bog”; Týr-elėslake Nv, bog Sd; < týras“a boggy marsh overgrown with sparse small trees”; Trak-ėlėsbog Srj < trãkas“a high, dry meadow overgrown with sparse shrubs and trees, a forest clearing; a cut-over or burnt area of forest, a clearing”; Up-ėlėbog Gdr; Up-ėlėslake Rd < ùpė; on the other hand, these two helonyms may have arisen directly from the appellative upėlė, considered a nominative nomenclatural geographical term; Vad-ėlėsvillage Glv < vadà“a forest clearing, glade; a road”; Valk-ėlėvillages Dbk, Ob; bog Rmš; Valk-elėtwo villages Ut; lake ŠnL; Velk-elė– probably a hypercorrection from *Valk-elėvillage Žž < valkà“a puddle”; Versm-ėlėvillages Aln, Blnk, Gaid; lake Moc; bog Sug and others (9 in all); Versm-ėlėstwo villages Rk, village Ut; bog Sv; Versm-elėsvillage Trgn; bog Skm; bog Aln < versmė“spring”; b) from plant names: Bambl-ėlėvillage Brž < bamblỹs“a plant of ponds and lakes”; Bart-ėlėsvillage Lzd < bartis“an old, rotten, hollow tree (pine, spruce); a tree hollow”; Barzd-ėlėvillage Kpč < barzdis“an umbelliferous plant; wild angelica”; Egl-ėlėvillages Srj, Vrn; lake Pnt < ėglė (eglė); Grūž-elėsbog Sem < grūžis“horsetail, goat’s beard”; Iev-ėlėvillage Dbg < ievà; Kirz-ėlėlake Rs < kirza“small, crooked, crooked-

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a tree with spreading branches; Liep-ėlė b. Pkn < liepa; Pūk-ėlė b. Ob < pūkai “cotton grass,” pūkė “a marsh plant of this kind, cotton grass”; Pup-elė b., rst. Ut < pupà; Puš-ėlė rst. Žl; Puš-ėlė plk. An; Puš-ėlės b. Vs; plk., rst. Mrk; Puš-ėlės b. Ar < pušis; Rož-ėlė b. Vs; plk. Knv < rožė “a decorative plant of the meadowsweet subfamily of the rose family; water lily”; Rūčk-ėlės rst. Krn < rūčkà “sorrel”; Train-ėlės b. Brž < trainė (trainė) “a sedge-family plant that grows in damp places; poor, small grass or hay; poor meadow, pasture”; Uog-ėlė b. Rtnk < úoga “a small, juicy, many-seeded plant fruit”; Verb-ėlė b. V; Verb-ėlės b. Lp < verbà “willow”; Vinkšn-ėlė b. Dbk < vinkšna “a tall tree with a broad crown and drooping branches”;

c) from animal names: Blus-ėlės b. Pš < blusà; Bried-ėlė rst. Aln < briedis (briedys); Dėl-ėlės b. Šmn < dėlė; Gerv-ėlė b. Brž < gérvė (gervė); Krek-ėlė b. Šmnš < krėkė “crucian carp”; Mešk-ėlės rst. Šš < meškà; Vėž-elė b. Rim < vėžys; Žuv-ėlė rst. Gdr < žuvis;

d) from names of objects or phenomena in various social settings: Būd-ėlė rst. Lbn < būdà “tent, shelter, hut (for a watchman, shepherd, etc.)”; Pil-ėlė b. Šmn < pilìs; Pirk-ėlės rst. Čln < pirklià “dwelling house, farmhouse, cottage”; Pirt-ėlė b. Grk < pirtìs; Svirn-ėlės b. Trak < svir̃nas “a building where grain is poured; a larger granary”; Šuln-ėlė b. Ars; plk. Vdn < šulnis, šulnys “well”;

e) from names of various objects based on a particular resemblance (metaphorical derivatives): Bačk-ėlė rst. Mlt < bačkà “barrel”; Geld-ėlė b. Srv, Ttr; Geld-ėlė b. Lel, Šd; Geld-ėlės b. Prnv, Sdb < gėlda “a long vessel hollowed from a single tree, a trough; a trough for feeding or watering livestock; a hollow, a depression in the ground”—for the semantics, compare Niekot-ėlė b. Luok; Koj-ėlė b. Vrn; rst. Vrn < kojà; Kuž-ėlė rst. Užp < kùžas “a sheaf’s feet left after gleaning; a carelessly bound, scattered sheaf of grain; a bundle; a bunch, tuft”; Pamp-elės b. Užp < pámpa “a small swelling, lump; a bulge, unevenness”;

f) from other appellatives: Čvert-ėlės b. Dg; rst. Žmt < čvértis “a quarter, one fourth”; Gelž-ėlė plk. Rdn < gelžis “iron”; Rėksn-ėlė b. Kp, Všn < rėksnys “one who constantly screams; something that makes a loud noise; further compare rėksnùs ‘noisy’—for the semantics compare Rėk-ynė rst. Zp; Šak-ėlės rst. Vp < šakà “an offshoot or shoot from the stem of a tree, bush, or other plant”.

2. a) from other helonyms: Bal-ėlė b. Mlt < Balà b.; Bal-ėlė b. Ob < Balà b.; Bal-ėlė plk. Pnd < Balà plk.; Brast-ėlės b. Dkšt < Brastà b.; Brast-ėlės b. Plvn < Brãstos b.; Čelk-ėlės rst. Švn < Čelkės b.; Degsn-ėlė b. Kvr < Dėgsnė b.; Degšn-ėlė b. Ars < Dėgšnė b.; Dub-ėlė b. Sdk < Dubė plk.; Jaur-ėlės rst. Lel < Jáuros rst.; Kamš-ėlė b. Upt < Kamšà b.; Kamš-ėlė b. Vs < Kamšà b.; Kamš-ėlės b. Dbg < Kamšòs rst.; Kūdr-ėlės b. Lnky < Kúdros b.; Lank-ėlė b. Rk < Lankà b. Rk; Lank-ėlė plk. Krk < Lankà plk.; Lank-ėlė b. Lzd < Lankà b.; Lank-ėlė b. Pš < Lankà b.; Lygiabal-ėlė b. Mdš < Lygiabalė b.; Naid-ėlė plk., rst. Zb < Naidė rst.; Nendr-ėlė plk. Vlž < Néndrės b.; Pagubr-ėlė b. Blnk < Pagubrė b.; Pal-ėlės rst. Lkš < Palai rst.; Purv-ėlė b. Vad < Pùrvė b.; Rūd-ėlė rst. Pun < Rùdė rst.; Sal-ėlės b., plk. Vrn

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< Salà village, marsh; Sen-ėlės bog. Šlvn < Sėnės village; Spaln-ėlėsmarsh. Lln < Spalniosmarsh; Stiepr-ėlėvillage. Vad < Stieprės, Stiepraivillage; Stumbr-ėlėmarsh. Sdk < Stumbrėvillage; Šarka-bal-ėlėvillage. Krkn < Šarkabalys, Šarkābalisvillage; Šil-ėlėvillage. Pn < Šilėvillage; Šil-ėlėvillage. Pšl < Šilėvillage; Šil-ėlėvillage. Stč < Šilas, Šilėvillage; Šil-ėlėbog. Sdb < Šilaibog; Šilv-ėlėvillage. Krk < Šilvėvillage; Valk-ėlėsvillage. Vrn < Valkàvillage; Viršn-ėlėvillage. Tj < Viršnėvillage; Viršn-ėlėvillage. Sml < Viršnėvillage; Žydbal-ėlėvillage. Pn < Žydbalėvillage;

b) from river and lake names: Alksn-ėlės rst. Sug < Alksnas lake; Audr-ėlė plk. Rgl < Audrà river; Balt-ėlė rst. Trgn < Baltýs lake; Grūd-ėlė b. Rmn < Grūdà river; Kūdr-ėlė b. Ptr < Kūdra lake; Kuksv-ėlė b. Pg < Kūksvė river; Luokst-ėlė plk. Grz < Luoksta river; Rud-ėlė b. Alksnp < Rùdė river;

c) from oikonyms: Babr-ėlė b. Švn < Babrai village; Pun-ėlė b. Jk < Punià village;

d) from other toponyms: Bal-ėlė plk. Alz < Balàfield; Bal-ėlė plk. Ppl < Balà meadow; Bal-ėlės 4b. Mrk < Bãlos meadow; Bal-ėlės b. Vrn < Bãlos meadow; Brast-ėlė b. Rm < Brastà meadow; Degsn-ėlės b. Šd < Dėgsnė marsh, meadow; Dub-ėlė b. Lzd < Dùbis hummock; Dub-ėlė plk. Ds < Dùbė meadow; Dub-ėlė b. Km < Dùbė meadow; Duob-ėlė b. Žmt < Duobės meadow; Duob-ėlė rst. Btr < Duobės hummock; Duob-ėlės b. Vb < Duobės bog hollows; Juod-ėlė lk. Dj < Juodis village; Kamš-ėlė b. Pls < Kamšà meadow; Kamš-ėlė plk. Pn < Kamšàvillage; Kūdr-ėlė b. Nj < Kūdra village; Kūdr-ėlė b. Dg < Kūdra village, meadow; Laiv-ėlė b. Pnd < Laivà meadow; Lank-ėlė b. Rk < Lankà meadow; Lank-ėlės b. Pls < Láñkos meadow; Lank-ėlės b. Stp < Láñkos meadow; Lyg-ėlės b. Vlk. < Lygios meadow; Marg-ėlės lk. Rdšk < Márgės meadow; Palt-ėlė b. Srv < Páltis meadow; Pleik-ėlė b. Tj < Pleikė meadow; Sal-ėlė b. Tršk < Salà homestead; Sal-ėlės rst. Rmš < Salà village, meadow; Šil-ėlė b. Bč < Šilė forest; Šil-ėlė b. Jnšk < Šilė homestead; Šil-ėlė b. Nj < Šilas hummock; Šil-ėlė b. Sml < Šilià meadow; Šil-ėlė plk. Lnkv < Šilai meadow; Šlyn-ėlė b. Švn < Šlynes meadow; Trak-ėlė b. Srj < Trãkas forest.

-ėlis (-ėliai). Helonyms with this suffix, like derivatives in -elė, are divided into two groups and several subgroups according to the lexical status of the base word and, correspondingly, the derivational meaning.

1. a) from physiographic terms: Alk-ėlis rst. Pg < ãlkas “a hillock overgrown with trees; an ancient Lithuanian sanctuary, an alka”; Bogn-ėlis b. Rtn < bõgnas, bõgną “swamp”; Boj-ėlis plk. Pšl < bo.jus “swamp, bog”; a helonym of similar formation may perhaps also be Buj-ėlis b. Sml, which may have arisen from *Boj-ėlis; Brad-ėliai rst. Kpč; Brad-ėlis b. Lp; rst. Dg, Jk < bradà, brãdas “deep mud, a muddy road, a wet place”; Buoj-ėlis b. Lnkv < buojis “pool, bog”; Darž-ėliai b. Ds, PnmR, Str; plk. Bkn; Darž-ėlis rst. Aln; part of a swamp in Tj; Darž-ėlis rst. Žž < daržas; Degsn-ėliai b. Kri; Degsn-ėlis b. Dj, Pšl < dėgsnė (degsnė) “burnt area, burned-over place”; cf. also degsnis “burnt area, burn scar”, degsnys “burnt area, degsnė”; Dugn-ėliai b. Eiš, Vrn; rst. Žž; Dugn-ėliai rst. Auk; Dugn-ėlis b. Al, Kdl < dùgnas “the bottom or end of a depression in the ground, a vessel, implement, or some object; depth”; Dumbl-ėlis b. Jnšk < dùmblas; Duob-ėlis plk. Ut < duobė; Goj-ėliai b. Šd, Sn; plk. Jk, Smn; rst. Onš and others (10 in all); Goj-ėlis b. Km; plk. Luok; rst. Mlt, Ukm, Žmt and others (about 48 in all); Goj-ėlis b. Brž, Rd; lk. Vrn; plk. Pš; rst. Šš and others (16 in all) < gõjus “a small, attractive grove”; Gur-ėliai b. Arn < gùras “a hillock, projection, mountain peak; a separate

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hillock in the mountains”; Kakl-ėlis plk. Jrb < kaklas “bend, bay, strait; peninsula, promontory”; Kaln-ėlis b. Pls; plk. Pmp; rst. Dglšk < kalnas; Kamp-ėlis b. Pkn; rst. Sld; Kamp-elis b., lk. Dl < kampas “a place where two lines, planes, walls, or objects meet; corner; edge, side; half; area, plot, outskirts, piece”; Kamš-elis (|| Kamš-ėliai) plk. Btg < kamša “a road filled or surfaced with brushwood and rods; a filled-in, plugged hole; a boggy place”; Kapč-ėlis b. Lp; rst. Pun < kapčius “a mound of earth heaped up to mark a field boundary, ridge, or wall; boundary marker, erekys; molehill”; Kems-ėliai b. Eit; Kems-ėlis b. Blnk < kėmsa, kėmsas “a stump or small mound of earth overgrown with moss or grass, kėsas”; Klan-ėlis b. Aps < klānas “a small pool, waterlogged hollow; a pool that does not dry up, spring”; Klon-elis b. Pnm < klonis (klónis) “a low-lying place, valley, bend, hollow, ravine”; Krant-ėliai rst. Lln < krantas; Krūm-ėliai b. Aln, Kdn; Krūm-ėliai rst. Pš; Krūm-ėlis rst. JnšM < krūmai, krūmas; Kūdr-ėlis b. Rs < kūdra (kūdrà); Kul-ėliai rst. Lkm; Kul-ėliai rst. Lbn; Kul-ėlis b. Všn; rst. Lel < kulys (kulis) “bay, promontory; a turn, bend; corner; edge, piece”; Lank-ėlis rst. Mlt < lankas “a deviation from a straight line, a bend, a curve”; Lauk-ėliai b. Skėm; Lauk-ėlis b. Čln, Pmp, Sb; rst. Lel, rst. Lp and others (9 in all); Lauk-elis plk. Skm < laukas “a treeless open area; cultivated land, a planted field”—on the other hand, some of these helonyms may be related to the adjective laukas, -à “having a white forehead or white muzzle,” which may earlier have had the more general meaning “white, light-colored”; Lauž-ėlis rst. Zp < laužas “a heap of rods, brushwood, branches, or pieces of wood”; Liekn-ėliai b. Jnš, 3b. Kp, b. Pklnš, Šd, Všk; plk. Rdšk; Liekn-ėliai b. Šl; Liekn-ėlis b. Ps, Pšl, Sml; lk. Pš; plk. Pnv and others (about 75 in all); Liekn-elis b. Jnš, Sb, Slč; lk. Mšk; plk. Antš and others (20 in all) < lieknas (lieknas) “a wet, boggy meadow, swamp, pool; quagmire; a wet place overgrown with shrubs and sparse trees, a swamp”; Liūg-ėliai rst. Trgn; Liūg-ėlis rst. Lkš < liūgas “a small pool, a waterlogged hollow; muddy ground, mire; quagmire, bog”; Liūn-ėliai b. Antz, Blnk, Gaid, Sug; Liūn-ėliai b. Jž; plk. Šmn; Liūn-ėlis b. Aln, Jž, Ktk, Ut; Liūn-ėlis b. Ob, Rgv, Tršk; plk. Vad; rst. Blnk and others (about 70 in all); Liūn-elis b. Antz, Mlt, Vs; rst. An, Šš and others (16 in all) < liūnas; Lob-ėliai rst. Užp; Lob-ėlis b. Ut < lõbas “ravine, valley, hollow; foothill; waterlogged hollow, small swamp”; Lūg-ėliai b. Vs; Lūg-ėliai b. Kpč; Lūg-ėlis b. Eiš, Luok, Rk, Tč, Vrn; Lūg-elis b. Rim < lūgas (lūgas) “waterlogged hollow, pool; quagmire, bog; pond, pool”; Mark-ėlis b., plk. Grnk < markà “a place for retting flax, a flax-retting pool”; Mišk-ėliai rst. Dg; Mišk-ėliai b. Sv; Mišk-ėlis b. Lzd, Užp, Žž; rst. Aln, Grk; Mišk-elis b. Pnd, Šd; rst. Krn < miškas; Pekl-elis plk. Sdb < peklà “hell; a very remote, distant place; a poor, difficult road, bog”; Pjaun-ėlis b. Šln; Pjaun-ėlis b. Btg < pjaunys “a mowable bog overgrown with shrubs, a hollow where water remains in spring and autumn”; Plot-ėlis (|| Plot-ėliai) (cf. Platėlis, Platėlai) b., plk. Gd < plótas “a part of the surface of something (usually land); a piece, patch, spot”; Plov-ėlis b. Smn < plovà “an overgrown, boggy, quaking shore of a lake or river; quagmire, floating bog; aquatic grasses, algae”; Prūd-ėliai b. Jž; Prūd-ėliai b. Baib, Pg, PžlM; rst. BvdžV, Lln and others (19 in all); Prūd-ėliai b. Dl, Ds, Grz; Prūd-ėlis plk. Prnv; Prūd-ėlis b. Jdp, Pkr, Užp;

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marsh. Jnš; bog. Sug and others (about 75 in all); Prūd-ėlis streamlet. Alz, Igl, Kp, Ssk; marsh. An and others (16 in all) < prūdas (prūdas) “pond”; the helonym Brūd-ėlis should also be mentioned here: bog. Užp, which most likely arose from *Prūd-ėlis through distant assimilation; Purv-ėliai bog. Pvš, Sr; Purv-ėlis streamlet. JnšM, Mlt, Všn; marsh. Mrk; bog. Mrk, Sug < purvas; Rag-ėliai marsh. Vnc; Rag-ėlis streamlet. Lzd < rāgas “a pointed tract of land extending into the sea, a lake, or a forest; a peninsula”; Raist-ėliai streamlet. Rk, Rmn, Žl; marsh. Sem; bog. Alns and others (about 36 in all); Raist-ėliai streamlet. Km; marsh. Lp; Raist-ėliai (|| Siauručiai) streamlet. Ktk; Raist-ėlis streamlet. Antz, Pnm; marsh. Dl, Rgv; bog. Sug and others (about 180 in all); Raist-elis streamlet. Al, Ant; 2 bogs. Sug; Raist-elis (|| Salelės) bog. Rmš < raistas; Rav-ėliai streamlet. Lzd, Rgv; marsh. Šln, Šlv; Rav-ėlis streamlet. Jrgž, Lbn, Pn, Rtn; marsh. Sn; Rav-elis streamlet. Lp < rāvas “ditch”; Reist-ėliai marsh. Šš; Reist-elis bog. Astr < reistas “bog”; Sil-ėlis streamlet. Vb – compare Latvian sils “pine forest” (ME III 839); Skard-ėlis streamlet. Sdk, Vs < skardis (skardys, skardis) “steep slope, bank, steep hillside”; Smėl-elis streamlet. Ds < smėlis (smelỹs); Sod-ėlis streamlet. Gdr, Str < sodas; Stauk-ėlis streamlet. Knv – compare Polish staw, stawek “pond, small lake” (SJP VI 407), Belarusian cmaý “a place in a river where there was a dam or mill” (Jaškin 1971: 178); Stok-elis streamlet. Knv – compare Belarusian cmoki “confluence” (Jaškin 1971: 181), Polish stok “slope, escarpment” (Nitsche 1964: 39); also compare Stok-a-raistis bog. Dbg; Šil-ėliai streamlet. Rk; bog. Žmt; Šil-ėliai bog. Mnd, Šr; Šil-ėlis streamlet. Rk, Tj; forest. Vb; marsh. Km; bog. Rm and others (about 47 in all); Šil-elis streamlet. Ar, Jnš, Kt; marsh. Pn; bog. Glv and others (9 in all) < šilas “a forest of tall, straight conifers growing in sandy areas; a field or pasture overgrown with shrubs; heather, heath”; Šlait-ėlis streamlet. Rk < šlaitas “side of a hill, slope; bank, escarpment; gently sloping area overgrown with trees and shrubs”; Šniūr-ėliai streamlet. Jž, Rm, Skem; forest. Lč; marsh. Pg; Šniūr-ėliai streamlet. Nj < šniūras “a long, narrow strip of land”; Tašk-ėliai marsh. Pp < taškas “bog, muddy place”; Týr-ėliai marsh. Brs, Lkv, marsh. Skdv; meadow. Trš; Tyr-ėliai marsh. Lkv; Tyr-ėliai marsh. Jnš, Kltn; Týr-elis streamlet. Lnkv, Rdšk; bog. Lnkv, Plt; meadow. Sk and others (13 in all); Tyr-elis two streamlets. Grz; marsh. Krš, Plt, Škn < tyras “a quaggy bog sparsely overgrown with small trees”; Trak-ėliai streamlet. Všn; marsh. Dgč; bog. Kvr, Moc, Pbs and others (15 in all); Trak-ėliai streamlet. Všn; Trak-ėlis streamlet. Km, Mrk, Všn; marsh. Krsn; bog. Rmš and others (12 in all); Trak-elis streamlet. Lp; bog. Dbk < trākas “a high, dry meadow sparsely overgrown with shrubs and trees; a forest clearing; a felled or burnt area of forest, a clearing”; Žard-ėliai streamlet. Dj, Lnkv, Mžš, Rim; bog. JnšM, Sug < žardis “an enclosed place for livestock”;

b) from plant names: Berž-ėliai bog. Lel; Berž-ėlis bog. Brb; Berž-elis streamlet. Vs < béržas; Ėgl-ėlis streamlet. Ob < ėglis (ėglis), ėglius (ėglius) “juniper”; Gluosn-ėliai streamlet. Mrk < gluosnis; Grūš-elis streamlet. Onš < grūšia “pear tree and fruit”; Karkl-ėliai streamlet. Trgn < karklas; Klev-elis streamlet. APnm < klevas; Kūl-ėliai bog. Vrn; Kūl-ėlis streamlet. Kpč – if both forms are not distorted from *Kul-ėliai, Kul-ėlis (< kulys “bay, headland; bend, winding; corner; edge, piece”), then they may derive from *kūlė, *kūlys or the like – compare kū́lynas “wet, tussocky meadow, usually overgrown with horsetail and sedge; cotton grass; a grass of such marshy places”; Liep-ėliai bog. Ktk < liepa; Rož-ėliai bog. Srj < rožė “an ornamental plant of the spiraea subfamily of the rose family; water lily”; Stuobr-ėlis streamlet. Sug < stuobrys (stūobris) “a pruned tree, one without a top, or a dried-up,

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rotting, dying tree; the end of a tree, a stump”; Ščep-ėlis bog. Rtnk – compare Polish szczep “graft, shoot for grafting a tree” (SJP VI 581); Train-ėliai streamlet. Ppl, Ps, Slč < trainė (trainė) “a sedge-family grass growing in wet places; poor, short grass or hay; poor meadow, pasture”; Uos-ėlis bog. JnšM < úosis; Virž-ėlis, Viržėliai streamlet. Atk < viržis, viržis “an evergreen, highly melliferous heath-family shrub with a branched stem, small leaves, and pinkish flowers”;

c) from animal names: Kurm-ėliai marsh. Atk < kurmis; Lyn-ėlis marsh. Vs < lynas “a cyprinid fish”; Mešk-ėliai bog. Šš < meška; Ož-ėliai streamlet, bog. Lp < ožys; Ožk-ėliai streamlet. Vrn < ožka; Stark-elis streamlet. Rk < starkas (stárkas) “stork”;

d) from names of objects or phenomena in various social settings: Būd-ėliai streamlet. Pn < būda “tent, shelter, small building (for a watchman, shepherd, etc.)”; Dvar-ėlis streamlet. Rm < dvaras; Kap-ėliai streamlet. Brž, Pcn, Sl; Kap-ėliai streamlet. Lg, Žmt; bog. Mlt < kapai; Kryž-ėlis streamlet. Dtn; marsh. Mrk; bog. Dgl < kryžius; Kuol-ėlis streamlet. Tj < kuolas “a stick, pole, or stake driven or thrust into the ground”; Liept-ėliai streamlet. Sv < lieptas; Stulp-ėlis bog. Blnk < stulpas “an upright log set into the ground”; Svirn-ėliai streamlet. Dbč, Šiul; bog. Dg; Svirn-ėlis bog. Alv < svirnas “a building where grain is stored; a large granary”; Šuln-ėliai streamlet. PnmR, two streamlets. Rk; bog. Vdn; Šuln-ėliai streamlet. Čk, Grnk; Šuln-ėlis streamlet. Kp, Lel, Svrk, Tč; bog. Pvš and others (11 in all) < šulnis, šulnys “well”; Tilt-ėliai streamlet. Rtnk, Všt; bog. Alns, Pun; Tilt-ėlis bog. Stk; Tilt-ėlis streamlet. Ut; bog. KzR, Žl < tiltas; Turg-ėliai streamlet. Slk < turgus;

e) from other appellatives: Blūd-elis streamlet. Srj < blūdas “delirium, wandering; foolishness”; Kroksl-ėlis streamlet. Lp < krokslys “croaking”; also compare krokslys “a person who croaks, croaks hoarsely, is hoarse”; Jiezd-ėlis streamlet. Lzd < jiezdas “a barrier across a river to hold back fish; a weir”; Kupč-ėliai bog. Vrn < kupčius “merchant”; Murg-ėliai streamlet. Vs; Murg-ėliai streamlet. Nrg, Vs; Murg-elis bog. Mrs < murgas “a unit of land measurement”; Stuk-ėliai streamlet. Int; Stuk-ėliai marsh. Gdž < stukas “piece, lump, block; thick piece of wood, log-end, chopping block”; Šap-ėlis streamlet. Pšl < šāpas “straw end, small piece of refuse, speck”; Šul-ėliai streamlet. Dt, Pls < šulas “a felled or pruned thick tree, log; an upright log, post, or support in a building, gate, fence, bridge, etc.”; Vaid-ėlis streamlet. Rd < vaidas “ghost, apparition, specter”.

2. a) from other helonyms: Bagm-ėlis bog. Aln < Bāgmas, Bagmà bog; Baronka-raist-ėlis bog. Aln < Barōnk araistis bog; Bogn-ėliai bog. Kuč < Bognas bog; Brad-ėliai streamlet. Pls < Bradai streamlet; Dumbl-ėlis streamlet. Glv < Dumblýs streamlet, marsh; Gėgiaraist-ėlis bog. Lel < Gėgiaraistis bog; Goj-ėliai streamlet. Ttr < Gōjus streamlet; Goj-ėliai bog. Pun < Gōjus bog; Goj-ėlis bog. Kuč < Gōjus bog; Goj-ėlis bog. Pun < Gōjus bog; Goj-elis streamlet. Lzd < Gōjus bog; Graužup-ėlis streamlet. Šmn < Graužupis streamlet; Grūšiar aist-ėlis bog. Žmt < Grūšiar aistis bog; Kaln-ėliai streamlet. Krč < Kālnas streamlet; Kamš-ėliai (|| Kamšelės) streamlet. Dbg < Kamšai bog; Kuik-ėliai bog. Žl < *Kuikiai or similar > Kūikie – admittedly, for the latter, Slavicized form, the object it names is not specified; however, on the basis of the suffixal helonym, one may suppose that it, too, should refer to a bog; Laiv-ėlis streamlet. Dbg < Laivas bog; Liekn-ėliai streamlet. Šmn < Lieknas streamlet; Liekn-ėliai streamlet. Kair < Lieknas streamlet; Liekn-ėlis streamlet. Rz < Lieknas streamlet; Liekn-ėlis streamlet. Sb < Lieknas streamlet; Liekn-ėlis streamlet. Žml < Lieknas streamlet;

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Liekn-ėlis lk. Pmp < Lėknas lk.; Liekn-ėlis plk. Vb < Lėknas krm.; Liekn-ėlis plk. Jnš < Lėknas b.; Liekn-ėlis b., plk. Grz < Lėknas lk.; Liekn-ėlis b. Rm < Lėknas b.; Lüg-ėlis b. Krk < Lügas b.; Liün-ėlis b. Užp < Liünas b.; Liün-ėlis plk. Aln < Liünas plk.; Liün-ėlis rst. Aln < Liünas plk.; Liün-ėlis b. Lel < Liünas b.; Liün-ėlis b. Mlt < Liünas b.; Liün-ėlis plk. Sug < Liünas plk.; Liün-ėlis rst. Skm < Liünas rst.; Lüg-ėlai b. Lp < Lügas b.; Lüg-ėlis b. Čk < Lügai b.; Lüg-ėlis b. Kuč < Lügas b.; Lüg-ėlis b. Mrk < Lügas b.; Lüg-ėlis b. Rim < Lügas b.; Lüg-ėlis rst. Lel < Lügas plk.; Marg-ėlai b. Pls < *Margiai, *Margai or similar (< Margi) b.; Piktaraist-ėlis rst. Užp < Piktaraistis rst.; Pjaun-ėlis b. Grk < Pjaunys plk.; Plov-ėlis plk. Gdl < Plovas plk.; Prūd-ėliai b. Sv < Prūdai b.; Prūd-ėlai rst. Žsl < Prūdai rst.; Prūd-ėlis b. Aln < Prūdas b.; Prūd-ėlis b. Dbk < Prūdas b.; Prūd-ėlis b. Ldk < Prūdas b.; Prūd-ėlis b. Str < Prūdas b.; Prūd-ėlis b. Sv < Prūdai b.; Prūd-ėlis b. Šš < Prūdas rst.; Prūd-ėlis b. Užp < Prūdas b.; Prūd-ėlis b. Lel < Prūdas b.; Prūd-ėlis rst. Žl < Prūdas b.; Raist-ėlis b. Dmnt < Raistas rst.; Raist-ėlis b. Glv < Raistas b.; Raist-ėlis b. Km < Raistas b., rst.; Raist-ėlis b. Kpč < Raistas b.; Raist-ėlis b. Kpč < Raistas b., rst.; Raist-ėlis b. Šmn < Raistas rst.; Raist-ėlis b. Tč < Raistas b.; Raist-ėlis b. Tj < Raistas b.; Raist-ėlis b. Vad < Raistas b.; Raist-ėlis b. Vs < Raistas b.; Raist-ėlis plk. Krn < Raistas rst.; Raist-ėlis plk. Smn < Raistas plk.; Raist-ėlis plk. Sug < Raistas plk.; Raist-ėlis plk. Vvs < Raistas plk.; Raist-ėlis rst. An < Raistas rst.; Raist-ėlis rst. Būd < Raistas rst.; Raist-ėlis rst. Dgč < Raistas rst.; Raist-ėlis rst. Dgl < Raistas rst.; Raist-ėlis rst. Vžns < Raistas b.; Rubėžup-ėlis b. Šd < Rubėžupis b.; Sčiūr-ėlis plk. Tvr < Sčiūrýs plk.; Sen-ėlai b. Srj < Senės b.; Smalkst-ėlis rst. Kdvr < Smalkstas rst.; Sčiūr-ėlis rst. Sdk < Sčiūrýs rst.; Šil-ėlis b. Srv < Šilas b.; Šil-ėlis b., plk. Sgl < Šilė b.; Trak-ėlai b. Lel < Trākas rst.; Vilkaraist-ėlis rst. Šš < Vilkaraistis (Vilkāraistis) rst.; Žart-ėlai b. Rm < Žarčiai rst.; b) from river and lake names: Kerš-ėlai rst. Dbk < Keršis river; Liün-ėlis b. Km < Liünas lake; Sraut-ėlis plk. Btg < Srautas river; Varl-ėlis rst. Mlt < Varlys lake; c) from other toponyms: Čiur-ėlis rst. Ktk < Čiurýs dr., pv.; Darž-ėlai rst. Dg < Daržai l.; Goj-ėlai b. Srj < Gojus mš., pv.; Goj-ėlis b. Ps. < Gojis ar.; Goj-ėlis rst. Rtnk < Gojus pv.; Goj-ėlis b. Lzd < Gojus mš.; Kamp-ėlai rst. Dg < Kampas pv.; Kliep-ėlis b. Pmp < Kliepas, Kliepis pv.; Klon-ėlis b. Mrk < Klonė l.; Kul-ėlai b. Ds < Kulys pv.; Lauž-ėlis b. KzR < Laužas mš.; Liekn-ėlis b. Kp < Lėknas pv.; Liekn-ėlis b. Kp < Lėknas b.; Liekn-ėlis b. Pbr < Lėknas pv.; Liekn-ėlis b. PnmR < Lieknas krm.; Liekn-ėlis b. Slč < Lieknas mš.; Liekn-ėlis lk. Kp < Lieknas pv.; Liekn-ėlis plk. Pmp < Lieknas mš.; Liekn-ėlis plk. Pmp < Lieknas gn., pv.; Liekn-ėlis rst. Pnv < Lieknas gn.; Liün-ėlis b. Int < Liünai pv.; Liün-ėlis b. Aln < Liünas liün.; Lüg-ėlis b. Sdk < Lügas pss.; Marg-ėlai b. Krk < Márgai dr., l.; Ožiarist-ėlis b. Sug < Ožiaraistis pv.; Pjaun-ėlis plk. Šln < Pjaunys krm.; Prūd-ėlis b. Čk < Prūdas pv.; Prūd-ėlis b. Dkšt < Prūdas pv.; Prūd-ėlis b. Km < Prūdas pv.; Prūd-ėlis b. Nrg < Prūdas tv.; Prūd-ėlis b. Pbs < Prūdas dr., pv.; Prūd-ėlis b. Sdl < Prūdas tv.; Prūd-ėlis rst. Blnk < Prūdas pv.; Prūd-ėlis b. Antz < Prūdas pv.; Prūd-ėlis b. Blnk < Prūdas pv.; Prūd-ėlis b. Žl < Prūdas d., pv.; Raist-ėlai b. Nrg <

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Raistai swamp; Raist-ėlis village, Gb < Raistas swamp; Raist-ėlis village, Mdš < Raistas meadow, shrubland; Raist-ėlis village, Rk < Raistasswamp; Raist-ėlisvillage, Slk < Raistasswamp; Raist-ėlisvillage, Tj < Raistasswamp; Raist-ėlisvillage, Žkl < Raistasswamp; Raist-ėlisswamp, Glv < Raistas marsh, meadow; Raist-ėlisswamp. Ktv < Raistasswamp; Raist-ėlisswamp. Pbs < Raistasswamp, wetland; Raist-ėlisswamp. Sug < Raistasswamp; Raist-ėlisswamp. Sur < Raistasshrubland; Skard-ėlisswamp. Vdn < Skardžiusravine; Šil-ėlisswamp. Kmn < Šilasforest; Šil-ėlisswamp. Krk < Šilasforest; Šil-ėlisswamp. Pnm < Šilasforest; Šil-ėlisswamp. Prv < Šilaiforest; Šniūr-ėliaivillage, Srv < Šniūrosmarsh; Trak-ėliaivillage, Rm < Trakaiforest; Trak-ėlisswamp. Srj < Trākasforest.

Of course, it should be borne in mind that there may be more derivatives in -elė (-elės) and -elis (-eliai) formed from toponyms, since unrecorded toponyms with the same root but without a suffix may potentially exist in the spoken language alongside the latter; however, in the absence of specific data on this, we must limit ourselves to the number of derivatives presented here.

In terms of the lexical status of the derivational base and derivational meaning, -el- derivatives are distributed as follows: derivatives from common nouns (toponymization), that is, true diminutives, account for 86.3%; derivatives from toponyms (transtponymization), that is, diminutives and possessives, account for 13.7%.

Diminutive helonyms with the suffix -el- are widespread across almost all of Lithuania. Therefore, only the areas where they are very scarce can be distinguished: the Samogitian region, except for its northern part and eastern edge. It should be emphasized that river and lake names with the suffix -el- are also least widespread in Samogitia (cf. Vanagas 1970: 396).

A distinctive group consists of -el- derivatives from base common nouns or toponyms containing more than two syllables. This is a morphological feature of some Lithuanian dialects; such formations therefore constitute a specific part of the system of helonym suffixation.

-elė (-elės). 1. Šulin-ėlė b. Trk < well; Vytin-ėlė b. Pun < vytinė “switch, rod.”

2. a) from other helonyms: Asiūkl-ėlė b. Aln < Asiūklė b.; Asiūkl-ėlė b. Užp < Asiūklė b.; Juodišk-ėlės b. Mdš < Juodiškės b.; Samanyč-ėlė b. Dkšt < Samanyčia b.;

b) from other types of toponyms: Ežeryn-ėlė plk. Lksn < Ežerynas pv.

-elis (-eliai). 1. Aruod-ėliai b. Aps < aruodas “a partition made in a granary or elsewhere from thin boards or planks for storing grain or vegetables; a sleeping place”; Dirvon-ėliai rst. Sld < dirvonas “abandoned, uncultivated, overgrown soil”; Išdag-ėliai b. Brž, Pnm < išdaga (išdagà), išdagas “a place in a meadow, forest, or peat bog that has burned or been scorched by the sun; a burn”; Kemsyn-ėlis rst. Žl < kemsynas “a wet, tussocky place”; Paberž-ėliai plk. Rdnk < pabėržė (paberžė) “a place beneath a birch”; Pravar-ėlis b. Slk < právaras “a hole in bogs, a deep hollow, an abyss”; Šaltin-ėlis rst. Pun < šaltinis (šaltinys); Šulin-ėlis plk. Rs < šulinys; Užrav-ėlis b. Lz < *užravis < rāvas “ditch”; Vertim-ėliai plk. Trg < vertimas “ploughed soil, ploughing.”

2. a) from other helonyms: Pempyn-ėlis plk. Lž < Pempynė plk.;

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b) from other toponyms: Darym-ėlis b. Ad < Dãrymas settlement; Patyr-ėlis b. End < Patyris village, settlement; Polym-ėliai b. Aps < Pólymas settlement; Tyrel-ėlis b. Grz < Týrelis village, settlement.

In terms of the lexical status of the derivational base and derivational meaning, polysyllabic helonyms—derivatives with -el-—are distributed as follows: derivatives from common nouns (toponymization), i.e. true diminutives, account for 55%; derivatives from toponyms (trans-toponymization), i.e. diminutives and possessives, account for 45%.

Helonyms formed with the suffix -el- from words of more than two syllables, like common nouns of similar formation, are widespread in the eastern borderlands of Lithuania (as well as beyond its borders in Belarus) and in Samogitia. The locations of their greater or lesser concentrations in southern and northeastern Lithuania and in the area around Želva, Alanta, and Rūdininkai raise considerable doubts. Perhaps this is a consequence of the influence of other languages: Slavic languages in the south and Latvian in the northeast.

Suffix -ėl-

In derivational meaning and the lexical status of their base words, derivatives with the suffix under discussion do not differ at all from -el- derivatives.

-ėlė (-ėlės). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Degim-ėlė b. Ps < dẽgimas (dẽgimas) “a burned-out place (meadow, bog, forest), burnt area”; Ežer-ėlė b. Šd; marsh. Stč; Ežer-ėlė b. Rd; Ežer-ėlės b. Aps < ẽžeras; Ganykl-ėlė b. Slnt < ganykla; Išdag-ėlė b. Ktk; Išdag-ėlės b. Jnš < išdaga (išdagà) “a place burned out or scorched by the sun in a meadow, forest, or peat bog; burning”; Išdeg-ėlė b. Antz < išdegas “a place burned out or scorched by the sun in a meadow, forest, or peat bog; burning”; Kanav-ėlės b. Pn < kanavà “ditch, pond”; Kirtim-ėlės forest. Btr < kirtimas “an area of forest that has been cut down, clearing”; Klampyn-ėlė, Klampyn-ėlės b. Jsv < klampynė “muddy place, quagmire”; Lydim-ėlė forest. Žmt < lýdimas (lydimas) “an area in a forest that has been cut down or burned, a clearing”; Naujien-ėlė forest. Prn; Naujien-ėlės b. Ad, Mrk, Švnč < naujiena (naujienà) “newly ploughed land; newly broken ground”; Paberž-ėlė b. Gaid < pabẽržė (paberžė) “a place after/beyond the birches”; Paežer-ėlė forest. PžIM < paežerė “a place alongside a lake”; Pagramd-ėlės b. Antz < *pagramda < pagrandà “a road across a bog paved with stones or laid with branches, a corduroy road”; Pagrand-ėlės forest. Sdk < pagrandà; Pakaln-ėlė b. Sv < pakalnė (pakálnė, pakalnė) “low-lying place at the foot of a hill, valley; hillside”; Plentauk-ėlė b. Ign, Jž < *plentauka – cf. Polish plantówka “marshy meadow” (Nitsche 1964: 83); Plentovk-ėlė b. Ds – cf. Polish plantówka; Sėdžiuk-ėlė b. Žl < *sėdžiuka, which is a reworking of sėdžiauka “pond”; Siaurum-ėlė b. Rdd < siaurumà “a narrow place”; Siuželk-ėlė b. Krk < *siuželka – cf. sõželka “pond”; Siužilk-ėlė b. Dv < *siužilka – cf. sõželka “pond”; Sodželk-ėlė b. Aln < sõdželka “pond”; Sodžiauk-ėlė b. Btr < sõdžiauka “pond”; Soželk-ėlė b. Rtnk < sõželka “pond”; Sudželk-ėlė forest. Vln < *sudželka – cf. sõdželka “pond”; Šėdži auk-ėlė b. Gdr; Šėdži auk-ėlė b. Mlt < *šėdžiauka – cf. šėžiauka “pond”; Šėžiau k-ėlė b. Ckn < šėžiauka “pond”; Šioželk-ėlė b. Klvr; Šioželk-ėlės b. Vs < šioželka “pond”; Uodeg-ėlė b. Kpč, KzR, Pšl; forest. Arn; Uodeg-ėlės forest. Šš < uodegà “a narrowing part of a plot of land, meadow, field, or forest”; Vadakšn-ėlė forest. Čln, Sug < *vadakšnis – cf. vãdakšnis “a river inlet that connects with the river only during floods; an area flooded by water, a floodplain”

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only during floods; a place inundated by water, floodplain”; Verden-ėlė, Verden-ėlės b. Pš < verdenė “spring”; Zapašk-ėlė b. Ds – cf. Belarusian запушка “ploughed land” (Jaškin 1971: 74);

b) from plant names: Asiūkl-ėlė forest. Lel < asiūklis (asiūklis); Kanap-ėlės b. Knn < kanapė; Lapušel-ėlės forest. Žl < lapušėlė < lāpušė “aspen”; Obel-ėlė b. Dgč, Rk < obelis; Vytin-ėlė b. Nmn, Rtnk; Vytin-ėlė b. Lp < vytinė “willow, switch”;

c) from animal names: Vover-ėlė b. Lnkv < voverė;

d) from names of places denoting a collection of objects: Beržyn-ėlė forest. Lln < beržynė; Bruknyn-ėlė b. Ad < bruknynė; Dumblyn-ėlė forest. Kvr < dumblynė; Durpyn-ėlė b. Snt < durpynė; Gyvatyn-ėlė b. Všk < gyvatynė “a place with many snakes; bog”; Kelmyn-ėlė b. Jnšk; marsh. Šl, Šmn < kelmynė; Kemsyn-ėlė b. Ob; marsh. Gdr; forest. Dgč, Ds; Kemsyn-ėlė (|| Kemsinka) forest. Grs; Kemsyn-ėlė b. Kp, Ob, Slk < kemsynė; Mendryn-ėlė b. Dgč; Mendryn-ėlė b. Ob < mendrynė “reed bed”; Pū kyn-ėlė b. Nc < *pūkynė – cf. pūkai “cattails”, pūkas “hair on the surface of leaves, stems, or fruit”, pūkė “a kind of marsh grass, cattail”; Skarbyn-ėlė marsh. Srj < *skarbyne – cf. skárbas “property; money, treasure”; Smilgyn-ėlė b. Lln < smilgynė “a place where many bent grasses grow”; Spalgenyt-ėlė b. Šd; Spalgnyt-ėlė marsh. Pnt < *Spalgenyt-ėlė < *spalgenytė < spalgena “cranberry”; Žilvityn-ėlė, Žilvityn-ėlės b. Lzd < žilvitynė;

e) from names of various objects or phenomena in the social environment: Bažnyt-ėlė marsh. Antz < bažnyčia (bažnyčia); Kapin-ėlė b. Rdšk; Kapin-ėlės b. Rtnk < kapinės; Karčem-ėlė b. Lkš < karčemà “tavern”; Pagar-ėlė forest. Mlt < pagarė “steam bath”; Slabad-ėlė b. Alksnp – cf. Belarusian слабада “a street with houses built in two rows; a suburb” (Jaškin 1971: 176), Polish stoboda “a small rural settlement” (SJP VI 209);

f) from various object names based on a certain similarity (metaphorical derivatives): Gaban-ėlė forest. Zb < gābana (gabanà) “a small bundle or tuft of hay, straw, or something similar”; Niekot-ėlė b. Aln, Luok, Šš; Niekot-ėlė b. Mlt < niekōtė “a small trough for winnowing or tossing grain and groats; a trough”—for the semantics, cf. Geld-ėlė b. Ttr; Skarvad-ėlė forest. Brb < skarvadà “frying pan”; Skavrad-ėlė forest. Brš – cf. Polish skowroda “frying pan” (SJP VI 168); Torielk-ėlė b. Sem < torielkà, torielka “plate”;

g) from other common nouns: Giltin-ėlės forest. Rm < giltinė, giltinė “personification of death; death”.

2. a) from other helonyms: Akluś-ėlė forest. Žmt < Aklušė forest; Akmenyč-ėlė settlement, marsh. Vs < Akmenyčia settlement; Aptek-ėlės b. Vad < Ápte kos settlement; Asiūkl-ėlė forest. Vžns < Asiūklė settlement, forest; Aukštoj-ėlė forest. Jž < Aukštoja forest; Blindyn-ėlė b. Šd < Blindynė settlement; Degesyn-ėlė b. Všn < Degesynė settlement; Degutin-ėlė forest. PžlM < Degutinė settlement; Dėlyn-ėlė b. Blnk < Dėlynė settlement; Dilgin-ėlė forest. Užp < Dilginė settlement, forest; Dubak-ėlė b. Šynt < Dubakà settlement; Dūdbal-ėlė b. PnmR < Dūdbalė settlement; Esiūkl-ėlė b. Jž < Esiūklà settlement; Ežeriokšn-ėlė b. Šmn < Ežeriokšnės (Ežerókšnė) settlement; Girnabal-ėlė b. Šd < Girnabalė settlement; Gyvatyn-ėlė forest. Lel < Gyvatynė forest; Goviet-ėlė lake. Kair < Góviete lake; Jendryn-ėlė b. Mrk < Jendrynė settlement; Jokumbal-ėlė b. Jnš < Jokumbalė settlement; Karčem-ėlė b. Ssk < Kar-

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čemà b.; Kelmyn-ėlė b. Vb < Kelmýnė b.; Kemsyn-ėlė b. Antz < Kemsýnė b.; Kemsyn-ėlė b. Rk < Kemsýnė b.; Kemsyn-ėlė b. Sug < Kemsýnė b.; Kemsyn-ėlė b. Užp < Kemsýnė b.; Krekin-ėlė b. Rtnk < Krekinė b.; Krinyč-ėlė b. Dv < Krinyčia b.; Kubil-nyč-ėlė b. Mrc < Kubilnyčia b.; Kulyn-ėlė b. Pbr < Kulýnė b.; Lamat-ėlė b. Grz < Lāmata (Didžioji) b.; Lašišk-ėlės rst. Dg < Lašiškės rst.; Liūdenišk-ėlės rst. Jk < Liūdeniškės plk.; Makišk-ėlė rst. JnšM – from the variant form Makiška, which was most likely Slavicized from *Makiškė; Mauruv-ėlė b. Šd < Máuruva (Mauruvà) b., plk.; Meškin-ėlė b. Šd < Meškinė b.; Milišk-ėlė b. Pknš < Miliškė b.; Molan-ėlė b. Rm < Mólana b.; Opstein-ėlė b. Pn – most likely a hypercorrection from *Opstain-ėlė < Ópstainė b.; Paduob-ėlė b. Ps < Paduobė b.; Pakalnin-ėlės b. Antz < Pakálninės b.; Pakап-ėlė b. Blnk < Pakapė b.; Pempin-ėlė b. Slk < Pémpinė b.; Pempyn-ėlė b. Pmp < Pempýnė b.; Prūd bal-ėlė b. Šd < Prūdbalė b.; Puitišk-ėlė b. Šiul < Pùitiška b.; Pūkin-ėlė (Pūkyn-ėlė?) b. Ut < Pūkinė (Pūkynė?) b.; Raisbal-ėlė b. Šd < Raisbalė b.; Rūdakas-ėlė rst. Kpč < Rūdakasà b.; Sabal-ėlė rst. PžlM < Sabalà b.; Samanyn-ėlė b. Pnm < Samanỹnė b.; Spangyn-ėlė, Spangyn-ėlės plk. Sk < Spangýnė b.; Sudakišk-ėlė a wet place. APnm < Sudakiškė rst.; Šepet-ėlė plk. Kp < Šepetà b.; Šilin-ėlė rst. < Šilinės rst.; Tarpin-ėlė b. Jž. < Tárpinė b.; Vaidabal-ėlė b. Lnkv < Vaidabalė b.; Vaidabal-ėlė b. Sv < Vaidabalė b.; Vaidul-ėlė rst. Skm < Vaidulė b.; Žagviet-ėlė plk. Šln < Žagvietė plk.; Žydišk-ėlė rst. Sld < Žydiškė rst.;

b) from river and lake names: Dukin-ėlė b. Užp < Dūkinė river; Kilev-ėlė b. Lel < Kilėva river; Pijūos-ėlė rst. Dsm < Pijūosas lake; Virčiuv-ėlės b. Pš < Virčiùvis, Virčiuvė river;

c) from oikonyms: Margavon-ėlės b. Šd < Margavõniai village;

d) from other toponyms: Asiūkl-ėlė rst. Dbg < Asiūklė field; Ąžuolyn-ėlė b., fen. Poc < Ąžuolynė meadow; Bendrov-ėlės rst. JnšM < Bendrõvės field; Bubin-ėlė b. Tj < Bubinė field; Darym-ėlė b. Rim < Darymas field; Eglin-ėlė b. Brž < Egline field; Guobyn-ėlė fen. Krns < Guobýnė field; Kairabal-ėlė fen. Aukšt < Kairābalė field; Kelmyn-ėlė b. Lg < Kelmýnė bog; Kelmyn-ėlė b. Slč < Kelmýnė fen; Kemsyn-ėlė rst. Sv < Kemsýnė field; Krikišk-ėlė b. PnmR < Krikiškis grove, field; Lapyn-ėlė rst. Prv < Lapýnė a place in the forest; Nočiūnišk-ėlė fen. Kpč < Nočiūniškė meadow; Pabradės-ėlė b. Sdk < Pabradesai grove, field; Pagrand-ėlė fen. Vžns < Pagrandà field; Papiliakaln-ėlė b. Ds < Pāpilakalnė field; Patilt-ėlė b. Rim < Patiltės grove, field; Plentauk-ėlė b. Slk < Plentáuka field; Pliukazar-ėlė b. Šiul < Pliùkazarė bog; Samanyn-ėlė b. Sb < Samanỹnė scrubland; Smėlyn-ėlė b. PnmR < Smėlynė grove; Šakaun-yč-ėlė rst. Ktk < Šakaunyčia grove, field; Uodeg-ėlė b. Mrk < Uodegà grove, forest; Vilkaduob-ėlė b. Pmp < Vilkāduobė scrubland.

The morphemic structure of several helonyms (the presence of yet another suffix) suggests that they are -ėlė derivatives of place names that are not attested but may exist or have existed in the living language: Ilgავ-ėlė b. Kvr – perhaps from the place name *Ilg-ava – cf. Gal-avà fen. Varn; Ged-ava fen. Pdv; Kumpišk-ėlė b. Bč – perhaps from the place name *Kump-iškė – cf. Kūmpis, Kumpỹs, Kumpius personal names (LPŽ I 1119); Kuž-išk-ėlė b. Trk – perhaps from the place name *Kuž-iškė – cf. Kūž-iškės field name Bnk: Kužas, Kužys personal names (LPŽ I 1144);

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Mulain-ėlė b. Pn – jeigu nėra tarmybė iš *Molain-ėlė, tuomet galbūt iš vv. *Mulainė ar pan. – plg. Mul-ėlės mš., pv., rž. Nc. – ėlis (-ėliai). 1. a) iš fiziografinių terminų: Akmen-ėliai b. Vs < akmuõ; Ataug-ėliai b. Ktk < atãugas (ãtau̇gas) „jaunas miškelis; atžalos“; Avot-ėlis lk. Sdl – plg. lat. avots „šaltinis“ (LLKŽ 101); Ažusien-ėlis rst. Aln < ažùsienis „galulaukė“; Darym-ėliai rst. Slk; Darym-ėliai rst. An; Darym-ėlis b. Gb, Mdš, Rim; rst. Int, Moc ir kt. (iš viso 8); Darym-ėlis rst. Sld < dãrymas „kemsynė, klampi bala, raistas“; Degės-ėliai b. Kp < degėsas, degėsis, degėsys „degimo liekana, apdegęs medis, nuodėgulis“, degėsė „apdegusi vieta, gaisro vieta“; Deges-ėlis b. Kp < degėsė „pelkės ar miško išdegusi vieta“, degėsys „išdegusi vieta (durpyne)“; Degilm-ėlis b. Rz – galbūt iš *degilmas „degimas“; Degim-ėlis b. Jž, Ps, Rd, Srv, Vdn; plk. Kvr ir kt. (iš viso 15); Degim-ėlis plk. Lp; rst. Mlt, Šš < degìmas (dẽgimas) „išdegusi vieta (pieva, pelkė, miškas), degėsė“; Ežer-ėliai b. Jnšk, Slč, Slk; rst. Al, Pun, Švn; Ežer-ėliai plk. Lp; Ežer-ėlis b. Skš; lk. Dj; plk. Jz; rst. Gdr, Žmt ir kt. (iš viso apie 100); Ežer-ėlis (|| Ežerūkas) b. Srj; Ežer-ėlis b. Pmp, Slč, Ut, Zb; rst. Krn ir kt. (iš viso apie 21) < ẽžeras; čia turbūt priklausytų ir Ažar-ėlis b. Krkn, kuris laikytinas perdirbiniu (apslavinant?) iš *Ežer-ėlis; Išdag-ėlis b. Lp, Ppl, Rgv, Sdk, Švn; b., rst. Prv; Išdag-ėlis b. Pnd; plk. Btr < išdaga (išdãga), išdagas „išdegusi ar saulės išdeginta vieta pievoje, miške, durpyne; degimas“; Išdeg-ėlis b. Šmn < išdegas „išdegusi ar saulės išdeginta vieta pievoje, miške, durpyne; degimas“; Kanal-ėlis b. Dbn < kanãlas; Kirtim-ėlis b. Tsk < kìrtimas „iškirstas miško plotas, skynimas“; Latak-ėlis b. Kpč < latãkas „srautas, čiurkšlė; klanas, valka, liūgas; klampi bala; raistas“; Lydym-ėlis b. Dgč, Sug, Vs; lk. Stor; plk. Šš < lýdimas (lydimas) „iškirstas ar išdegintas plotas miške, kirtimas, skynimas“; Lydym-ėlis b. Kuč < lýdymas „iškirstas ar išdegintas plotas miške, kirtimas, skynimas“; Liūlyn-ėlis b. Švn < liūlỹnas „liūnas“; Mežim-ėlis b. Ab – greičiausiai iš *Mežym-ėlis < mėžymas „užmėžta dirva“; Paežer-ėlis b. Ob < paẽžerė, paẽžerys (paežeris) „vieta palei ežerą“; Pagir-ėlis plk. Šmn < pagirỹs „girios pakraštys; laukas prie girios“; Pagoj-ėlis rst. Kvr < pagojis „vieta prie gojaus“; Pakaln-ėliai b. Vb < pakalnìs (pakalnis, pakalnỹs) „žema vieta kalno papėdėje, slėnys; kalno šlaitas“; Pakap-ėliai b. Blnk, Km < pakapė „vieta šalia kapinių“; Paliūn-ėliai (|| Paliūnaliai) plk. Nv < paliūnė „vieta prie liūno; liūno, pelkės kraštas; šlapia, drėgna, pelkėta pieva“; Perkal-ėlis b. Rm < pérkalas „žabų užtvara upėje su spragomis, į kurias įstatomos varžos žuvims gaudyti“; Perkul-ėlis b. Rm, Trs < *per kulas – plg. perkulìnė „dumbluota pelkė“; Polym-ėlis plk. Lkm; Polym-ėlis 3rst. Ktk, rst. Lkm < põlymas „žema drėgna, pelkėta vieta, raistas“; Pragar-ėlis b. Rk < prãgaras „praraja, bedugnė, pragarmė“; Pravor-ėlis b. Rok – greičiausiai iš *Pravar-ėlis < prãvaras „kiaurymė pelkėse, gilus duburys, praraja“; kita vertus, plg. prãvoras „spirito gamykla ar alaus darykla, bravoras“; Rūdym-ėlis b. Km; rst. Msn < rūdýmas (rūdymas) „pelkė su rudu vandeniu, durpynas; turintis rūdžių, rūdinas vanduo; rūdos turinti žemė“; Rūdýn-ėlis b. Srd < rūdýnas „pelkė su rudu vandeniu, durpynas; turintis rūdžių, rūdinas vanduo; rūdos turinti žemė“; Samanykšt-ėlis b. Antz; rst.

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Dgl, Gdr, Lel; Samanykšt-ėlis village Ut; marshland Ds, Vžns < samanykštis, samanykščius (samanykščius) “a place overgrown with moss”; Skynim-ėliai village Všn; marshland Brž; Skynim-ėliai village Pnd; Skynim-ėlis village Brž, Jon, Ob; Skynim-ėlis village Lzd, Št < skynimas (skynimas) “a cleared, felled area of forest”; Šaltin-ėlis village Krn, Krtš, Mrk, Plv, Stk; Šaltin-ėlis marshland Lkm, Šš < šaltinis (šaltinys) “a spring of water flowing from the ground”; Šaltyn-ėlis village Šd; Šaltyn-ėlis marshland Auk < šaltynas “spring”; Telėtnink-ėliai (cf. Telėtnyk-ėliai) marshland Aln; Telėtnink-ėlis (cf. Telėtnyk-ėlis) village Rm; marshland Mlt < telėtninkas (telėtnykas) “a calf pen; a calf pasture, a meadow by a homestead”; Ūžbal-ėliai village Rz; Ūžbal-ėlis village Vb < ūžbalis “a place beyond a puddle, marsh, or bog”; Užsien-ėlis marshland Rdd < užsienis “land beyond the boundary; a strip at the far end of a field”; Valak-ėliai village Pš, Srv < valākas “a plot of land of about twenty desetines; a strip of land farther from the house”; Žardien-ėlis village Rm < žardiena “an enclosed area by a house; a threshing-floor area, an enclosure”;

b) from plant names: Apyn-ėlis village Švn < apynys; Ąžuol-ėlis 2 villages Vs; marshland Ut; rst. Mlt < ąžuolas; Erškėt-ėlis village Rm < erškėtis (erškėtys, érškėtis); Kanan-ėlis village Knn < kanapė; Lazdyn-ėliai village Km; Lazdyn-ėlis marshland JnšM; Lazdyn-ėlis village Sv < lazdynas; Paliep-ėlis marshland Šš < paliepė “an edible mushroom of the gilled-mushroom family,” on the other hand, cf. pāliepis “a place beneath a linden”; Žilvit-ėlis village Rgv; marshland Ut < žilvitis;

c) from animal names: Katin-ėlis marshland Skm < katinas; Meškin-ėlis village Lkč < meškinas; Vabal-ėlis lakeside, marshland Grz < vabalas; Vanag-ėlis village V < vanagas;

d) from names of places denoting a cluster of objects: Alksnyn-ėlis village Kč, Ob, Švn; marshland Vlkv, Žsl, etc. (about 14 in all) < alksnynas; Asyn-ėlis village Gdr < *asynas < asys “horsetail”; Beržyn-ėlis village PnmR, Skm; marshland Brš, Lln, Mrs, etc. (about 17 in all); Beržyn-ėlis village Gdl, Švn; marshland Pn, Skrd < beržynas; Biržyn-ėlis marshland Skrm < biržynas “birch grove”; Bruknyn-ėlis village Grz < bruknynas; Durpyn-ėlis marshland Pknš, Žlb < durpynas; Eglyn-ėliai marshland Lel; Eglyn-ėlis village Sv; lakeside JnšM, Lln; marshland Aln, Lel, Trgn, Užp; Eglyn-ėlis village PnmR; marshland Brb < eglynas; Karklyn-ėliai village Sltn; Karklyn-ėlis marshland Krn; Karklyn-ėlis village Sng, Srj < karklynas “a place where willows grow; many willows”; Kemsyn-ėlis marshland Lel < kemsynas “a wet, tussocky place”; Kupstyn-ėlis marshland Škt < kupstynas “a place with many hummocks; a tussocky place”; Liepyn-ėlis marshland Akm < liepynas “a place overgrown with lindens; a linden forest”; Nendryn-ėlis village Rdm, Sn < nendrynas “an area overgrown with reeds”; Purvyn-ėliai village, marshland JnšM; Purvyn-ėlis village Lzd, Trgn < purvynas “a place with much mud; waterlogged ground, a muddy marsh”; Pušyn-ėliai lakeside Ig; Pušyn-ėlis village Ob; lakeside Krč; marshland Jsv, Lel, Žsl, etc. (11 in all); Pušyn-ėlis village Bsg, Ob, Sml, Užp < pušynas “pine forest”; Samanyn-ėliai village Lzd; Samanyn-ėlis village Lzd; lakeside Lp, Mrs; marshland Alv, Šlvn; Samanyn-ėlis village Lzd, Žl < samanynas “a place overgrown with moss”; Viksvyn-ėlis Trgn < viksvynas “a place overgrown with sedges, a sedge meadow”;

e) from names of various objects or phenomena of the social environment: Abaz-ėlis village Km < abazas “a troop, group, gang; a wagon for transporting soldiers and their baggage; a camp, an army”; Aboz-ėlis village Pšl < abozas “a wagon for transporting soldiers or their baggage; a train of wagons”; Bravor-ėlis village Smn < bravoras “a distillery or brewery

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“”; Malūn-ėlis marshland Pkln < malūnas; Šulin-ėliai village Mrk; lakeside Jrb; Šulin-ėlis village Alksn, Plk; Šulin-ėlis village Aln, V; marshland Sem < šulinys;

f) from names of various objects based on a particular resemblance (metaphorical derivatives): Aruod-ėlis village Rgv < aruodas “a partition made of thin poles or boards in a granary or elsewhere for storing grain or vegetables; a sleeping place”; Dunoj-ėlis village Srj – probably from the common noun dunojus “large body of water” – cf. Dunojus, a river in Europe; Katil-ėlis marshland Kur; Katil-ėlis village Aln, Rm < katilas “a large metal vessel for cooking,” on the other hand, cf. katilėlis “a genus of plants in the family Nymphaeaceae; a plant of the buttercup family; columbine; a climbing plant of the family Convolvulaceae; a bindweed growing by fences”; Nemun-ėlis village Kpč – probably via the common noun nėmunas from Nėmunas, a river (for river and lake names with similar formation, see Vanagas 1966: 173–182); Vainik-ėlis lakeside Ktk < vainikas “a wreath of flowers or other plants; the aggregate of a tree’s branches and leaves, its crown”; Vėder-ėlis village Vs < *vėderas – cf. vėdaras “belly, bowels”;

g) from other common nouns: Balad-ėliai marshland Lln – cf. balada “wandering about, a ramble”; Baltim-ėlis marshland Vrn – probably from *Baltym-ėlis through dialectal shortening of i. < baltymas “a white page, a white spot”; Ketvirt-ėliai village Rm < ketvirtis “a quarter, one fourth.”

Several other helonyms should be assigned to a separate group: Išdeg-ėlė 2 villages Rk, Ukmi; lakeside Šš – without knowing the position of the stress, the base word cannot be determined, since it may be either išdegas “a place in a meadow, forest, or peat bog that has burned or been scorched by the sun; a burn” (in this case the helonym should be regarded as a diminutive), or išdegti < degti “to become hot in the sun, dry out; to rot as it heats up” (in this case the helonym should be regarded as a derivative of the nomina agentis type); Išgruv-ėlė marshland Lkm – without knowing the position of the stress, the base word cannot be determined, since it may be either *išgruva – cf. išgriova “a collapsed, eroded place” (in this case the helonym should be regarded as a diminutive), or išgrūti (išgrūvo) “to topple” (in this case the helonym should be regarded as a derivative of the nomina agentis type).

2. a) from other helonyms: Akivar-ėlis village, marshland Glv < Akivaras village; Asiūklyn-ėlis village Skm < Asiūklynas marshland, Asiūklynė village; Baltramišk-ėliai lakeside Rgv < Baltramiškis marshland; Beržyn-ėliai marshland Lp < Beržynai marshland; Beržyn-ėlis village Lzd < Beržynas village; Darym-ėliai (Antrieji) village Dgč < Darymai (Antrieji) village; Darym-ėliai lakeside Aln < Darymai village; Darym-ėlis village Lel < Darymas village; Deges-ėlis village Lel < Degėsis marshland; Degim-ėliai village Žml < Degimai village; Degim-ėliai marshland Šš < Degimai marshland; Degim-ėlis village Lnkv < Degimas village; Degim-ėlis village Šmn < Degimas village; Degim-ėlis village Tč < Degimai village; Degim-ėlis marshland Vs < Degimas lakeside, marshland; Dinabark-ėlis marshland Skdt < Dinabarkas marshland; Dumbrav-ėlis lakeside Vb < Dumbravas lakeside; Dunaj-ėlis village Vb < Dunajus village; Eglyn-ėlis marshland, part of Trgn < Eglynas marshland, part; Eglyn-ėlis marshland Lln < Eglynas marshland; Eglyn-ėlis marshland Onš < Eglynas marshland; Girtuoklyn-ėlis marshland Aln < Girtuoklynas marshland; Išdag-ėliai village Všt < Išdagas village; Išdag-ėlis village Rgv < Išdagas village; Jaujabal-ėlis village Mrc < Jaujabalis village; Juodapurv-ėlis marshland Lkm < Juodapurviai marshland; Kapės-ėlis village Vad < Kapėsis lakeside; Kemsyn-ėlis marshland Skm < Kemsynas marshland; Kerbal-ėlis village Rd < Kerbalys village; Kirtim-ėliai marshland Dg < Kirtimai lakeside; Klimot-ėlis marshland Aln < Klimótas marshland; Kupstyn-ėlis village Lzd < Kupstynė village; Kupstyn-ėlis village Rdd < Kupstynė village; Nendryn-ėlis lakeside Brt < Nendrynė lakeside;

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Pabal-ėlis bog. Alz < Pabalys bog.; Padag-ėlis bog. Vb < Padagas bog.; Palōkaraist-ėlis (Palokaraist-ėlis) bog. Ppr < Palōkaraistis bog.; Paversm-ėlis bog. Lel < Paversmis bog.; Pavėžiar aist-ėlis bog. Užp < Pavėžiar aistis bog.; Pelėdraist-ėlis bog. Dgl < Pelėdraistis bog.; Pylim-ėlis bog. Ktk < Pylimas bog.; Pylim-ėlis bog. Sug < Pylimas bog.; Pylim-ėlis bog. Ktk < Pylimas bog.; Pylym-ėlis bog. Lel < Pylýmas bog.; Plėšim-ėlis bog. Alns < Plėšimas bog.; Polym-ėlis bog. Ktk < Polymas bog.; Purvyn-ėliai bog. Rm < Purvynai bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Ob < Samanykščius bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Aln < Samanykščius bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Čln < Samanykščius bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Dgl < Samanykščius bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Lel < Samanykštis bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Sdk < Samanykščius bog., bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Sdk < Samanykštis bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Mlt < Samanykščius bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Aln < Samanykščius bog.; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Užp < Samanykščius bog.; Samanyn-ėliai bog. Vs < Samanynas bog.; Samanyn-ėliai bog. Kuč < Samanynai bog.; Samanyn-ėlis bog. Lzd < Samanynas bog.; Samanyn-ėlis bog., bog. Lzd < Samanynas bog., bog.; Samanyn-ėlis bog., bog. Vs < Samanynas bog.; Samanyn-ėlis bog. Lzd < Samanynas bog.; Samanyn-ėlis bog. Lzd < Samanynas bog.; Samanyn-ėlis bog. Švn < Samanynas bog., bog.; Samanyn-ėlis bog., bog. Krsn < Samanynas bog.; Samanraist-ėlis bog. Užp < Samanraistis bog.; Skynim-ėliai bog. Dg < Skynimai bog.; Skynim-ėlis bog. Sn < Skynimas bog.; Skynim-ėlis bog. Aln < Skynimas bog.; Spolišk-ėlis bog. Kvr < Spoliškis bog.; Starkalizd-ėlis bog. Brž < Starkalizdis (Didžias) bog.; Užaug-ėliai bog. Nmn < Užaugas bog.; Var lin-ėliai bog. Pkln < Varliniai bog.; Varnaraist-ėlis bog. Čln < Varnaraistis bog.; Velniaraist-ėlis bog. Jk < Veln iaraistis (Velni araistis) bog.; Vidubal-ėlis bog. Pmp < Vidūbalis bog.; Vytyn-ėlis bog. Zr < Vytynas bog.; Zotvar-ėliai bog. Lp < Zotvaras bog.; Zotvar-ėlis bog. ŠlnL < Zotvaras bog.; Žandag-ėlis bog., bog. Bč < Žandagas bog.; Žiogišk-ėliai bog. Moc < Žiogiškis bog.;

b) from river and lake names: Gelež-ėlis bog. Vad < Geležis river; Ištak-ėlis bog. Tj < Ištakys river; Perlraist-ėlis bog. Lkč – most likely a certain alteration (perhaps due to folk etymology) of *Perlaist-ėlis < Pérlaisčiai river; Serbentin-ėlis bog. Bsg < Serbentinis stream.

c) from other toponyms: Apatk-ėlis bog. Gdl < Apatkas forest; Apidėm-ėlis bog. Rz < Apidėmė meadow; Apušot-ėlis bog. Vad < Apušotas meadow; Ataug-ėlis bog. Kp < Ataugas meadow; Darym-ėliai bog. Šš < Darymas clearing; Darym-ėlis bog. Rim < Darymas shrubland, meadow; Darym-ėlis bog. Sdk < Darymai clearing; Darym-ėlis bog. Lkm < Dārymas shrubland, meadow; Degim-ėlis bog. Gdž < Degimas meadow; Drebulyn-ėlis bog. Vlkj < Drebulynė forest; Dubur-ėlis bog. Kp < Dūbūras meadow; Gailiagir-ėlis bog. Kpč < Gailiagiris farmstead, village; Girtuoklyn-ėlis bog. Užp < Girtuoklynas meadow; Išdag-ėlis bog. Všn < Išdagas meadow; Karalgir-ėlis bog. Čk < Karalgiris part of a forest; Kemsyn-ėlis bog. Ant < Kemsynė meadow; Lendryn-ėlis bog. KzR < Lendrynas forest; Lydim-ėliai bog. Alns < Lydimai field; Lokinink-ėliai (also Lokinykėliai) bog. Lz < Lokininkiai (also Lokinỹkiai) village; Mendryn-ėlis bog. Pkln < Mendrynė meadow; Pabal-ėliai bog. Vs < Pabalai meadow; Pabal-ėlis bog. Pkr < Pābalis meadow; Pailg-ėliai bog. Kiel < Pailgiai forest; Pasieksn-ėlis bog. Žl < Pasieksnė meadow; Pylim-ėlis bog. Ktk < Pylimas shrubland, meadow; Pylim-ėlis (|| Liūnėlis) bog. Ktk < Pylimas meadow; Purvyn-ėlis bog. Sld < Purvynas meadow; Samanykšt-ėlis bog. Aln < Samanykščius meadow; Samanykšt-

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-ėlis swamp. Dgl < Samanykščiai marsh; Samanykšt-ėlis swamp. Sug < Samanykščius marsh; Samanyn-ėlis village Smn < Samanynas meadow; Samanyn-ėlis bog Krsn < Samanynas marsh; Telėtnink-ėliai (cf. Telėtnykėliai) village Ign < Telėtninkas (cf. Telėtnykas) marsh; Uogim-ėliaiswamp. Sug < Uogimai marsh; Užuvalk-ėlis village Kp < Užuv alkis bushland, marsh; Zotvar-ėliai village Lzd < Zotvarai marsh.

With regard to the lexical status of the derivational base and the derivational meaning, the -ėl- derivatives are distributed as follows: derivatives from appellatives (toponymization), i.e. true diminutives, 69.9%; derivatives from toponyms (trans-toponymization), i.e. diminutives and possessives, 30.1%.

Diminutive helonyms with the suffix -ėl-, like the -el- derivatives, are widespread across a large part of Lithuania. The area in which -ėl- derivatives have not been recorded is smaller, namely the western part of Samogitia.

Suffix -ės-

Perhaps only one helonym formed with this suffix can be considered diminutive:

-ėsia. 1. Up-ėsia bog. Gdr < ùpė. Cf. the diminutive appellative mergėsė ‘grown-up girl’ (Ambrazas 1994: 139).

Suffix -ėsn-

-ėsnis. 1. Up-ėsniai b. Švn; Up-ėsnis b. Jnv, Lp; plk. Lp; rst. Dbk, Rtnk < ùpė; though they may also be formed directly from the common noun upėšnis (upėsnys) ‘a small, insignificant stream; a place where a stream flows into a lake; a small meadow through which a stream runs’.

S u f f i x -ėit-

-ėtė (-ėtės). 1. Ežer-ėtės b. Ds < ėžeras. Cf. the diminutive common noun vaikėtis ‘a walker’ (LKG I 286).

Suffix -ik-

-ikas. 1. Trein-ikas plk. Žr < treinys (treinis) ‘a sedge-family grass growing in damp places’.

-ikė (-ikės). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Bal-ikė 2plk. Kair, plk. Nmk < balà; Brastv-ikė plk. Trg; Brastv-ikės plk. Krž < brastvà ‘a muddy bank’; Daub-ikė plk. Lk; Daub-ikės b. Jnp < daubà; Dumbl-ikė plk. Žgn < dùmblas; Duob-ikė plk. Klm, Šlv < duobė ‘pit’; Išlyn-ikės plk. Ll < išlynas ‘clay, usually whitish or bluish clay, marl’; Kamš-ikė plk. Psln, Skdv < kamšù ‘a road packed or paved with brushwood and twigs; a filled-in or repaired pit; a boggy place’; Mark-ikė plk. Pdb < markà ‘a place for retting flax, a flax-retting pool’; Pekl-ikė plk. Krkl < peklà ‘hell; a very remote, distant place; a poor, difficult road, quagmire’; Pelk-ikė b. Pp; plk. Klm, Rdn, Šauk; Pelk-ikė plk. Šauk; Pelk-ikės (|| Pelkiukės) wet place Vdk < pėlkė; Pjūkl-ikė plk. Bt – it is thought that there may have been a common noun *pjūklė or similar, meaning a meadow that is mown (Vanagas 1981 a: 260); compare, for the semantics, pjau­nys ‘a mown marsh overgrown with shrubs’; Plyn-ikė rst. Als < plynė ‘open space, plain; marsh, bog’; Rop-ikė plk. Žr – perhaps from ropà, (rópa) ‘a river sill, a stony shallow, a riffle’; alternatively, the base word could be rópė (ropė) ‘a cruciferous vegetable, used as fodder or food, with an elongated or round thick root’; Sal-ikė plk.

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Pvn; Sal-ikė plk. Lk; Sal-ikės plk. Šl < salà ‘a piece of land surrounded on all sides by water; a raised, dry patch of ground in a bog or marsh; a patch or hummock of one kind of grass or other plants’; Sien-ikė plk. Klm < siéna ‘a high barrier, a fence; a field boundary, border’; Smukl-ikė plk. Pdb < smuklė (smuklė) ‘a sunken place, quagmire’; Tyrul-ikės plk. Šlv < tyrùlis ‘a boggy marsh overgrown with sparse small trees’; Uodeg-ikė plk. Pdb, Pdv < uodegà ‘a tapering part of land, meadow, field, or forest’;

b) from place names denoting a collection of objects: Torfyn-ikė plk. Klm; Torfyn-ikės plk. Klm < *torfynė < tòrfas (tòrfas) ‘peat’; Turpyn-ikės plk. Skdv < turpýnė, turpýnas ‘a place where there is turp, a peat bog’;

c) from names of objects, by a certain resemblance (metaphorical derivatives): Geldž-ikės plk. Šlv < gélda ‘a trough-shaped vessel hollowed from a single tree trunk, a feeding or watering trough for livestock; a hollow, a pit in a field’ – compare semantically Niekot-ėlė b. Luok;

d) from other common nouns: Gelž-ikė plk. Rdn; Gelž-ikė plk. Krš < gelžis ‘iron’; Mied-ikė plk. Mrk < miedis ‘copper’.

2. a) from other helonyms: Bal-ikė b. Šl < Balà b.; Drobnyč-ikė plk. Trkm – from the primary variant Drobnyčia;

b) from river names: Raudž-ikė plk. Pdb < Raudà river;

c) from oikonyms: Eimanč-ikė plk. Tt < Eimančiai village;

d) from other toponyms: Tyrel-ikė plk. Rdn < Týrelė forest; Trak-ikės plk. Mcč < Trãkos fields; Žvyryn-ikė b. Klm < Žvyrynė, gravel pit.

The helonym Lenguon-ikė b. Krkl (probably from *Linguon-ikė) may have been formed from the hydronym *Linguona or similar – compare Ling-uõklė lake Ps.

-ikis. 1. Laũm-ikis marsh. Prn < laũmė (laumė) “mythological being”.

In terms of the lexical status of the derivational base and derivational meaning, derivatives in -ik- from appellatives (toponymization), i.e. true diminutives, are much more numerous—88.1%; derivatives from proper names (transtonymization), i.e. diminutives and possessives, account for 11.9%.

Helonyms with -ik- (especially with -ikė, -ikės), like the corresponding names of rivers and lakes (for the latter, see Vanagas 1970: 404), are very numerous in Samogitia, east of the Papilė–Žarėnai–Šilalė–Tauragė line, while they are entirely absent in its western part. In addition, a single derivative has been recorded in Užnemunė.

Suffix -ykšt-

-ykštis. 1. Akmen-ýkštis marsh. Sug < akmuõ, ãkmenas; Ežer-ýkštis lake. Sr; marsh. Švnč < ẽžeras.

Suffix -yt-

Most helonyms—derivatives in -yt-—belong not to the category of diminutives but to that of place names or collective names. In terms of derivational meaning, only derivatives in -yt- formed from other toponyms are distinctive: in relation to their base words, they express both diminutiveness and possessiveness:

-ytė (-ytės). 2. Berž-ytės lake. Rd < Beržė river; Dubel-ytėmarsh. Sug < Dubėlė marsh; Kamsr-ytėlake. Rm < Kamsra pond; Žydbal-ytėlake. Všn < Žydbalė lake.

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The few diminutive helonyms with the suffix -ytė are found in Central Lithuania.

Suffix -(i)ok-

-(i)okas (-(i)okai). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Dubn-iõkas marsh, Ktv – cf. Belarusian дубня ‘a place overgrown with oaks’ (Jaškin 1971: 62); alternatively, the helonym may have been adapted directly from Belarusian дубняк ‘oak grove’ (Jaškin 1971: 62); Ežer-iõkas lake, Rk; Ežer-iokas lake, Jdp, Rk, Slk < ežeras; Gluš-õkas bog, Ant – cf. Belarusian глуш ‘a secluded place in the forest; a marsh’ (Jaškin 1971: 50); alternatively, it may have been adapted directly from a Slavic equivalent, *глушак or the like; Liekn-iokas lake, Šl < liek­nas (lieknas) ‘a wet, boggy meadow, marsh, pool; quagmire; a wet place overgrown with shrubs and sparse trees, a wooded marsh’; Polym-iõkas marsh, Sld < põlymas ‘a low, damp, marshy place, a wooded marsh’; Raisč-iõkas marsh, Užp < raistas; Raistel-iõkas marsh, Trgn < raistélis < marsh; Šil-iõkas bog, Krk < šilas;

b) from plant names: Ąžuol-õkai marsh, Ut < ąžuolas;

c) from animal names: Anč-iõkai lake, Šš < ántis;

d) from names of places denoting a collection of objects: Eglyn-iokas lake, Imbr < eglynas; Vyksvyn-iõkas lake, Šmn < viksvynas ‘a place overgrown with willows, a willow meadow’;

e) from other appellatives: Danč-iõkai lake, Dgč < dantis ‘a tine on a rake; a stake’.

2. Eglyn-iõkas lake, Rk < Eglynas forest; Kuden-iõkas marsh, Dgl < Kudėnis marsh.

In terms of the lexical status of the derivational base and derivational meaning, -(i)ok- derivatives are distributed as follows: derivatives from appellatives (toponymization), i.e. true diminutives, account for 88.9%; derivatives from toponyms (trans-toponymization), i.e. diminutives and possessives, account for 11.1%.

Diminutive helonyms with the suffix -(i)ok- form a fairly clearly defined area—the region of northeastern and eastern Lithuania.

Suffix -(i)okšt-

-(i)okštis (-(i)okščiai). 1. Bal-ókščiai lake, Grz < balà; Ežer-iokštis lake, Jdp < ežeras.

Suffix -(i)ot-

-(i)otė. 1. Balel-iotė lake, Antz < balėlė < pool; Kepur-õtė marsh, Stor < kepùrė.

Suffix -(i)uk-

-(i)ukas (-(i)ukai). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Deges-iukas bog, Pdb < degėsė ‘a burnt area of marsh or forest’, degesys ‘a burnt area (in a peat bog)’; Degim-ukai hummocks, Skdv; bog, Pkrž; Degim-ukai bog, Užv < degimas ‘a burnt area, a degėsė’; Degsn-iùkai lake, Bsg < dėgsnė (degsnė) ‘burning, a burnt area’; Dubur-ùkas lake, Jrgž, Klvr < dùburas, duburys ‘a depression in the ground, a pit, a hollow’; Dumbl-iùkas marsh, Ktv, Vys < dùmblas; Duobel-iùkas marsh, Ktv < duobėlė; Duobur-iùkas lake, Lzd < duoburys ‘a hollow’; Ežer-iùkas lake, Pdb, Užp; bog, Plp, Prš, Vdk, etc. (13 in all); Ežer-ukas lake, Bsg, Jnš, Klm, Krž; bog, Bt, Šly; Ežer-ukai bog, Krž; Ežer-ùkas lake, Dvł; marsh, Išl; Ežer-ùkas (|| Ežerėlis) lake, Srj < ežeras; Goj-ùkas lake, Šiul < gõjus; Grauż-ùkas bog, Btg < graužas (graužas) ‘a component of gravel; gravel; pebbles; land beside a gravelly spot; a gravel bed; a mound of sand or an islet deposited by floodwater; a pebbly, sandy river or lake shore; a gravel bank’; Grėbl-iùkas marsh, Ššl < grėblià

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“a raised and timber-laid road through a bog or marshy place”; Kakl-iūkas plk. Krž; Kakl-iukas plk. Pdb < kãklas “bend, bay, strait; peninsula, promontory”; Kul-iūkas rst. Čb < kulỹs (kùlis) “bay, promontory; turn, bend, corner; edge, piece”; Lauž-iūkai plk. Pšš < lãužas “pile of twigs, brushwood, branches, or pieces of wood”; Lieknei-iūkas b. Rm < lieknẽlis < liẽknas (liẽknas) “wet, marshy meadow, swamp, bog; quagmire; wet place overgrown with bushes and stunted trees, bog”; Liekn-iūkas plk. Krp, Pkp, Rd, Rdn, Žg; Liekn-iukas b. Ppl; lk. Šl < liẽknas (liẽknas); Liūn-iūkas b. Lp < liū̃nas; Lūg-iūkai plk. Btg < lū̃gas (lū̃gas) “hollow, bog; quagmire, marsh; pond, pool”; Lūgn-iukas lk. Pp < lū̃gnas “quagmire”; Pjaun-iūkas plk. Grk; Pjaun-iukas b. Krž; Pjaun-ukai plk. Varn; Pjaun-iūkas plk. Lk; Pjaun-ukas b. Vg; plk. Lk < pjaunỹs “a mowable marsh overgrown with shrubs, a hollow where water remains in spring and autumn”; Prūd-iūkas b. Klm; Prūd-ukas plk. Vg < prū̃das (prū̃das) “pond”; Raisč-iūkas rst. Luok, Saml, Str; Raisč-iukas b. Lkm < raistas; Raistel-iūkas b., rst. Rgv < raistẽlis < raistas; Raist-ūkas b. Dbg, Lzd, Vs; 2rst. Pun; Raist-ukas b. Jz, Krsn < raistas; Rėž-iūkai plk. Šlv < rė̃žis (rėžys) “strip of land or forest”; Ryžel-iūkas b. Lp < ryžẽlis “some stretch, little strip”; Samanykšč-iūkas rst. Mlt; Samanykšč-iukas b. Mlt < samanykštis, samanykščius (samanykščius) “a place overgrown with moss”; Skandul-iūkas b. Kpč < skanduolỹs “deep pool, depth”; Sklyp-iūkas plk. Kk < sklỹpas; Šalten-iūkas plk. Lk < šaltẽnis “spring”; Šaltin-iūkas plk. Ll, Skdv; Šaltin-iūkai b. Kč, Lzd; Šaltin-ūkas rst. Krn, Mrk < šaltìnis (šaltinys); Šanč-iūkai b. Mij < šañčius “earthen embankment; a bank marking a boundary between fields or forests; an excavated pit, ditch”; Šil-iūkas b. Gdž; plk. Skdv; Šil-iukas b. Klm, Krk; plk. Lk < šìlas; Šulin-iukas b. Vdžg; plk. Pšš < šulinỹs; Šulnel-iūkas b. Km < šulnelis < šulnis, šulnỹs “well”; Tabūn-iūkas plk. Pdb < tabū̃nas “enclosed pasture for livestock”; Tyrel-iukas b. Sk; plk. Žg < tỹrelis < tỹras “a marshy bog overgrown with sparse small trees”; Tyrul-iūkas b. Rdšk; 2plk. Pdb < tỹrulis < tỹras; Up-iūkai plk. Krtv < ūpė; Užgir-iukas b. Klm < ùžgiris “place beyond the forest”; Valak-iūkai plk. Krtv, Pdb < valãkas “a plot of land of about twenty dessiatines; a strip of land farther from the homestead”;

b) from plant names: Alksn-iūkas b. Ml < alksnis (alksnỹs); Berž-iūkas rst. Pkln, Trgn < bẽržas; Beržuč-iūkas plk. Rs < beržùtis < bẽržas; Berž-ūkai plk. Pjs < bẽržas; Lazdyn-ūkai b. Lbv < lazdýnas; Ščiaj-ūkas rst. Plm – cf. Belarusian щачье “sorrel” (SBG V 512); Toful-iukas plk. Klm – probably from *To-pul-iukas < tópulis “poplar”; Trein-iūkai b. Jnš < treinỹs (treinis) “a sedge-family plant growing in wet places; poor, small grass or hay”; Žilvit-ukas b. Rdm < žilvìtis;

c) from animal names: Bacion-iūkas b. Mlt < baciõnas “stork”; Bebr-iūkas rst. Vvs < bẽbras (bẽbras); Geguž-iūkas plk. Krk < gegužė (gegužė) “cuckoo”; Gyvač-iūkas rst. Eit; Gyvat-ūkas rst. Varn < gyvãtė; Karos-iukas b. Lln < karõsas; Karvel-iūkas rst. Onš < karvẽlis; Strazd-ukas plk. Kltn < strãzdas; Žąs-iūkas b. Jsv < žąsìs;

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d) from names of places denoting a cluster of objects: Alksnyn-ūkas rst. Gdl < alksnynas; Ąžuolyn-ūkas rst. Čln < ąžuolynas; Beržyn-iiukai plk. Šauk; Beržyn-iiūkas plk. Šlv; rst. Mlt; Beržyn-iukas rst. Lel; Beržyn-ūkas rst. Pvš, Švn < beržynas; Dumblyn-iūkas b. Pkln < dumblynas; Eglyn-iukas rst. Mlt; Eglyn-ūkas rst. Gdl; Eglyn-ukas rst. Lzd < eglýnas; Karklyn-iūkas b. Lel; Karklyn-ūkas b. Sng; rst. Stk < karklýnas; Kunstyn-ūkas plk. Sn < kupstýnas; Nendryn-ukas 2b. Rdm < nendrýnas; Purvyn-iūkas plk. Gir < purvýnas; Pušyn-iiukai plk. Pkp; Pušyn-iūkas 2plk. Krš, Šln < pušýnas; Samanyn-ukai b. Stk; Samanyn-ūkas plk. Lzd; Samanyn-ukas b. Rdm < samanýnas; Torfyn-iūkas plk. Klm < *torfynas – cf. tòŕfas (tōŕfas) “peat”;

e) from names of various objects or phenomena in the social environment: Aptvor-iukas plk. Rs < aptvoras “fence, enclosure”; Magazin-iūkas plk. Pdb < magazinas (magazīnas) “storehouse for keeping supplies of some kind”; Tilč-iūkas plk. Grnk < tiltas; Užtvar-iūkas plk. Rdn < užtvaras “something used to block something off, a fence; an enclosed place, enclosure, pen”;

f) from various object names based on a certain resemblance (metaphorical derivatives): Akulior-iūkai plk. Mcč < akuliorai, akulioriai “eyeglasses”; Bliūd-ūkas b. Mrk; plk. Krž < bliūdas “bowl”; alternatively, it may derive from *bliūdas “a bog”; Katil-iūkas b. Jsv, Srv; rst. Aln < katilas “large metal vessel for cooking”; Kepeliuš-iukai b. Kpč < kepeliušas, kepeliušė, kepeliušis, kepeliušius “hat”;

g) from other appellatives: Sieksn-iūkas b. Slk < sieksnis (sieksnys) “a unit of length equal to 2.13 m; the length, thinness or volume of something measured by this unit”; Stobr-iūkas b. Šlv – probably from *Stuobr-iūkas < stuobrys (stūobris) “a tree that has been pruned, has lost its crown, or is dried out, rotting, and decaying”; Žyd-ūkai rst. Sem < žydas; alternatively, cf. žydėti.

2. a) from other helonyms: Akulior-iūkas village Kuč < Akuliōris (Akuliōrai) village; Ankš-lyn-iūkasswamp Vs < Ankšlýnas bog; Asiūk lin-iūkasswamp Kuč < Asiūkline village, swamp; Čižabal-iūkas village Kpč < Čižabalė village; Degul-iūkasswamp Aln < Degulys swamp; Dielid-ūkai village Pun < Dielidai village; Giliarais t-iūkasswamp Vs < Giliāraistis village, swamp; *Girnakal-iukas (< Girnakaliuk) swamp Dbg < Girnakalis (Girnakālis) swamp; Gyvatyn-ukas village Ds < Gyvatýnas village; Granden-ūkaibog Ll < Grandenà bog; Grigarais t-iūkasswamp Lp < Grigarais tis swamp; Kaliarais t-iūkasswamp Šlvn < Kāliaraistis village; Kiekšil-iūkasvillage Btg < Kiekšilas village; Klausin-iūkasbog Varn < Klausinis bog; Krakin-iūkasvillage Sug < Krakìnis village, swamp; Liek n-iūkaibog Krkl < Liėknos bog; Nelbešč-iūkaivillage Šr < Nelbeščiai village; Pušynpelk-iukasbog Vdk < Pušynpelkis bog; Sakand-ūkaiswamp KzR < Sakandai swamp; Samanykšč-iūkasswamp Dgl < Samanykščius swamp; Samanin-ukasswamp Brb < Samaninis swamp; Samanyn-ukasvillage Kuč < Samanýnas village; Šalten-iūkasbog Grz < Šaltėnis bog; Šilavain-iūkasvillage Lp < Šilavainis village; Tyrul-iūkaspart of the bog Pkp < Tyrulys (Didysis) bog; Totoraišč-iūkasswamp Zp < Totoraištis swamp; Tremp-ūkaibog Brt < Trempai bog;

b) from river names: Švendr-iūkas plk. Vdk < Švendra river; Zaps-iūkas b. Lzd < Zāpsė, Zapsà river;

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c) from oikonyms: Blakč-iūkai village, marsh, Rd < Blakčiai village;

d) from other toponyms: Apšak-iūkas marsh, Pšln < Apšakis lake; Alksnyn-ukas village, Graž < Alksnynas meadow; Kub-ukai marsh, Bt < Kūbai forest; Liekn-iūkas marsh, Klk < Liek- nas forest; Pasaul-iūkas bog, Zp < Pasaulis clear-cut area; Peč-iūkas village, Kpč < Pėčius hill; Raistel-iūkas marsh, Aln < Raistėlis meadow; Vilkasal-iūkas marsh, Šln < Vilkasalis meadow; Zotvar-ukai village, Lbv < Zotvarai meadow.

-(i)ukė (- (i)ukės). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Bal-iūkė village, Grz, Jnš, Lg, Rd; Bal-iūkės village, Jnš; Bal-ūkė village, Lksn, Švn, Vrn; Bal-ūkės village, Lzd, 2b. Sng < balà; Brast-ūkė village, Srj < brastà; Duob-ūkė village, Grz; bog, Sem; Duob-ukė village, Dg < duobė; Girait-iukė village, Vs < giraitė (giraitė) < girìtà; Klampyn-ūkė bog, Al < klampynė “boggy place, bog”; Kūdr-ūkė village, Alv < kūdra (kūdrà); Maur-iūkė bog, Kp < maurai (maūrai), maūras; Pabal-iūkė village, Mrk < pabalė, pabalys “place associated with a pale”; Pelk-iūkė marsh, Krp; Pelk-iukės (‖ Pelkikės) wetland, Vdk < pélkė; Piev-ūkė village, Krok < pievà; Šaltin-ūkė village, Lzd < šaltinis;

b) from plant names: Asiūk-iūkė village, Gaid < asiūklis (asiūklis);

c) from names of various objects on the basis of a certain resemblance (metaphorical derivatives): Nykot-ūkė village, Vs – most likely a reshaping of *Niekot-ūkė < niekotė “a tub for winnowing grain or groats; a trough”; Skarvad-ūkė village, Brb, Švn < skarvadà “frying pan”;

d) from other appellatives: Dal-iūkės 2b. Vs < dalis “a certain quantity of a whole object”; Merkykl-ūkė village, Btr < *merkykla < merk­ti “to put or immerse in water or another liquid; to wet, moisten”; Mirkykl-ūkė village, Krsn < *mirkykla < mirkti “to be immersed in water or another liquid, to remain in water”; Vytin-ūkė village, Vs < vytinė “a switch, rod.”

2. a) from other helonyms: Bendr-ūkė marsh, Ššt < Bendrė marsh; Gervin-ūkė village, Šlvn < Gérvinė village; Mirtykl-ukė village, Al – by dissimilation from *Mirkykl-ukė < Mirkyklà village; Pal-iūkės village, Lzd < Pàlios village, Lzd; Plovin-ukė village, Ūd < Plōvinė village; Sodželk-iūkė village, Prnv < Sōdželka village;

b) from river names: Baravykin-ukė village, KzR < Baravykinė river;

c) from other toponyms: Ašutin-ūkė village, Sng < Ašutinė meadow; Bal-ūkė village, Švn < Balà meadow; Dėlin-ūkė village, Lp < Dėlinė meadow; Kamš-iūkė marsh, Ilgž < Kamšos meadow.

By lexical status of the derivational base and derivational meaning, -(i)uk- derivatives are distributed as follows: derivatives from appellatives (toponymization), i.e. true diminutives, 79.9%; derivatives from toponyms (trans-toponymization), i.e. diminutives and possessives, 20.1%.

Diminutive helonyms with the suffix -(i)uk- are more or less widespread throughout Lithuania, except for the western and northern parts of Samogitia. It is noteworthy that almost all areas of their greater concentration—the eastern and northeastern parts of Samogitia, the central Lithuanian area around Baisogala and Krekenava, and the eastern part of Aukštaitija—coincide with the more prominent distribution areas of river and lake names (for the latter, cf. Vanagas 1970: 418).

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Suffix -(i)ukl-

-(i)uklis. 1. Ežer-iùklis b. Slč, Všk < lake.

Suffix -(i)ūkšt-

-(i)ūkštė. 1. Bal-iūkštė b. Vies < bog.

-(i)ūkštis. 1. Saman-iūkštis (|| Samanykštis) marsh. Gdr < moss (moss, sāmanos).

Suffix -(i)ul-

-(i)ulė (- (i)ulės). 1. Bruzg-ulės b. Mrk < bruzgai, brūzgas “dense, low shrubs, bushes”; Duob-ulė b. R; rst. Trgn; Duob-ulė rst. Žž < duobė; Išdeg-ulėlė b. Všk < išdegas “a place in a meadow, forest, or peat bog that has been burned or scorched by the sun; a burn”; Krak-ulės rst. Ant < krākė “crucian carp”; Vaid-ulė b. Sug; b., rst. Skm; rst. An, Čln; Vaid-ulės b. JnšM < vaidas “ghost, apparition, specter”.

-(i)ulis (-(i)uliai). 1. Duob-ulis b. Kž; rst. LK < duobė; Tyr-uliaí 2b. Šln; plk. Pdb; rst. Sdl; tr. Šl and others (8 in total); Tyr-ulis b. Šl; plk. Rd < tyras “a quagmire overgrown with sparse small trees”; Trak-ulis b. Krn < trākas “a high, dry meadow overgrown with sparse shrubs and trees, a forest clearing; a felled or burned area of forest, a clearing”; Vaid-uliai plk., rst. JnšM; rst. Pun < vaidas “ghost, apparition, specter”.

A somewhat larger number of diminutive helonyms with the suffix -(i)ul- have been recorded in Eastern Lithuania.

Suffix -(i)ut-

-(i)utė (- (i)utės). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Bal-utė b. Jon, Pn, Pž, V; rst. Dbg < balà; Daub-utė plk. Stn < daubà; Dirv-utės b. Prnv < dirvà; Grab-utė b. Erž < gràbė “ditch”; Kamp-utė b. Srv < kampas “a place where two lines, planes, walls, or objects meet; a corner; an edge, side; a half; an area, plot; an outskirts; a piece”; Kamš-utė plk. Vdk < kamšà “a road filled or paved with branches and twigs; a filled-in, repaired hollow; a boggy place”; Lank-utė b. Graž; plk. Všt; Lank-utė plk. Pjv < lankà; Mark-utė b. Šlv; Mark-utės plk. Skdv < markà “a place for soaking flax, a flax-retting pool”; Nuotak-utė b. Pns < nuótaka (nuotakà) “runoff, drainage, outflow; a drainage meadow through which water flows down the slopes”; Pelk-utė b. Grk, Šlv; plk. Čk, Rdd, Rs and others (about 25 in total); Pelk-utė b. Grnk, Šln; 2plk. Btg, plk. Rd and others (7 in total); Pelk-utės 2plk. Rs; wet place Šmk < pélkė; Plyn-utė plk. Br, Gž, Kt; rst. Lap, Šil and others (9 in total); Plyn-utė b. Lbv, Pjv, Plv, Žal < plynė “an open, level place; a bog, marsh”; Šil-utė b. Pkr < šilas; Šiožiau-kutė b. Kurn < šiožiau̯ka “pond”; Trak-utė plk. Klm < trākas “a high, dry meadow overgrown with sparse shrubs and trees, a forest clearing; a felled or burned area of forest, a clearing”;

b) from plant names: Karkl-utė plk. Varn < kārklas;

c) from animal names: Krak-utės b. Lksn < krākė “crucian carp”; Kirk-utė b., plk. Šl < kirka “gull, tern”; Mešk-utė b. Ss; rst. Dg < meškà; Ožk-utės rst. Trkm < ožkà; Vilk-utė b., rst. Ašmn < vìlkas;

d) from names of various objects, based on a certain resemblance (metaphorical derivatives): Geld-utės b. Vlkj < gėlda “a long vessel hollowed from a single tree trunk-

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‘trough, small trough; a trough for feeding or watering livestock; a hollow, a pit in the ground’; Pyn-ūtė rst. Rok < pynė ‘something tangled, intertwined’;

e) from other appellatives: Kap-utė b. Šl < kapai, kapas; Lakšt-utė rst. Nmt; Lakšt-utės rst. Knv < lakštas ‘plant leaf’; Lauž-utė b. Skėm < laužas ‘a pile of rods, brushwood, branches, pieces of wood’; Pul-utė (|| Pūlka) rst. Žl < pulis ‘wave’; Vaid-utė rst. Sug < vaidas ‘ghost, apparition, specter’; Žab-utė rst. Dbg < žabas ‘rod, twig’.

2. a) from other helonyms: Lank-utė b. Trg < Lankà b.; Plentauk-utė b. Vs < Plentáuka b.; Plyn-utė b. Šl < Plýnė plk.; Plyn-utė plk. Mšk < Plýnė plk.; b) from lake names: Ak-utė rst. Lln < Akis lake; Ilg-utė b. Kpč < Ilgis lake; c) from other toponyms: Mark-utė plk. Trg < Markos meadow; Pelk-utė plk. Šln < Pélkė meadow; Plyn-utė b. Pjv < Plynia grove; Plyn-utė rst. Vv < Plýnė meadow. The helonym Kęšuv-utė b. Sg may be derived from an unattested place name *Kęšuva or the like—cf. kėsas ‘hummock, tussock’.

-utis (-učiai). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Gal-utis rst. KzR < gãlas ‘edge; boundary; limit; end’; Goj-utis meadow. Onš < gõjus; Kirn-utis rst. Srj < kìrna ‘a tree or shrub root washed out by water on a riverbank; a shrubby, wet place; a place where trees have fallen together, brushwood, a windthrow’; Pjaun-utis meadow. Vdk < pjaunys ‘a mowable marsh overgrown with shrubs, a hollow where water remains in spring and autumn’; Rag-utis b. Ldvn; meadow. Lkč < rãgas ‘a pointed tract of land projecting into the sea, a lake, or a forest, a peninsula’; b) from animal names: Krak-utis b. Auk < krãkė ‘crucian carp’; Mešk-učiai rst. Pvš; Mešk-utis rst. Onš < meškà; Vilk-učiai rst. Stk < vìlkas; c) from other appellatives: Bačk-utis rst. Stk < bačkà ‘barrel’; Kūg-učiai meadow. Bt < kūgis (kūgys) ‘a large heap or stack of hay, straw, or the like, a rick’.

2. a) from other helonyms: Milk-učiai rst. Dsm < Mìlkai marsh; b) from river names: Berž-utis meadow. Aukš < Beržė river; c) from other toponyms: Judamišk-utis meadow. Pun < Jùdamiškis village. From the perspective of the lexical status of the derivational base and derivational meaning, the -(i)ut- derivatives are distributed as follows: derivatives from appellatives (toponymization), i.e. true diminutives, account for 87.3%; derivatives from toponyms (trans-toponymization), i.e. diminutives and possessives, account for 12.7%.

Diminutive helonyms with the suffix -(i)ut- do not form distinct areas. Their greater concentration is observed only in Užnemunė. Such derivatives are entirely absent north of the line Varniai–Šiauliai–Panevėžys–Želva.

Suffix -(i)ūt-

-ūtai. 1. Bebr-ūtai b. Šiul < bėbras (bèbras).

-(i)ūtė (-(i)ūtės). 1. Abšar-ūtė b. Grv – cf. Belarusian абшар ‘a large tract of land’ (Jaškin 1971: 7); Egl-iūtė b. Jk < ẽglė (eglė); Kel-iūtė b. Čln < kẽlias. 2. a) from other helonyms: Kiškiabal-iūtė b. Dg < Kiškiabalė b. Helonyms with the suffix -(i)ūt- form two micro-areas: the first is the eastern part of Lithuania, the second the southern fringe of the Dzūkai region.

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3.2. Derivatives with Slavic suffixes.

All derivatives in this group are formed with the suffix -ka and its various variants.

The suffix -aika

1. Bal-aika marsh. Lp < balà; Gir-áika marsh. Nmč < girià; Šil-áika (|| Šilėlė) village Upt < šilas.

2. Kumpuol-aika village Dgč < Kumpuõlė river.

Cf. Belarusian place names Жортайка (Lemciugova 1970: 89), Russian place names Нерубайка (Podolskaja 1983: 91), and so on.

The suffix -(i)anka

1. Lerm-ánka marsh. Vdk < lérmas “noise.”

2. Milč-iánka village Grl < Milčiùs river.

Cf. Belarusian place names Уцечанка, Хвашчанка (МВ 242, 245), Polish place names Chrościanka (Halicka 1976: 201), Kosianka (Halicka 1978: 40), and so on.

The suffix -atka

1. Kems-atka village Imbr < kėmsa, kėmsas “a stump or mound of earth overgrown with moss or grass, a hummock.”

The derivative should be regarded as a hybrid formation—comprising a Lithuanian base word and a suffix characteristic of Slavic diminutive formation—cf. Belarusian place names Ляшчатка, Звянятка (Lemciugova 1970: 89).

The suffix -(i)auk-

-(i)auka (- (i)aukos). 1. a) from physiographic terms: Daub-áukos rst. Būd < daubà “valley, hollow, ravine”; Kems-áuka b. Rk < kėmsa, kėmsas “a stump or mound of earth overgrown with moss or grass, kėsas”; Kul-iauka b. Trgn < kulỹs (kùlis) “bay, promontory; bend, curve; corner; edge, piece”;

b) from plant names: Kvašč-iauka marsh. Skm – cf. Polish chwaszcz “horsetail” (SJP I 309), Belarusian хвощ “ditto” (Jaškin 1971: 199);

c) from animal names: Gandr-áukos plk. Dmnt < gándras ‘stork’; Krak-aukà rst. Nmt < krãkė ‘crucian carp’; Sakal-aukà b. Slk < sãkalas ‘falcon’; on the other hand, the latter helonym may have arisen through metathesis from *Salak-auka—in that case it should be regarded as a product of transtoponymization, i.e. a derivative of the lake name Sãlakas;

d) from names of objects or phenomena in various social settings: Kryž-áuka plk. Sug; Kryž-auka b. Ob < kryžius ‘cross’;

e) from ethnonyms: Žyd-áuka b. Luok; plk. Pknš, Skp; rst. Btr, Gdr, Mlt; Žyd-auka b. Ob; rst. Mlt < žýdas ‘Jew’;

f) from names of mythical beings: Čart-aukà rst. Mrs < čartas ‘devil’; Veln-iauka plk. Srj < vėln ias.

-aukė (-aukės). 1. Dùmbl-aukės b. Nmk < dùmblas ‘settled dust, wet, churned-up mud’.

This is most likely a suffix borrowed from Belarusian, corresponding to the Belarusian suffixes -аўка, -ёўка, which are used to form a particularly large number of place names; cf. Belarusian place names Алецкаўка, Вішнеўка (Lemciugova 1970: 83), Хітраўка, Ліпаўка (МВ 273), and so on.

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Helonyms with the suffix -auka are somewhat more widespread in northeastern, eastern, and southern Lithuania. Their distributions are the same as those of the river and lake names that contain this suffix (for the latter, see Vanagas 1970: 98–99).

Suffix -avatka

This is a compound suffix, a variant of the suffix -atka or -ka. It can probably be distinguished in the structure of only one helonym:

1. Kems-avatka b. Gaid < kėmsa, kėmsas ‘a stump or mound of earth overgrown with moss or grass, a tussock’.

Suffix -(i)avka

1. Kul-iavka b. Dgč < kulys (kulis) “bay, headland; bend, winding; corner; edge, piece”.

Plg. brus. vv. Цембравка (МБ 248) ir pan.

Suffix -ka

1. a) from physiographic terms: Akmėn-ka b. Všn < akmuo, akmenas; Pabal-ka plk. Bsg < pabalė “place by the marsh”; Šlin-kos plk. Krk < šlỹnas “greyish-blue or whitish, sticky clay with organic matter mixed in; soil containing such clay; sludge, mud”;

b) from animal names: Blus-kà plk. Vdk < blusà; Kumėl-ka rst. Lln < kumelỹs, kumėlė; Paukštel-ka plk. Auk < paukštėlis < paukštis; Vover-kos b. Krn < voverė;

c) from other appellatives: Cigon-kà b. Vrn; rst. Dtn < cigõnas “Gypsy”; Kar-čem-ka rst. Stk < karčėma; Prancūz-kà rst. Vln < prancūzas; Pūl-ka (|| Pul-iutė) rst. Žl < pulis “wave, billow”; Ragān-ka plk. Rs < rãgana (raganà); Tvorėl-ka b. Pbs < tvorėlė < tvora;

2. a) from river and lake names: Lydekin-ka plk. Mrk < Lydekinis lake; Mūšėl-ka plk. Tj < Mūšėlė river; Narant-ka b. Sv < Narantis river; Palòn-ka b. Bsg < Palõnas river; Suraž-kà rst. Sug – probably a distorted form of *Suraìž-kà < Suražà river; Viršup-ka rst. Šynč – probably from an unattested river name *Viršupė or the like – cf. Viršupis river; Vrn.

b) from oikonyms: Antup-ka b. Dbk < Ańtupiai village.

This suffix is highly productive in Slavic toponymy; cf. Belarusian place names Глушка, Мазурка (Lemciugova 1970: 81–83), Polish place name Pruska (Halicka 1976: 140), Russian place names Жоммерка, Лянка (Smolickaja 1976: 27, 128), and the like.

According to the lexical status of the derivational base and derivational meaning, -ka derivatives are distributed as follows: derivatives from appellatives (toponymization), i.e. true diminutives, account for 66.7%; derivatives from toponyms (secondary toponymization), i.e. diminutives and possessives, account for 33.3%.

Diminutive helonyms with the suffix -ka are attested in various parts of Lithuania that underwent Slavicization at different times—Eastern, Central, and Southeastern Lithuania.

The suffix -ka in other helonyms should not be regarded as a derivational formant, since it is not a means of forming helonyms, but simply a means of Slavicizing them after they have already been formed by other means. In some cases this is evidenced by a corresponding non-Slavicized form:

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Amšarin-ka village Dgč: Amšarinė; Kemsin-ka village Grs: Kemsynėlė; Marciān-ka marsh Sug: Marciānas; Peklel-ka village Ars: Peklelė; Pušel-kos village Ar: Pušelės; Vėžel-ka village Rim: Vėželė; Žąsėl-ka marsh Zb: Žąsėlė. No direct non-diminutive counterparts of the names of the remaining marshy places have been recorded, but the helonyms just cited and the helonymic or, more generally, toponymic context allow us to suppose that such forms exist or once existed: Ajerin-ka village Dbg: *Ajerinė—cf. Ajerinė village Dbg; marsh Mlt; Beržin-kos village Sr: *Beržinės—cf. Beržinė village Kč, Prn; Brastel-ka village Imbr: *Brastelė—cf. Brastelė village Žsl; marsh Lel, and so on.

Suffix -(i)onka

1. Kvasč-ionka village Skm—cf. Polish chwaszcz ‘horsetail’, Belarusian хвощ ‘same’ (Jaškin 1971: 199).

Cf. Belarusian village names Лужонка, Выгонка, Перагонка (MB 272), and so on.

Suffix -ovka

1. Cigon-ovkà village Smal < cigōnas ‘Gypsy’; Čert-ovkà village Smal < čērtas ‘devil’; cf. also Polish czart ‘same’ (SJP I 375).

Plg. rus. vv. Альховка, Березовка, Малиновка (Smolickaja 1976: 76, 33, 30) ir pan.

Suffix -(i)uvka

1. Čert-uvkà marsh Dgč < čērtas ‘devil’; cf. also Polish czart ‘same’ (SJP I 375); Kems-uvka village Smal < kēmsas; Mendr-uvka village JnšM < mēndre (mendrė) ‘reed’; Žyd-uvka village Vvs < žydas ‘Jew’.

This suffix came from Polish—cf. Polish village names Bargłówka, Bobrówka (Halicka 1978: 10, 13), and so on.

4. Main features of suffixal diminutive helonyms

4.1. A total of 3,262 suffixal diminutive helonyms have been recorded. Based on the available data on the total number of helonyms formed by suffixation (10,500), diminutive suffixal derivatives account for 31% of all names of marshy places formed by this derivational method. Given that quite a few helonyms are formed with suffixes characteristic of diminutive formation but cannot be reliably classified as diminutives because their base word and derivational meaning are unclear (see 2.3), it can be assumed that potentially diminutive helonyms may constitute an even larger share of suffixal derivatives.

4.2. Thirty-three suffixes, and a considerably larger number of their ending variants, are used to form diminutive suffixal helonyms. In order of productivity, they are as follows: -el- – 1,705, i.e. 52.3% of all diminutive suffixal helonyms; -ėl- – 720, i.e. 22.1%; -(i)uk- – 244, i.e. 7.5%; -ait- – 195, i.e. 6%; -(i)ut- – 110, i.e. 3.4%; -al- – 76, i.e. 2.3%; -ik- – 52, i.e. 1.6%; -(i)ul- – 26, i.e. 0.8%; -el- (in helonyms formed from polysyllabic base words) – 25, i.e. 0.8%; -ka – 21, i.e. 0.6%; -(i)auk- – 20, i.e. 0.6%; -(i)ok- – 19, i.e. 0.6%; -esn- – 6, i.e. 0.2%; -(i)ūt- – 5, i.e. 0.15%; -aika, -yt-, -(i)uvka – 4 each, i.e. 4

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0.1% each; -ėk-, -ykšt- – 3 each, i.e. 0.09% each; -(i)anka, -(i)okšt-, -(i)ot-, -ovka, -(i)ukl-, -(i)ūkšt- – 2 each, i.e. 0.06% each; -aič-, -atka, -avatka, -(i)avka, -(i)onka, -eik-, -ės-, -ėt- – 1 each, i.e. 0.03%.

For the inventory and productivity of suffixes, see also Table 1.

4.2.1. Suffix productivity varies greatly: derivatives in -el- account for more than half of all derivatives; only the derivatives formed with 7 suffixes (-el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-) number more than 1% of all derivatives each, meaning that derivatives formed with the remaining suffixes make up only a small proportion of diminutive helonyms. The proportion of the most productive suffixes in relation to the others, shown graphically (as percentages), would look as follows:

It is worth noting that the most productive suffixes of diminutive helonyms, -el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, are also the most frequent in the formation of diminutive river and lake names (for the latter, cf. Vanagas 1981: 94).

4.2.2. Diminutive helonyms are formed with 23 suffixes of Lithuanian (Baltic) origin and 10 suffixes of Slavic origin. These account for 69.7% and 30.3% of all suffixes, respectively. The graphical representation (in percentages):

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4.2.3. A total of 3,205 helonyms were derived with 23 suffixes of native origin, i.e., 98.25% of all diminutive helonyms; 57 helonyms, i.e., 1.75%, were derived with suffixes of foreign (Slavic) origin. The graphical representation (in percentages) is:

4.3. A total of 2,660 helonyms formed from appellatives, i.e., true diminutives, were recorded, representing 81.7% of all diminutive helonyms; 597 helonyms formed from other toponyms (helonyms, river and lake names, oikonyms, etc.), i.e., diminutives and possessives, account for 18.3%.

The percentage ratio of diminutive helonyms in terms of their derivational meaning (category) is graphically represented as follows:

4.3.1. The largest semantic groups of appellative base words are: 1) physiographic terms, from which 2,279 helonyms were derived, i.e., 85.7% of all names derived from appellatives; 2) place names denoting a collection of objects, 149, i.e., 5.6%;

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3) plant names, 98, i.e., 3.7%; 4) animal names, 53, i.e., 2%. Helonyms derived from appellatives belonging to other semantic groups make up only 3% of all names derived from appellatives.

4.3.2. The most frequent base words for helonyms formed through toponymic derivation are other helonyms, from which 355 derivatives were formed, i.e., 59.2% of all names derived from toponyms. A total of 200 helonyms, i.e., 33.4%, were derived from other toponyms (excluding river and lake names and oikonyms); 37 helonyms, i.e., 6.2%, from river and lake names; and 7 helonyms, i.e., 1.2%, from oikonyms.

5. Concluding Remarks

The quantitative characterization of suffixal helonyms presented here, together with other regularities and features that emerged during the derivational analysis, suggests several conclusions that reveal the specific nature of the suffixation of diminutive names for marshy places.

5.1. Diminutive helonyms formed by suffixation constitute one of the largest categories of suffixal helonym formation, accounting for 31% of all suffixal derivatives. These derivational types are highly productive both qualitatively and quantitatively: they are characterized by a wide range of suffixes (33) and by a large number of place names representing the derivational types.

5.1.1. The productivity of diminutive helonym suffixes varies greatly. This derivational category is primarily made up of derivatives with the suffixes -el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-; derivatives with other suffixes account for less than 1% each.

5.1.2. The most productive helonym suffixes -el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk- are also the most productive in the formation of diminutive river and lake names. The productivity of these hydronymic suffixes is apparently related to the almost universal distribution of these derivational affixes and the intensive use of their derivatives in the appellative lexicon of Lithuanian dialects (for the formation and use of appellatives, cf. LKA III 130–132; map nos. 116, 117).

5.1.3. Autochthonous diminutive helonym suffixes constitute an absolute majority of derivational affixes (69.7%), especially since suffixes of Slavic origin can be regarded as various compound variants of a single suffix, -ka. An even greater quantitative difference emerges when derivatives with suffixes of native and foreign (Slavic) origin are compared (98.25% and 1.75%, respectively). These two factors allow us to conclude that, in terms of the means of formation, diminutive suffixal helonyms constitute an almost homogeneous layer of Lithuanian hydronymy.

5.2. Having identified the most productive suffixes and the lexical and semantic groups to which the words most commonly serving as the bases for helonym derivatives belong, the most productive models for forming diminutive suffixal helonyms become clear: 1) physiographic term + suffix performing a diminutive function (-el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-) → (true) diminutive helonym; 2) place name denoting a collection of objects + suffix performing a diminutive function (-el-, -ėl-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-) → (true) diminutive helonym; 3) plant name-

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stem + a suffix performing a diminutive function (-el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-) → (true) diminutive helonym; 4) animal name + a suffix performing a diminutive function (-el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-) → (true) diminutive helonym; 5) helonym + a suffix performing diminutive and possessive functions (-el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-) → diminutive and possessive helonym; 6) toponym (not a river or lake name, nor an oikonym) + a suffix performing diminutive and possessive functions (-el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-) → diminutive and possessive helonym; 7) river or lake name + a suffix performing diminutive and possessive functions (-el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-) → diminutive and possessive helonym.

5.3. More or less clearly defined areas of distribution can be distinguished for derivatives formed with certain suffixes. The areas are of three types: 1) characteristic (or predominantly characteristic) of only one region of Lithuania—in this case, helonyms with a particular suffix should be considered a distinctive feature of that region; 2) characteristic of several regions of Lithuania, one of which contains the absolute majority of derivatives formed with those suffixes; 3) characteristic of several regions of Lithuania and distributed more or less equally across them.

5.3.1. Diminutive helonyms with the suffix -al- are found only in Samogitia, especially in its western and northwestern parts; helonyms with the suffix -ik-—only in eastern Samogitia; those with the suffix -yt-—only in Central Lithuania; helonyms with the suffix -(i)ok-—only in Eastern and Northeastern Lithuania.

5.3.2. The highest concentration of diminutive helonyms with the suffix -ait- is in the southern and southwestern outskirts of Lithuania; somewhat fewer such derivatives have been recorded in eastern Samogitia and eastern Aukštaitija.

5.3.3. Helonyms derived from polysyllabic base words with the suffix -el- are found mainly in the eastern outskirts of Lithuania and in Samogitian territory; those with the suffix -(i)ut-—only in the eastern outskirts and somewhat farther east beyond Lithuania’s borders, as well as in southern Lithuania, along the southern outskirts of the Dzūkai area.

5.3.4. The regions of Lithuania in which diminutive helonyms with one suffix or another have not been recorded should also be noted: derivatives from disyllabic base words with the suffix -el- are absent in Samogitia, except for its northern and eastern parts; no helonyms with the suffix -ėl- have been recorded in Western Samogitia; those with the suffix -(i)uk- are absent in Western and Northern Samogitia; those with the suffix -(i)ut- are absent in the Lithuanian territory north of the line Varniai – Šiauliai – Panevėžys – Želva.

Received 1999 03 01

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Table 1

Productivity of suffixes of diminutive helonyms

Suffix (in alphabetical order) Number of formations Percentage -aič- 1 0.03% -aika 4 0.1% -ait- 195 6% -al- 76 2.3% -(i)anka 2 0.06% -atka 1 0.03% -(i)auk- 20 0.6% -avatka 1 0.03% -(i)avka 1 0.03% -eik- 1 0.03% -ék- 3 0.09% -el- 1705 52.3% -el- (in multisyllabic helonyms) 25 0.8% -ei- 720 22.1% -ės- 1 0.03% -ėsn- 6 0.2% -ėt- 1 0.03% -ik- 52 1.6% -ykšt- 3 0.09% -yt- 4 0.1% -ka 21 0.6% -(i)ok- 19 0.6% -(i)okšt- 2 0.06% -(i)onka 1 0.03% -(i)ot- 2 0.06% -ovka 2 0.06% -(i)uvka 4 0.1% -(i)uk- 244 7.5% -(i)ukl- 2 0.06% -(i)ūkšt- 2 0.06% -(i)ul- 26 0.8% -(i)ut- 110 3.4% -(i)ūt- 5 0.15% 33 3262 100%

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ABBREVIATIONS

ar. – ploughing, ploughed land

avd. – personal name

b. – marsh

brus. – Belarusian

d. – hollow

db. – ravine

dial. – dialect, dialectal form

dr. – soil

drb. ž. – cultivated land

drp. – peat bog

ež. – lake

gn. – pasture

grv. – ditch

k. – village

kdr. – pond

kl. – road

kln. – hill

krm. – bushes

l. – field

lat. – Latvian

lenk. – Polish

lg. – plain

liūn. – bog

lk. – wet meadow

ln. – meadow

mš. – forest

plk. – swamp, marshy place

pss. – peninsula

pv. – meadow

pvd. – surname

rst. – bog

rus. – Russian

rž. – rye

sln. – valley

šlt. – spring

t. – is pronounced

tr. – bog

tv. – pond

up. – river

upl. – stream

vs. – single homestead

vt. – place

vv. – place name

SUFFIXAL FORMATIONS AS DIMINUTIVE HELONYMS IN LITHUANIAN

Summary

Diminutive helonyms formed by suffixation fall into two groups according to their meaning: 1) diminutive true helonyms and 2) diminutive or possessive helonyms. Only those whose base word is an appellative should be regarded as diminutive true helonyms, cf.: Šak-ėlės < šakà; Ąžuolyn-ėlė < ąžuolynas; Uodeg-ikė < uodegà “a narrowing strip of land, meadow, ground, or forest”; Ežer-žiukas < ežeras, and the like. Helonyms derived from other toponyms using suffixes that mark diminutives can convey not only diminutive meaning but also possessive meaning. In this case, relations of origin and belonging between the derivans and the derivative are clearly apparent, since they are determined not only by the relationship between the objects being named themselves but also by the features of the derivational formants.

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Diminutive helonyms with a derivational suffix are—as the results of the word-formation analysis show—one of the most numerous word-formation categories among suffix-derived helonyms: they account for 31% of all suffixal formations. These word-formation types are highly productive both qualitatively and quantitatively: they are characterized by a large variety of suffixes (33) and of place names representing this word-formation type. The productivity of the suffixes of diminutive helonyms varies. The basis of this word-formation category consists of derivatives with the suffixes -el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, -ait-, -(i)ut-, -al-, -ik-; derivatives with other suffixes account for less than 1% of the total. The suffixes best suited to helonyms, -el-, -ėl-, -(i)uk-, are also the most commonly used in forming diminutive river and lake names. The productivity of the aforementioned derivational suffixes in water-body names is connected with the wide distribution of these word-formation affixes and the intensive use of such derivatives among appellatives in Lithuanian dialects.

Native suffixes of diminutive helonyms account for an absolute majority of the word-formation affixes (69.7%). This is also due to the fact that suffixes of Slavic origin are regarded as different variants of the single suffix -ka. An even greater difference can be observed when comparing helonyms derived with native versus foreign (Slavic) suffixes (98.25% and 1.75%, respectively). Thus, suffix-derived helonyms form an almost uniform layer of Lithuanian water-body names.

Helonyms derived from appellatives, i.e. true diminutives, account for 81.7% of all diminutive helonyms; helonyms derived from other toponyms (helonyms, river and lake names, oikonyms, etc.)—diminutive and possessive—account for 18.3%.

After the most common suffixes and the lexical and semantic groups had been identified—whose members are most often derivants of helonyms—the most productive word-formation models of diminutive suffixed helonyms were established: 1) physiographic term + suffix with diminutive function → (true) diminutive helonym; 2) locality designation expressing a collection of objects + suffix with diminutive function → (true) diminutive helonym; 3) plant designation + suffix with diminutive function → (true) diminutive helonym; 4) designation of a living being + suffix with diminutive function → (true) diminutive helonym; 5) helonym + suffix with diminutive and possessive functions → diminutive and possessive helonym; 6) toponym (neither a river or lake name nor an oikonym) + suffix with diminutive and possessive functions → diminutive and possessive helonym; 7) river or lake name + suffix with diminutive and possessive functions → diminutive and possessive helonym.

The distribution areas of derivatives with certain suffixes have been established with varying degrees of precision. There are three types of areas: 1) areas characteristic (or most characteristic) of only one particular region in Lithuania—in these cases, helonyms with a particular suffix are considered an exclusive feature of that region; 2) areas characteristic of several regions in Lithuania, with the absolute majority of derivatives with the suffixes in question occurring in one of them; 3) areas characteristic of several regions of Lithuania and distributed approximately equally across them.

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