NIDA PODERIENĖ

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

THE STEREOTYPE OF THE LITHUANIAN IN ADOLESCENTS’ WRITTEN WORKS

KEYWORDS: students’ language, stereotype, linguistic worldview.

INTRODUCTION

The self-awareness of national identity is based on images existing in a nation’s cultural consciousness, including stereotypes¹. Stereotypes influence an individual’s cognitive processes and are drawn on when one must choose a particular way of behaving in a social environment, because “reality is always interpreted from the perspective of a socially defined perception” (Tumer, Oakes, Haslam 1992: 22). In ethnolinguistics, a national stereotype is most often defined as a schematic mental image of a representative of one’s own or another nation, formed within a linguistic-cultural community, to whom certain character traits and cultural characteristics are attributed (Gudavičius 2007: 156; Rutkovska, Smetona, Smetonienė 2017: 26). As Kazimieras Župerka (2017: 5) notes, “we perceive the traits attributed to a nation (i.e., what the ‘average’ Lithuanian is like) only as recognition of the more prominent prevailing characteristics.”

The aim of this article is to discuss, on the basis of research data from written works by adolescents in the early age group (11–13 years), what stereotype of the Lithuanian takes shape in students’ linguistic worldview². To achieve this aim, the following objectives are set: 1) to find out how adolescents understand the national stereotype; 2) to examine adolescents’ relationship to the stereotype of the Lithuanian; 3) to analyze the content of the stereotype of the Lithuanian; 4) to compare the research data with data from studies on the same topic conducted by ethnolinguists among older age groups.

The choice of research subject was determined by the lack of empirical studies on national identity and national stereotypes in the early adolescent age group. When examining changes in the content of national stereotypes and the expression of identity in a linguistic-cultural

¹ The Dictionary of International Words gives four meanings of the stereotype. In this article, the term stereotype is used in its second meaning: “a simplified, schematized, emotionally colored image of some object that operates in the public consciousness” (TŽŽ 2005: 704).

² Linguistic worldview is an understanding of the world that has developed in language, encompassing the categorization of things and phenomena, the relationships between elements of the world, and the human relationship with the world (Gudavičius 2007: 210).

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in the community, as research findings show (Druckman 1994; Barrett, Wilson, Lyons 1999; Šutinienė 2006; Taljūnaitė 2006; Akstinavičiūtė, Petraitytė 2007; Gudavičius 2007; Kuznecovienė 2007; Spirajevienė, Spirajevas 2015; Žiliukaitė, Poviliūnas, Savicka 2016), age is of particularly great importance. This is especially relevant when discussing adolescents, given the developmental characteristics of this age period. Drawing on Erik Erikson’s theory of personality development, psychologists (Gage, Berliner 1994: 116–119) argue that it is during adolescence that individuals seek to understand and establish their identity and find their place in the community by comparing themselves with others and their self-evaluation with the views of others. Interpreting empirical research findings, scholars conclude that preconceived attitudes and beliefs about members of a nation, the differentiation of one group from others, and the use of stereotypes are characteristic of children over the age of 10 (Rutland 1999: 65); moreover, children aged 10–12 begin to identify characteristic features of their own nation by categorizing and incorporating social comparisons. In early adolescence, a person’s national identity takes shape; it is created “not by separating oneself, but by joining in, through the long process of learning the principles of a nation’s way of life” (Jonutytė 2008: 17), by adopting the values and behavioral models of the national community. The image of members of one’s own nation as an “imagined community,” formed during adolescence, becomes a point of reference in the development of self-perception and one’s relationship with the national community.

1. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The research material for the study of the Lithuanian stereotype in adolescents’ written language consists of 246 written assignments by 62 adolescents aged 11–13 (20 fifth-graders and 42 sixth-graders) from schools where Lithuanian is the language of instruction³. The students wrote the assignments between February and April 2018 while completing tasks that: 1) asked them to describe the traits of the Lithuanian national character, providing a list of 37 lexemes and word combinations⁴, which the students could (but were not required to) use⁵; 2) asked how, in the students’ opinion, Lithuanians are described by

³ Kaišiadorys District, Kaunas, Kazlų Rūda, Kėdainiai, Klaipėda District, Kupiškis, Marijampolė District, Rokiškis District, Skuodas, and Šalčininkai. The assignments by students from schools in Šalčininkai make up 20 percent of the entire sample. Students were asked to indicate which school and grade they attended.

⁴ Honest, flexible, fast, polite, reserved, impeccable, old-fashioned, emotional, reliable, weak-willed, gloomy, cheerful, sensitive, serious, straightforward, talkative, humorless, slow, snobbish, cunning, greedy, fair, wise, open, friendly, hardworking, unreliable, modest, noisy, punctual, businesslike, ill-mannered, extroverts, introverts, unclear, boring, strong-willed (the list was compiled on the basis of lexemes and word combinations describing national character presented by Valdas Pruskus (2003: 28)).

⁵ According to findings from a study of the written-language vocabulary of students in grades 3–4 (Dobrovolskienė, Plentaitė 2005: 113), students’ vocabulary is not rich (for example, adjectives accounted for just 3 percent of the words used in narrative essays). Examples of lexemes and word combinations were provided so that students could use them to describe the Lithuanian stereotype in greater detail.

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representatives of neighboring countries; 3) students were asked to describe a representative of another nation; 4) they were invited to create a portrait of a typical Lithuanian and compare it with a description of a representative of a nation of their choice. These tasks were given to students during lessons on the topic “Language as a sociocultural phenomenon,” as they studied vocabulary (synonyms, antonyms, and idioms)⁶. Students with different levels of learning ability completed the tasks, and their work was not graded.

The collected material from the study of adolescents’ written language was analyzed using descriptive-analytical and comparative methods. In studying the Lithuanian stereotype in students’ written assignments, the first questions examined were how students understand the national stereotype and what attitudes adolescents hold toward the Lithuanian stereotype. To identify the components of the Lithuanian stereotype’s content, Jerzy Bartminski’s methodology was used (Gudavičius 2007: 157–158), which was also employed by ethnolinguist Aloyzas Gudavičius (2007: 158–146) in examining the features of the stereotype of a member of a nation in the linguistic communities of students and older people. J. Bartminski studied national stereotypes according to generalized aspects for evaluating members of a nation: 1) relationship to material life (the everyday-life aspect); 2) character traits (psychological and intellectual qualities); 3) relationship with other people (the sociability parameter); and 4) ideological position (relationship to the world, homeland, and religion). Based on the analysis of adolescents’ written language, two further aspects for evaluating a member of a nation were identified: 1) relationship to national identity (language, culture, state, history); and 2) physical characteristics. The content of the Lithuanian stereotype in adolescents’ written assignments was studied according to these evaluative aspects: 1) relationship to material life; 2) psychological and intellectual qualities; 3) relationship with other people; 4) relationship to national identity; and 5) physical characteristics.

To reveal which features of the Lithuanian stereotype are stable in the linguistic worldviews of different age groups and how the dominant elements of the stereotype’s content change, the findings of this study were compared with A. Gudavičius’s research on the Lithuanian stereotype in the linguistic community of Lithuanian students and older people (aged 35–65), and with Silvija Papaurelytė-Klovienė’s study of Lithuanian national character based on data from the Corpus of the Contemporary Lithuanian Language. A. Gudavičius conducted a questionnaire survey of 100 students at Šiauliai University and 50 older respondents from various professions, using the aspects of national stereotype evaluation identified by J. Bartminski. S. Papaurelytė-Klovienė studied the features of Lithuanian national character by analyzing data from the Corpus of the Contemporary Lithuanian Language, in which evaluations of members of the Lithuanian nation are expressed through traits denoted by the adjective lietuviškas, for example, lietuviškas darbštumas, lietuviškas svetingumas, and so on. National character in the Lithuanian language

⁶ It should be noted that the tasks were designed and completed not specifically for this study, but as part of testing teaching materials for students with advanced abilities.

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In the worldview, the researcher examined it in terms of 1) relationships with others; 2) with oneself; and 3) one’s actions. Analyzing the Lithuanian stereotype along the same or very similar dimensions made it possible to compare the content of the Lithuanian stereotype in the linguistic worldviews of adolescents and people in other age groups, although the empirical research data had been collected in different ways.

The article examines the Lithuanian stereotype in the linguistic worldview of adolescents in the early age period by discussing 1) the concept of the Lithuanian stereotype; 2) attitudes toward the stereotype; and 3) the content of the Lithuanian stereotype, identifying its most characteristic features.

2. THE CONCEPT OF THE LITHUANIAN STEREOTYPE IN ADOLESCENTS’ LANGUAGE

In adolescents’ language, a national stereotype is understood as a generalized image of a nation’s representative, based on traits attributed to the national character. In the respondents’ texts, as the analysis of students’ written assignments shows, the concept of the national stereotype has no negative connotation. Noting that Lithuanians are diverse, most adolescents regard a stereotype as a well-founded, generalized assessment of the majority of a nation’s representatives, for example:

<...> they are only stereotypes, but most people fit them.⁷

<...> of course, not all [Lithuanians – N. P.] are like that, but viewed in general, one can say exactly this.

In adolescents’ linguistic worldview, the Lithuanian stereotype encompasses traits that, in students’ opinion, are characteristic of most Lithuanians, including qualities of both themselves as representatives of the nation and their peers, for example:

Perhaps we are a little too modest, but we are truly strong-willed and quite stubborn.

My friend <...> is cheerful, open. All Lithuanians are like that.

When describing a representative of the nation, students draw on social and cultural arguments, for example:

If necessary, Lithuanians protest and ask the government for support and assistance.

Lithuanians like basketball, while the English like football.

⁷ The students’ language has not been edited in the article.

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Lithuanians have their own holidays, such as February 16 <...>.

Lithuanians and Germans are similar in their industriousness, restraint, punctuality, and determination. Both peoples enjoy eating similar food; for example, both Lithuanians and Germans stuff their cheeks with stewed sauerkraut with smoked meat or potato dishes.

The concept of a Lithuanian in students’ texts encompasses ethnic origin, territory, national traditions, historical and cultural experience, and traits attributed to national character. In students’ language, the terms Lithuanians is used synonymously alongside the terms people of Lithuania, residents of Lithuania. When describing a Lithuanian, students compare them only with representatives of peoples living abroad; in no respect do the texts compare Lithuanians with people belonging to national communities living in Lithuania⁸. It can be assumed that, for Lithuanian adolescents, representatives of national communities are not others different enough to be assigned the stereotypical traits of another nation. Adolescents do not see an essential distinction between ethnic Lithuanians and representatives of Lithuania’s national communities: in students’ texts, the feature that distinguishes a Lithuanian is belonging to the state of Lithuania, for example:

If someone speaks Lithuanian, they may be Lithuanian, but not necessarily, because there are people who learn to speak Lithuanian in other countries. If someone has Lithuanian citizenship, they are definitely Lithuanian, unless they have dual citizenship.

It can be argued that, in students’ language, the concept of a Lithuanian encompasses the characteristics of both an ethnic and a political nation. Most adolescents feel an identity with their state, whereas among students, as researchers note (Spirajevienė, Spirajevas 2015: 117), national identity loses its territorial dimension of the state.

3. IDENTIFYING OR BEING DIFFERENT: RELATIONSHIP TO THE STEREOTYPE

In students’ language, their relationship to the Lithuanian stereotype is most often expressed through personal pronouns. The first person singular of the personal pronoun, or alternation between the first and third persons, is most often used when students describe the Lithuanian character, compare Lithuanians with people of other nations, and express opinions about how representatives of other nations view Lithuanians. Identification with the national community is generally expressed in the texts through the personal pronoun forms we, our, and first-person singular and plural verbs, for example:

⁸ Other peoples are represented in students’ texts by representatives of Poland, Russia, Belarus, and other countries.

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Perhaps we are a little too modest, but genuinely strong-willed and quite stubborn.

Our people share character traits with the German people, because Germans are polite, reserved, reliable, serious, hard-working, and businesslike.

<...> are kind-hearted, calm, caring, enduring, down-to-earth, deeply attached to nature, and simple people.

Despite all the pros and cons, I am proud to be Lithuanian, and not some stuck-up foreigner.

When only negative traits are attributed to Lithuanians, evaluations of the Lithuanian stereotype are expressed solely in the third person, using the pronouns he or they, without identifying with their compatriots, for example:

In my opinion, Lithuanians are selfish <...>. Lithuanians drink too much. Not all of my friends are as nice as they seem. Some act friendly in front of one good friend, but call her an “ugly hag” to another. Therefore, I can conclude that most Lithuanians are two-faced.

One can observe that Lithuanians are not the most polite people. This leads to the conclusion that Lithuanians are rude and ill-mannered. One can also see from all sides how gloomy Lithuanians are. They are always walking around frowning and dissatisfied.

It emerged that adolescents who assess the Lithuanian character only negatively are highly critical of their peers and adults.

Based on the research data, it can be stated that most pupils in early adolescence identify with members of the Lithuanian nation, attributing their own characteristics to the Lithuanian stereotype as well and expressing their personal relationship to that stereotype with the personal pronouns I, we and first-person singular and plural verbs.

4. CONTENT OF THE LITHUANIAN STEREOTYPE

Data from a study conducted among students in the early-adolescent age group show that adolescents view Lithuanians positively—the stereotype of the Lithuanian in their linguistic worldview is constructed chiefly by attributing positive traits to them⁹. Respondents characterized the Lithuanian using 67–

⁹ The positive and negative traits of the Lithuanian stereotype were distinguished according to the adolescents’ evaluations.

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descriptions¹⁰: 48 positive-connotation lexemes and word combinations, and 19 denoting negative characteristics (see Fig. 1).

FIG. 1. Evaluation of the Lithuanian stereotype

It is noteworthy that as many as 53.4 percent of students described the Lithuanian by attributing only positive traits to them. Both positive and negative traits were identified by 43.2 percent, while only 3.4 percent of adolescents attributed solely negative traits to the Lithuanian.

The content of the Lithuanian stereotype was examined according to five criteria (see Fig. 2).

¹⁰ In describing the Lithuanian stereotype, students used almost twice as many lexemes and word combinations as were included in the list of characteristic traits in Task 1.

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FIG. 2. Components of the Lithuanian stereotype according to the frequency of the identified characteristics

When describing the Lithuanian stereotype, respondents most often cited mental and intellectual qualities and traits revealed through relationships with other people. It can be assumed that the social dimension is particularly important to students of this age, which is why they devote so much attention to assessing Lithuanian traits that emerge in interactions with others. The research data show that adolescents most often describe representatives of other nations in terms of their relationships with other people as well. The vast majority of students also attributed mental and intellectual qualities to Lithuanians. A smaller proportion of adolescents identified traits of the typical Lithuanian that reveal their relationship with national identity and physical characteristics.

4.1. Traits of the Lithuanian stereotype revealed in everyday activities

Traits characteristic of Lithuanians, revealed through their relationship with material life, were identified by 56 percent of students, who attributed mostly positive qualities to the Lithuanian stereotype (see Fig. 3).

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FIG. 3. Traits of the Lithuanian stereotype according to its relationship with material life

In adolescents’ view, the most prominent Lithuanian trait is diligence (cited by 53 percent of respondents). Some students attributed willpower (13.6 percent) and conservatism (13.6 percent) to Lithuanians. Traits such as orderliness and frugality, traditionally associated with the Lithuanian stereotype, are not prevalent in students’ written language: only 5.2 percent of respondents indicated that Lithuanians are orderly, while only 3.4 percent of students mentioned frugality in their texts. It can be assumed that these qualities are not significant to adolescents in the early stages of adolescence.

Diligence is presented in the texts as the most prominent positive trait describing Lithuanians. It is one of the main traditional qualities instilled in the family, for example:

Since ancient times, Lithuanians have been diligent; they can do both intellectual and physical work.

Every Lithuanian passes on, from generation to generation, the fundamental values unique to our land.

A Lithuanian knows that anything can be achieved through work.

Lithuanians are hardworking and dislike putting off tasks <...>.

Even students who assess Lithuanian character quite critically identify diligence as its most characteristic positive trait. Describing a Lithuanian as a lazy person is rather an exception (cited by only 3.4 percent); the term is used to emphasize that this quality characterizes only some Lithuanians, who lack the ambition to pursue their life goals, for example:

They are lazy and do nothing, make no effort in life, yet want to live better than they do now.

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Work is considered a difficult activity; it is associated less with the realization of one’s creative abilities than with duty and a means of livelihood, requiring a great deal of time, willpower, and patience, e.g.:

Lithuanians <...> work very hard.

We’d rather do the hard work first, and have fun afterward.

Students’ work mentions Lithuanian traits revealed through everyday work—willpower, stubbornness, and perseverance, e.g.:

Perhaps we are a little too modest, but we are truly strong-willed and quite stubborn.

Lithuanians never give up; they have a lot of willpower.

Lithuanians and Germans are similar in their industriousness, reserve, punctuality, and strength of will.

In the Lithuanian stereotype, adolescents include conservatism, which they point out when comparing Lithuanians with representatives of other nations. In the texts, conservatism is expressed in terms ranging from the neutral description we are traditional, through the more critical observation not keeping up with new ideas, to the highly negative judgment old-fashioned. A lack of modernity is considered a major shortcoming that people seek to overcome, e.g.:

We try very hard not to be old-fashioned.

[The English – N.P.] are not as old-fashioned as Lithuanians.

It is worth noting that negative formulations predominate in the texts: that is, the focus is not on wanting to be up-to-date and modern, but on the aim of not being old-fashioned. As Zygmunt Bauman observes (2015: 34–36), people think “about ‘progress’ not in terms of improving one’s status, but in the context of avoiding failure. <...> The struggle to avoid failure demands complete, undivided attention, <...> and above all, constant movement, as fast as possible...” Incidentally, speed is identified in students’ texts as a trait that Lithuanians should develop, e.g.:

I would like Lithuanians to improve for the better, for example, to be <...> faster.

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In the students’ view, the most effective way to avoid being old-fashioned is to adopt what is modern from other cultures. Contemporary style, modernity are recognized in adolescents’ linguistic community through changing fashion symbols, for example:

Almost all residents of England are modern because they wear ripped jeans <...>.

It may be assumed that the inclusion of conservatism, as one of the most negatively evaluated traits, in the content of the Lithuanian stereotype reflects the view of values shaped by the fashion industries, which is becoming established in adolescents’ linguistic worldview.

In terms of their relationship to material life, students’ written work most often attributes diligence, willpower, and conservatism to Lithuanians. A comparison of research data from studies conducted among adolescents, students, and older people (cf. Gudavičius 2007: 161) showed that the largest proportion of students identified neatness, diligence, and thrift; among older people, the most frequently mentioned traits were diligence, neatness, and thrift. As noted, in adolescents’ language, neatness and thrift are not considered among the most characteristic Lithuanian traits.

It may be concluded that diligence, most often identified in adolescents’ texts as the most characteristic Lithuanian trait, is traditionally entrenched in the linguistic worldview of all the groups studied—adolescents, students, and older people. It should be noted that this trait was attributed to the Lithuanian stereotype by the largest proportion of adolescents and older people, but by a smaller proportion of students. S. Papaurelýtė-Klovienė (2009: 248–249) also identifies diligence as the most characteristic positive trait attributed to Lithuanians, most often mentioned in descriptions of the Lithuanian attitude to work.

4.2. Mental and intellectual characteristics attributed to Lithuanians

Traits of the Lithuanian stereotype describing mental and intellectual characteristics were identified by 96.6 percent of respondents. Students attributed more positive than negative descriptors to Lithuanians: of the 29 lexemes and word combinations denoting mental and intellectual characteristics, 16 have positive connotations and 9 negative ones. After grouping lexemes with synonymous meanings, the most frequently mentioned Lithuanian character traits were identified (see Fig. 4).

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FIG. 4. The most characteristic character traits attributed to the Lithuanian stereotype

Among the mental and intellectual traits of the Lithuanian stereotype, respondents singled out intelligence (wisdom), a trait identified by 42 percent of respondents. Almost a third of adolescents noted that Lithuanians are cheerful (27.1 percent). In the students’ view, positive traits characteristic of Lithuanians include seriousness (18.6 percent) and bravery (11.9 percent). One of the most characteristic traits of the Lithuanian stereotype has a negative connotation—gloominess, attributed to the stereotype by 22 percent of respondents.

Adolescents associate intelligence and the ability to use it with the image of a typical Lithuanian, most often describing this person with the adjectives intelligent, wise, perceptive, clever, and crafty, for example:

I imagine a Lithuanian like this: clever, intelligent, wise, stubborn, and hardworking. Lithuanians <...> are not only intelligent or clever, but also resourceful, honest, and talented people. Lithuanians are wise and crafty, which I cannot say about the English. Lithuanians are intelligent, not very polite, and do not smile much.

Students believe that Lithuanians make too little use of their intelligence and have too little ambition and willpower to achieve their goals, for example:

I think Lithuanians are intelligent, but they often fail to make use of it. They <...> do nothing, make no effort to get ahead in life, but want to live better than they do now.

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In the students’ opinion, Lithuanians are no less capable than other nations in terms of intelligence and technological achievements. The identification of intellectual abilities as a characteristic of Lithuanian character is likely related to the qualities valued by adolescents; intellectual traits become a criterion for evaluating oneself, peers, and adults. It is interesting to note that, among the list of intellectual and mental qualities, intelligence, as a characteristic quality of Lithuanians, was identified by the largest proportion of students and older people (cf. Gudavičius 2007: 158–162). Thus, it can be concluded that Lithuanians of different ages regard themselves and their compatriots as intelligent and clever.

A sense of humor is also attributed to Lithuanians among their intellectual qualities. In naming this trait, students note that representatives of other nations do not all understand our Lithuanian humor. The ability to joke is associated with empathy, and respondents believe that compatriots sometimes lack sensitivity toward others; consequently, Lithuanian humor is not always viewed positively. It is noted that a Lithuanian is a merry soul, but while joking sometimes fails to realize when they have offended their conversation partner.

Some students include courage (11.9%) in the Lithuanian stereotype, naming Lithuanian character traits and expressing the views of representatives of other nations about Lithuanians, for example:

Lithuanians are proud and brave.

Lithuanians are also characterized by courage and thriftiness.

Germans consider us brave and hardworking.

The research material shows that respondents often describe Lithuanians’ mental traits using pairs of antonyms, for example, cheerful and sad (gloomy). It was observed that in students’ written work the antonyms gloomy, sad, and cheerful often vary, for example:

A Lithuanian is gloomy, but sometimes cheerful; reserved, but at times hospitable and friendly.

Sometimes they are slow, greedy, gloomy, even angry. But this does not last long. More often, Lithuanians are cheerful, kind-hearted, and polite.

Lithuanians are very polite, direct, and open. Sometimes cheerful, sometimes lacking a sense of humor.

More often, Lithuanians are cheerful, kind-hearted, polite, and honest.

Students most often use the adjectives sad, gloomy to describe adults they encounter in their everyday environment, forming opinions about these qualities based on physical characteristics, for example:

When a person becomes an adult, they become much sadder.

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A Lithuanian can be recognized by the way he behaves. For example, if he walks with his head held high and smiles, he is probably not Lithuanian.

<...> from every angle, one can see how gloomy Lithuanians are. They always walk around frowning, dissatisfied.

However, adolescents are not so categorical when judging a Lithuanian on the basis of sadness–cheerfulness.

Students attribute cheerfulness and the ability to enjoy life to Lithuanians when they characterize them solely in positive terms and describe members of their own generation, for example:

A Lithuanian is honest, brave, courageous, intelligent, fair, defends Lithuania by joining the army, is cheerful, celebrates holidays, respects those around him, and enjoys life.

Lithuanians can make you laugh, that is, they are cheerful; when wars come, they become very serious <...>.

My friend <...> is honest, like most Lithuanians. She is cheerful and open. All Lithuanians are like that.

Adolescents consider positivity, cheerfulness, and optimism particularly valuable personal qualities.

In describing the Lithuanian’s relationship with himself, students believe that Lithuanians most lack positivity and optimism, for example:

Lithuanians are greatly lacking in positivity and smiles <...>.

If we chose any European nation, Lithuanians would be among the unhappiest peoples. If we compared Lithuanians with the happiest nation—the Danes—we would realize that Lithuanians are very pessimistic.

Among negative Lithuanian traits, adolescents note a lack of self-esteem and self-confidence, for example:

We are not very self-confident <...>.

Lithuanians should have more confidence in themselves and think better of themselves.

Low self-esteem and a lack of authenticity shape the self-awareness of a provincial person.

Students state that Lithuanians like fashions that come from other countries, and critically assess their compatriots’ inclination to blindly imitate new trends flooding in from abroad.

Savivertės stygių, kaip lietuvio bruožą, nurodo ir S. Papaurelýtė-Klovienė (2009: 246), remdamasi tirtais Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos tekstyno pavyzdžiais. Mokslininkės manymu, lietuviai yra itin savikritiški, iš tekstuose save nusakančių bruožų galima spręsti, kad jie neišskiria savo asmenybės vertingumo.

Comparing data from studies conducted in linguistic communities of adolescents, students, and older respondents, it is evident that intellectual

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qualities, described by the adjectives intelligent, wise, were identified in the descriptions of the Lithuanian stereotype by all three age groups.

An inverse correlation was found when respondents in different age groups assessed the Lithuanian stereotype in terms of the antonymous traits brave – cowardly. Respondents in the student and older-age groups did not indicate that Lithuanians are brave. On the contrary, in students’ view, cowardice is one of the characteristic features of the Lithuanian stereotype, and some older respondents also noted it. Adolescents view their compatriots much more positively in this respect: in the texts, no respondent attributed cowardice to the Lithuanian stereotype, while 11.9% of pupils indicated that Lithuanians are brave. Courage was also identified as a national character trait by S. Papaurelýtė-Klovienė (2009: 247–250), based on data from a study of the Corpus of the Contemporary Lithuanian Language.

Cheerfulness as a characteristic Lithuanian quality is mentioned only in adolescents’ texts. For example, S. Papaurelýtė-Klovienė (2009: 250) states that among the more than 20,000 usage examples analyzed from the Corpus of the Contemporary Lithuanian Language, not a single one mentioned Lithuanian cheerfulness or an ability to enjoy life. Whether the identification of cheerfulness, cited by nearly a third of the adolescents as a characteristic Lithuanian trait, and the variation in some texts between both traits—cheerfulness and sadness (gloominess)—indicate a change in the content of the Lithuanian stereotype, or are attributable only to the psychological developmental characteristics of adolescents at an early age, could be determined by supplementing the research material with written-language data from older pupils (aged 16–18).

4.3. Relations with other people

All respondents characterize the Lithuanian stereotype in terms of relations with other people. It may be assumed that, in pupils’ view, interaction with other people most accurately reveals the features of the Lithuanian stereotype. When describing Lithuanian characteristics in this respect, pupils’ texts used 36 lexemes, 24 of which denote positive qualities and 12 negative ones. The most characteristic Lithuanian qualities revealed in interactions with other people can be identified (see Fig. 5).

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FIG. 5. The most characteristic Lithuanian traits revealed through relations with others

In assessing the Lithuanian stereotype in terms of relations with other people, adolescents attributed the largest number of positive qualities to it: honest (28.8%), friendly (27.1%), polite (27.1%), talkative (23.7%), modest (22%), fair (16.9%).

A much smaller proportion of pupils attribute negative traits to the Lithuanian stereotype. Of the 12 lexemes with negative connotations, the most frequently used adjectives were greedy / avaricious (13.6%), selfish (8.5%), and envious (5%).

Some qualities traditionally regarded by Lithuanians as positive, for example, shyness, modesty, are not character strengths for adolescents, e.g.:

Most people living in Lithuania are shy and feel very self-conscious about the smallest things.

Lithuanians are <...> modest people who like to fit in with others.

My friend, who lives in Sweden, is much more outgoing. She communicates more easily and is neither modest nor shy.

It is noteworthy that reservedness, traditionally regarded as one of the most characteristic Lithuanian traits, is not identified as predominant in pupils’ language (only 10% of respondents mentioned it). In pupils’ linguistic worldview, antonymous characteristics are attributed to Lithuanians, denoting closedness and openness, e.g.:

In my opinion, Lithuanians are hardworking and orderly. However, they are often sad and reserved.

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I think that Lithuanians are most often reliable, straightforward, can be old-fashioned, <...> talkative, open and cheerful, snobbish.

Lithuanians are very polite, straightforward, and open.

Students most often merely identify the traits of the Lithuanian stereotype that describe relations with other people as self-evident, without elaborating on why they think this is so. The Lithuanian stereotype, as a set of particular traits, becomes a criterion for comparison and evaluation when assessing the traits of representatives of other nations, e.g.:

Latvians are less hospitable than Lithuanians.

I think the difference between Lithuanian and Belarusian children is that we are freer, have more choices, and are more open and noisy.

I think representatives of neighboring countries should be similar to Lithuanians and be honest, polite, cheerful, friendly, hardworking, etc.

However, compared with Lithuanians, <...> the English are quite lazy. People living there are also honest, polite, reliable, cheerful, talkative, and friendly.

It can be seen that representatives of other nations are most often evaluated favorably in terms of their relations with others; evaluations of Russians vary more, both when comparing Lithuanian and Russian traits and when expressing opinions about what representatives of the Lithuanian nation are like in Russian eyes, e.g.:

A Russian is strong-willed and brave, defends Russia and fights with other countries, enjoys life, and speaks the language of his country—Russian.

Russians describe Lithuanians as slow, irritable, and warlike.

Russians are trying to rewrite history, claiming that Lithuanians themselves willingly joined the Soviet Union and gave up their own language.

Comparing data from studies conducted among adolescents, students, and older people (Gudavičius 2007:162), a direct correlation is evident in assessments of Lithuanian qualities: all respondent groups identify honesty as a trait of the Lithuanian stereotype. A much larger proportion of adolescents and older people than students consider Lithuanians to be cultured (in adolescents’ speech, the lexemes polite, well-mannered are used synonymously) and sociable (in students’ speech, the lexemes talkative, chatty are used). Differences are also apparent in evaluations of Lithuanians in terms of openness–closedness: of the three groups compared, students and older people tend to view Lithuanians as reserved, while in adolescents’ speech the antonymic traits reservedness and

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openness varies. Negative features of the Lithuanian stereotype are mentioned less often in adolescents’ language. For example, S. Papaurelytė-Klovienė (2009: 248), drawing on data from the study of the Corpus of Contemporary Lithuanian, identifies envy as the most prominent negative trait; only 5 percent of the students attributed this trait to Lithuanians.

In summary, it can be said that, in terms of their relationships with other people as well as their mental and intellectual qualities, adolescents view representatives of their own nation very positively.

4.4. Components of National Identity

The characteristics of Lithuanians revealed through their relationship with national identity were described in the texts by 36 percent of adolescents. Four components of self-understanding of national identity can be distinguished in students’ written language: 1) the state, 2) language, 3) culture (observance of customs and traditions), and 4) historical consciousness. National identity, as a distinguishing feature of Lithuanians, is identified in adolescents’ language when describing traits of national character, for example:

Every nation is a unique nation, distinguished from other nations by its customs, traditions, and the distinctive character of its people. The Lithuanian nation is a great nation with a magnificent history. From generation to generation, every Lithuanian passes on the fundamental values characteristic of our homeland. A Lithuanian knows that everything can be achieved through work, honesty, and perseverance; they also know that one must fight for one’s national identity, one’s state, and oneself.

Aspects of national identity are highlighted when Lithuanians are distinguished from representatives of other nations, for example:

Foreigners are also friendly, cheerful, and talkative. I think we differ from them only in language and a few traits.

Like us, they are the same, except that their language and nationality are different; everything else is the same.

My friend lives in England, and everything there is quite different. <...> she has different traditions from ours. We live, speak, and study quite differently, but that is what makes us Lithuanians.

The bond with the homeland is expressed through a person’s attitudes, stance, and behavioral patterns, inherited through the cultural tradition of the nation. Antanas Maceina’s (2002: 225) insight is significant: “The deepest foundation of patriotism is the distinctiveness of the nation and homeland—that is, their embodiment in us and our settling in them. <...> We love our nation and homeland because we love ourselves and everything that is our own.” Adolescents express their emotional bond with their homeland and nation by emphasizing their roots in their state and taking pride in their language and history, for example:

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Lithuania is important because I live there and it is my homeland. Our language is extraordinarily beautiful and is the least distant from the ancient languages. <...> we are an ancient, royal nation.

Of all the traits identifying Lithuanians, students most often singled out the Lithuanian language (8.5 percent of all respondents) and adherence to traditions (13.5 percent). Respondents cited the Lithuanian language as a distinctive characteristic of Lithuanians when comparing them with people from other countries, for example:

They speak another language. My cousin Nedas is English. He differs from Lithuanians in that he speaks English and knows little Lithuanian.

When discussing the Lithuanian language as a trait attributed to Lithuanians, adolescents emphasize its beauty and antiquity, and express the opinion that Lithuanian is a difficult language. Even when comparing Lithuanians with people of other nations and citing language as a distinguishing feature, students note that Lithuanian is difficult, for example:

The Lithuanian language is very beautiful, and it is very difficult to learn. This is because Lithuanian has many nasal vowels, diphthongs, vowels, and consonants. Lithuanian is the most difficult language because it has many consonants, vowels, mixed diphthongs, semivowels, syllables, and so on. English, on the other hand, is very easy. It has no vowels, consonants, and so on.

Students base their opinions about their language on examples from phonetics and spelling—that is, on aspects they learn at school. This suggests that attitudes toward the native language are shaped at school and become established in students’ linguistic worldview. It is worth noting that students in the higher grades also identify the Lithuanian language as a trait of national identity. Linguists (Aliūkaitė, Mikulėnienė, Čepaitienė, Geržotaitė 2017: 174), who studied linguistic variation in gymnasium students’ speech, note that “the standard language is assigned the function of distinguishing or identifying with Lithuania.” Students also regard adherence to Lithuanian traditions and customs as a characteristic of Lithuanians, one cited in texts when comparing differences between their own and other nations. Adherence to national traditions is mentioned by the largest proportion of students discussing the Lithuanian type in relation to national identity

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(13.5 percent of all respondents). In students’ accounts, adherence to national traditions is illustrated through the celebration of calendar, religious, and state holidays, for example:

Lithuanians observe traditions. At Christmas, there are 12 dishes, and there must be herring; at Easter—eggs and white salad; on All Souls’ Day—a trip to the cemetery.

Lithuania has its own holidays, such as February 16, while Americans, for example, have their own holidays.

My friend Masha lives in Russia. We are not alike at all. She eats completely different food and likes something else.

She does not celebrate Christmas on December 25.

In adolescents’ linguistic worldview, adherence to Lithuanian customs and traditions is associated with behavioral patterns passed down through kin and family, which are so enduring that they most clearly represent students’ relationship to national identity.

Historical consciousness, as a component of national identity, is expressed in the adolescent speech community through pride in independence and in the period of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, for example:

Although Lithuania is a small country, we won back our freedom.

<...> how much they [the Lithuanians – N.P.] endured from attacks by both the Russians and the Crusaders.

Successful battles, victories, <...> territorial expansion. <...> Thus, in those days Lithuania was larger and its people were more determined. Lithuania was great then.

Based on the students’ texts, it can be assumed that students are disinclined to identify with their weak ancestors; they ground their sense of belonging to their nation in arguments that attest to the nation’s strength.

A. Gudavičiaus (2007: 158) atlikto tyrimo, kuriame išskirtas idėjinės pozicijos dėmuo (santykio su pasauliu, tėvyne, religija), duomenimis, studentai, rinkdamiesi iš antonimiškų porų nacionalistas – kosmopolitas, patriotas – nepatriotas, iš lietuviui būdingų bruožų pažymėjo nacionalistas, didesnė dalis vyresnio amžiaus grupės respondentų nurodė abu bruožus – nacionalistas, patriotas. Tiek paauglių kalbos, tiek A. Gudavičiaus vyresnio amžiaus žmonių grupėse atliktų tyrimų duomenys rodo, kad santykis su nacionaliniu tapatumu pažymimas visose amžiaus grupėse, nors paauglių kalboje, apibūdinant lietuvio stereotipą, nėra vyraujantis.

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4.5. Physical characteristics attributed to Lithuanians

As many psychologists argue, appearance and physical characteristics are particularly important to students in adolescence. Students attribute only features denoting beauty and strength to the Lithuanian stereotype.

When describing Lithuanians, 35.6 percent of respondents mentioned physical characteristics. It should be noted that students regard Lithuanians as beautiful people, using generalizing lexemes, for example, beautiful, strong, athletic, in good shape, nose and mouth—normal. In describing them in greater detail, they note that a Lithuanian is tall, most often mentioning portrait details: brown hair, blue eyes, red lips, white teeth. In more than one text, a Lithuanian is not described as unattractive or weak. Based on the research material, it can be argued that in adolescents’ linguistic worldview, Lithuanians are attributed the characteristics of an attractive, physically strong, healthy person.

The portrait of the Lithuanian in adolescents’ linguistic worldview closely resembles the image of the Lithuanian established in the Lithuanian linguistic consciousness as early as the 19th century by Simonas Daukantas (1976: 69): “The ancient Lithuanians, the Samogitians, had blue eyes, a watchful gaze, a fair complexion, long, dark-blond hair; they were robust, healthy, strong <...>”. In students’ language, as in S. Daukantas’s writings, the image of the Lithuanian is romanticized, attributing to Lithuanians the appearance traits that adolescents value.

There is a lack of empirical data that would make it possible to compare the appearance traits of Lithuanians identified by adolescents with those identified by students and older people. Such a comparison would make it possible to determine how evaluations of the physical and character traits attributed to the Lithuanian stereotype correlate.

4.6. The most characteristic features of the Lithuanian stereotype

Considering the traits of Lithuanians most frequently mentioned in adolescents’ texts in terms of 1) their relationship to material life, 2) mental and intellectual qualities, 3) their relationship with other people, 4) their relationship to national identity, and 5) the physical characteristics attributed to Lithuanians, it can be argued that the following Lithuanian stereotype has taken shape in adolescents’ linguistic worldview (see Fig. 6).

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FIG. 6. Dominant features of the Lithuanian stereotype

Based on data from a study of the language used in adolescents’ written assignments, it can be stated that adolescents’ attitude toward the Lithuanian stereotype is very positive. It may be assumed that adolescents attribute to a representative of the Lithuanian nation those qualities that they themselves consider valuable. As the most characteristic traits of a representative of the Lithuanian nation, pupils identified diligence (56%), intelligence (42%), and honesty (28.8%). A large proportion of adolescents attributed to the Lithuanian stereotype qualities revealed through relations with others: friendliness (27.1%), culturedness (27.1%), cheerfulness (27.1), and gloominess (22%). It is noteworthy that in pupils’ language, descriptions of Lithuanians as cheerful and gloomy vary. Of the negative qualities attributed to Lithuanians, gloominess was cited by the largest proportion of respondents.

Comparing data from studies conducted in the linguistic communities of adolescents, students, and older respondents (Gudavičius 2007: 161–164), it can be stated that qualities attributed to a representative of the Lithuanian nation, such as diligence and intelligence, are the most characteristic features of the Lithuanian stereotype in the linguistic worldviews of respondents across all age groups. A much greater proportion of adolescents and older people than of students attributed culturedness. Cheerfulness, as a quality characteristic of a representative of the Lithuanian nation, is mentioned only in adolescents’ texts.

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CONCLUSIONS

1. A study of the written language of pupils in early adolescence (ages 11–13) shows that a Lithuanian stereotype has taken shape in the linguistic worldview of adolescents of this age. Adolescents identify a Lithuanian as a representative of the nation by ethnic origin, membership in the state, and cultural identity. Pupils name the features of the Lithuanian stereotype and substantiate their views with social and cultural examples. In pupils’ texts, the concept of a national stereotype has no negative connotation. While noting that people are different, most adolescents regard a national stereotype as a generalized assessment of the majority of a state’s population.

2. The vast majority of pupils in early adolescence identify with the Lithuanian stereotype, attributing to it qualities of their own and of their peers. Adolescents express their personal relationship with the Lithuanian stereotype through the personal pronoun forms I, we, our, and first-person singular and plural verbs.

3. Most adolescents have a positive attitude toward the Lithuanian stereotype. Pupils’ written assignments contain three times as many lexemes and word combinations denoting positive traits, and these are identified much more frequently than negative ones. Among the positive features of the Lithuanian stereotype, the largest proportion of adolescents cite diligence, intelligence, and honesty; among the negative traits, pupils highlight gloominess, conservatism, and low self-esteem. Cheerfulness and gloominess attributed to Lithuanians often vary in respondents’ texts; this pair of traits occurs so frequently that it is identified as one of the dominant features of the Lithuanian stereotype. In adolescents’ language, features of national identity are most often named by distinguishing Lithuanians from representatives of other nations. Adolescents express their connection with their homeland and nation by emphasizing their rootedness in their country and taking pride in the Lithuanian language and history. Adolescents attribute to Lithuanians the qualities of a beautiful, physically strong, healthy person.

4. Comparing evaluations of the Lithuanian stereotype in the linguistic communities of adolescents, students, and older respondents (ages 35–65), it can be stated that adolescents evaluate the Lithuanian stereotype most positively and attribute more positive traits to it than respondents in other age groups. Comparing the traits attributed to the Lithuanian stereotype, it can be stated that diligence and intelligence are the most enduring features in the linguistic worldviews of all age groups. It is noteworthy that cheerfulness and openness, as qualities attributed to the Lithuanian stereotype, are recorded only in adolescents’ texts. Whether the features of the Lithuanian stereotype identified only from pupils’

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of language indicate changes in the content of the Lithuanian stereotype; these could be assessed by examining written-language data from students in the upper grades (aged 16–18).

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Įteikta 2018 11 19

Priimta 2018 12 30

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STEREOTYPE OF A LITHUANIAN IN TEENS’ LANGUAGE

Summary

This article, based on the study of data from writing samples by 11–13 year-old teens, explores what kind of a Lithuanian stereotype is etched in younger teens’ worldview as reflected through their language, and the extent to which teens identify themselves with the Lithuanian stereotype in their own understanding of their own identity. In efforts to identify shifts in the development of a Lithuanian stereotype, Lithuanian stereotype and its view through teens’ language is compared to research data collected by linguists among groups of students and older age groups (35–65 year olds).

For purposes of the study of a Lithuanian stereotype, 246 samples of writing written by 62 teens from 10 different Lithuanian schools were selected. The analyzed samples were originally written by students who completed assignments, in which: 1) they were asked to describe Lithuanians from a list of 37 antonymic traits, which students could (but did not have to) refer to; 2) they were asked how, in their option, Lithuanians are viewed by other nationals; 3) they were asked to describe a representative of another nation; (4) they were asked to create a portrait of a typical Lithuanian.

Analysis of a Lithuanian stereotype was based on J. Bartmiński singled out evaluation criteria of a national representative based on: 1) one’s relationship with the material life; 2) mental and intellectual properties; 3) relationship with other people, and 4) attitude towards the world, homeland, religion. Based on these criteria, A. Gudavičius analyzed national stereotypes among groups of students and older age groups (35–65 years of age). After analyzing teens ‘writing samples, J. Bartmiński singled out criteria were supplemented by the national identity criteria and physical features ascribed to the national stereotype. Therefore, the contents of a Lithuanian stereotype in teens ‘writing was analyzed based on five criteria: 1) relationship to material life; 2) mental and intellectual features, 3) relationship with the national identity, 4) relationship with others and 5) physical features.

Analysis of writings by teens in their early years (11–13 years of age) shows, that the worldview of teens at this age has a developed Lithuanian stereotype. Understanding, that Lithuanians do differ, most of the teens view the stereotype based on supported-by-time, generalized by the majority of their nation’s representatives‘ assessments. Lithuanians, as representatives of their nation, are identified by teens by their ethnic origin, by their belonging

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to the nation, and by their cultural identity. Teens ascribe features of a Lithuanian stereotype to nation‘s representatives while supporting their attitudes based on social and cultural arguments. Most teens identify themselves with the Lithuanian stereotype, often times expressing their relationship to it by using a personal pronoun we.

Teens characterized Lithuanians by using 67 descriptions: 48 of which were lexemes and word derivatives with a positive connotation, and 19 – negative. While describing the Lithuanian stereotype, 53.4 per cent of students ascribed only positive features, whereas only negative features were named among 3.4 per cent of the teens. Of the positive Lithuanian stereotype features the largest portion of students highlight “tireless work” and Lithuanian intellectual assets, referring to them through such words as “intellectual”, “wise”, “smart”; negative characteristics include being “sad”, “conservative” and “lack of self-worth”. When comparing analysis of data among groups of teens and students and older age groups, one may state, that “being hard working” and “smart“ are some of the most solid Lithuanian traits that show the worldview through the Lithuanian language.

Teens often ascribe to their nationals antonymic feature pairs. For example, a Lithuanian is ascribed “openness” and ‘introverted-ness,’ and descriptions of “cheerfulness” and “sadness” frequent writings of the same respondents. It is noteworthy, that “openness” and “cheerfulness”, as the Lithuanian traits, is observed only in samples of writings by teens. The question of whether Lithuanian stereotype features identified only in students’ language are the indicators of the shift in Lithuanian stereotype perception can be determined after conducting empirical analysis among older students (16–18 years of age).

When comparing Lithuanian stereotype assessment among Lithuanian teens and students and older age groups, one can state, that teens view Lithuanian stereotype most positively, ascribing to it more positive features than respondents do from other age groups.

KEYWORDS: students’ language, stereotype, language world-view.

NIDA PODERIENĖ

Lietuvių kalbos institutas

Petro Vileišio g. 5, LT-10308 Vilnius

[email protected]

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