DALIUS JARMALAVIČIUS

Vilnius University

Research interests: synchronic and diachronic word formation, the historical morphology of Germanic languages, and word-formation studies of Baltic bilingual manuscript dictionaries.

COMPOUND GERMAN NOUNS IN THE 17TH-CENTURY ANONYMOUS MANUSCRIPT DICTIONARY LEXICON LITHUANICUM

German Nominal Compounds in Manuscript Anonymous German–Lithuanian Dictionary Lexicon Lithuanicum from the 17^th Century

ABSTRACT

This article discusses German noun compounds in the 17th-century anonymous manuscript German–Lithuanian dictionary Lexicon Lithuanicum. The research findings are presented in the following order: first, compound patterns are described according to the part of speech of their first constituent, and their linking characteristics are discussed; next, compound nouns are analyzed according to the semantic-syntactic relationship between their constituents, distinguishing determinative, possessive, copulative, and governed compounds. Finally, the derivational structure of the constituents of compound nouns is reviewed.

KEYWORDS: word formation, manuscript dictionary, compounds, determinative, possessive, and governed compounds.

ANNOTATION

This article analyzes the compounding of German nouns in the manuscript anonymous German–Lithuanian dictionary Lexicon Lithuanicum from the 17^th Century. The results are presented as follows: first, the types of German nouns based on their left-hand members containing a linking element are discussed; afterwards, another classification of

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compounds according to the semantic and syntactic interpretation of their constituents, including determinative, possessive, copulative and de-verbal compounds, is analyzed. Finally, the structure of compound words from the perspective of word-formation of their units is described in detail.

KEYWORDS: word-formation, manuscript dictionary, nominal compounding, determinative, possessive and deverbal compounds.

0. INTRODUCTION

This article discusses the compounds formed from German nouns in the anonymous German–Lithuanian manuscript dictionary Lexicon Lithuanicum, which is regarded as the first dictionary of these languages in Lithuania Minor. Before presenting the data from the analysis of German compound nouns, it is worth briefly reviewing the hypotheses concerning the dictionary’s origins. It should be noted that scholars have so far been unable to establish either the manuscript’s author or the precise date when it was written. For a long time, it was indeed thought that the author of the dictionary in question must have been Daniel Klein, and proponents of this hypothesis argued that, in addition to a Lithuanian grammar, Klein had also compiled a bilingual dictionary that was never printed; therefore, Lexicon Lithuanicum could be a copy of the latter (cf. Citavičiūtė 2008: 266, 2009: 32–33; Drotvinas 1987: 10). Vincentas Drotvinas is inclined to disagree with this interpretation of authorship, pointing out that the spelling of the same words differs both in the dictionary and in Klein’s works. If this were Klein’s manuscript, the spelling of words in both works would presumably correspond much more closely. Although the paper’s watermarks suggest that the Lexicon Lithuanicum manuscript may have been written in 1632–1658—that is, compiled at around the same time as Klein’s grammars—analysis of the manuscript’s handwriting suggests that it was more likely a work compiled by several people (Drotvinas 1987: 12–15, 18). Vincas Urbutis, meanwhile, is less categorical on the question of the manuscript dictionary’s authorship, since Klein’s own words are also spelled inconsistently; therefore, differences in individual cases of consonant doubling do not in themselves indicate different authorship. On the other hand, Urbutis notes that Lexicon Lithuanicum is only a copy, prepared by more than one person (Urbutis 1990: 184). Since the authorship of this manuscript has not been established, Drotvinas (1987: 23) argues that it is appropriate to regard the dictionary as an independent monument of anonymous Lithuanian writing in Prussia in the mid-seventeenth century, valuable for its wealth of words from the spoken language of the time and for the variety of its lexical and derivational synonyms.

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Lexicon Lithuanicum, whose text comprises 225 pages (113 folios) and whose index contains 9,200 German words and 7,200 Lithuanian equivalents, has not been studied in any great depth from the perspective of word formation, either internationally or in Lithuania. Its German compound nouns, of which quite a number have been recorded (1,170 words), have not been studied at all; for this reason, the manuscript has been selected as a source for analyzing the formation of compound nouns. The manuscript dictionary is also used for this study because texts of this kind abound in colloquial vocabulary untouched by editorial corrections, providing substantial information about the subtleties and authenticity of the language used in a particular period.

Another fact that attests to the relevance of this article is the lack of systematic research into the formation of compounds in historical German, particularly the lack of studies on the predominant types of compound words in the seventeenth century. For instance, Eva-Maria Heinle (2000: 1911–1912) characterizes compounds from this century in very general terms: first, that they played an important role in word formation; and second, that a tendency had already emerged at the time to form compound nouns from more than two components. As we can see, these statements are not informative and do not provide an overall picture of the models that predominated in seventeenth-century compound formation or of the structural features of their constituents. Thus, on the basis of the analysis, the aim is not only to describe the predominant derivational models of German nominal compounds recorded in the dictionary, the syntactic-semantic structure of their constituents, and the ways in which the components are joined or their derivational structure, but also to assess the word-formation potential of words with a multi-component structure.

The research data are presented in the following order: first, compounds are discussed according to the part of speech of the first constituent, with the aim of identifying the predominant compounding patterns and the ways in which components are joined; they are then described according to the semantic-syntactic relationship between their constituents. Finally, the derivational structure of the constituents of German compound nouns is reviewed.

To clarify certain facts about the formation of German compound nouns, the following dictionaries were consulted: those by Hermann Frischbier (1971) and Richard Piets[ch] (1991), the electronic version of Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm’s dictionary (URL: http://woerterbuchnetz.de/DWB/), and the DUDEN etymological dictionary (2001).

1. STRUCTURE OF COMPOUND CONSTITUENTS ACCORDING TO THE PARTS OF SPEECH OF THE FIRST CONSTITUENT

The predominant compound pattern in the dictionary is one in which both constituents are nouns. These words make up 75.7% of all compound words (see Diagram 1), e.g.:

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Abendstern Wakaro βwaibde¹ ‘evening star’ Lex 2a (Abend ‘evening’ + Stern ‘star’), Bauchwehe Pilwo Skaudejims, Rûpes Lex 13 (Bauch ‘belly’ + Wehe ‘pain’), Dachziegel Czerpiczia, Plita ‘roof tile’ Lex 22 (Dach ‘roof’ + Ziegel ‘brick’), Finger Hutt Nopertskas ‘thimble’ Lex 36 (Finger ‘finger’ + Hutt ‘hat, cap’), Milch Eymer Milßtuw̄e ‘milking pail’ Lex 61a (Milch ‘milk’ + Eymer ‘bucket’), Schafffleisch Awinczena ‘mutton’ (Schaff ‘sheep’ + Fleisch ‘meat’), Tischtuch Skoterte ‘tablecloth’ Lex 88 (Tisch ‘table’ + Tuch ‘cloth’).

¹ DIAGRAM. Compounds according to the part of speech of the first constituent²

Far fewer compounds with a verbal first constituent were found in the dictionary; they account for 13.6% of all compound nouns, e.g.: Auffwaschtuch Mas-gote ‘dishcloth, rag’ Lex 10 (auffwaschen ‘to wash, to scrub’ + Tuch ‘cloth, rag’), Backof Peczus ‘oven’ Lex 12a (backen ‘to bake’ + Ofen ‘oven’), Dancklied Dekawones Giesme Lex 22a (dancken ‘to thank’ + Lied ‘song, hymn’), Findgeld Radybos Lex 36 (finden ‘to find’ + Geld ‘money’), Schneidscheer

¹ The article gives the original author’s translations of the compounds in the source under analysis into Lithuanian. Words whose meanings differ in contemporary usage or may be unclear to the reader are given in single quotation marks.

² Plg. Jarmalavičius, Stundžia 2015: 233.

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Zirkles ‘scissors’ Lex 76a (schneiden ‘to cut, to snip’ + Scheer(e) ‘scissors’), Wetz Stein Tekelas, Galanstuwas ‘sharpening stone’ Lex 105 (wetzen ‘to sharpen’ + Stein ‘stone’).

Compared with compounds whose first constituent is a verb, nearly half as many words of the adjective + noun pattern were recorded (~6.9%), e.g.: Baar Geld Penigai ‘money’ Lex 12 (bar ‘cash’ + Geld ‘money’), Flachfeld Lyguma Lex 36a (flach ‘flat’ + Feld ‘field’), Graupferd Szirkiamas ‘grey horse’ Lex 44 (grau ‘grey’ + Pferd ‘horse’), Neumond jaunus ‘new moon’ Lex 64a (neu ‘new’ + Mond ‘moon’), Sauerteig Raugas Lex 73 (sauer ‘sour’ + Teig ‘dough’), Weiß Brodt Piragas ‘cake, white bread’ Lex 104a (weiß ‘white’ + Brodt ‘bread’).

Very few compounds whose first constituent may be a preposition or a numeral were found in the dictionary; they make up only 3.8% of all nouns analyzed, e.g.: Auffgeld Ußzylkas ‘surcharge’ Lex 8a (auff ‘on, onto’ + Geld ‘money’), Nachhochzeit Paswodbis ‘wedding feast’ Lex 63a (nach ‘after’ + Hochzeit ‘wedding’), Vorhauß Buttas ‘vestibule’ Lex 102 (vor ‘before’ + Hauß ‘house’), Einhorn Wienraggis ‘unicorn’ Lex 28 (ein(s) ‘one’ + Horn ‘horn’), Nenunaüge Dewinakakis ‘nine-eyed’ Lex 64a (neun ‘nine’ + Auge ‘eye’).

2. THE MODE OF JOINING COMPOUND CONSTITUENTS

Dictionary compounds with a nominal or verbal first constituent may occur with or without linking elements. Interfixation is characteristic of 196 compounds in the manuscript under examination, accounting for about 16.8% of all compounds. Linking elements may be inflectional or non-inflectional (see Table 1).

¹ TABLE. Lexicon Lithuanicum joining of compound constituents

Compounds with a nominal and verbal first constituent

1045 (100%)

Without a linking element

With a linking element

849 (81,2%)

196 (18,8%)

Inflectional linking elements

Non-inflectional linking elements

174 (16,7%)

22 (2,1%)

The linking elements in most compounds with two nominal constituents mark the case form of the first constituent (see Table 2). The constituents of compounds are joined by the following inflectional interfixes:

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TABLE 2. Linking elements in compounds

Pattern Linking elements (196) (e)s (e)n e er ensNoun + noun 58 103 10 10 2Verb + noun – – 13 – –Share 29.6 52.6 11.7 5.1 1

a) –(e)n–, which occurs in the greatest number of words, e.g.: Augenlieder Akkiu Wokekai Lex 10 (gen. pl. Augen ‘of eyes’ + nom. pl. Lieder ‘eyelids’), Birkenoel Degutas Lex 18 (gen. pl. Birken ‘of birches’ + nom. sg. Oel ‘oil’), Fliegen Schwarm Mussumarai ‘swarm of flies’ (gen. pl. Fliegen ‘of flies’ + nom. sg. Schwarm ‘swarm’), Gerstenstroh Miezenojei ‘barley straw’ (gen. pl. Gersten ‘of barley’ + nom. sg. Stroh ‘straw’);

b) –(e)s–, with which fewer compounds are recorded than with the linking element –(e)n–, e.g.: Bockshorn Ozo ragas ‘goat’s horn’ Lex 19 (gen. sg. Bocks ‘of a goat’ + nom. sg. Horn ‘horn’), Bräutigams Mutter Anczyta ‘mother-in-law’ Lex 19a (gen. sg. Bräutigams ‘of the bridegroom’ + nom. sg. Mutter ‘mother’), Gottes Hauß Baßnyczia ‘church’ Lex 43a (gen. sg. Gottes ‘of God’ + nom. sg. Hauß ‘house’), Kindes Kind Waiku waikai, Annuks ‘grandchild’ (gen. sg. Kindes ‘of a child’ + nom. sg. Kind ‘child’);

c) –e–, which is much rarer than –(e)n– and –(e)s–, e.g.: Erndtezeit Pjutes Czesas ‘harvest time’ Lex 32 (nom. sg. Erndte ‘harvest’ + nom. sg. Zeit ‘time’), Gansestall Zasinyczia ‘goose pen’ Lex 39 (gen. pl. Ganse [Gänse] ‘of geese’ + nom. sg. Stall ‘stable’), Kuhe Kalb Telicze ‘heifer’ Lex 56 (gen. pl. Kuhe [Kühe] ‘of cows’ + nom. sg. Kalb ‘calf’);

d) –er–, found in 10 compounds, e.g.: Eyer Klar Baltinys ‘egg white’ Lex 33a (gen. pl. Eyer ‘of eggs’ + Klar ‘white’), Hünerstall Laksta ‘henhouse’ Lex 51a (gen. pl. Hüner [Hühner] ‘of hens’ + nom. sg. Stall ‘stable’), Kleiderbürst Drapano Szepetys ‘clothes brush’ Lex 54a (gen. pl. Kleider ‘of clothes’ + nom. sg. Bürst[e] ‘brush’);

e) –ens–, which links only a couple of words, e.g.: Glaubensgenoß Wেনos Wieros ‘fellow believer’ Lex 43 (gen. sg. Glaubens ‘of faith’ + nom. sg. Genoß [Genosse] ‘companion, member’), Herzensfreund ßirdies prietelus ‘close friend’ Lex 48a (gen. sg. Herzens ‘of the heart’ + nom. sg. Freund ‘friend’).

The constituents of compounds of the noun + noun pattern are rarely linked by non-inflectional elements, e.g.: Bruderntochter Brolyzce ‘niece’ Lex 20 (Bruder ‘brother’ + n + Tochter ‘daughter’), Geburtsstunde Adina Uzgimmimo ‘hour of birth’ Lex 39a (Geburt ‘birth’ + s + Stunde ‘hour’), Herzeleyed Nekandas, Negandas ‘suffering’ Lex 48a (Herz ‘heart’ + e + Leyд ‘suffering’), Liebestrunck Meiles gerimas ‘love potion’ Lex 59 (Liebe ‘love’ + s + Trunck ‘drink’),

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Paulbekehrungstag Pussiauzėmis, Pauline ‘Pauline’ Lex 67 (Paulbekehrung ‘Paul’s conversion’ + s + Tag ‘day’), Storchen Nest Gandru lizdas ‘stork’s nest’ Lex 84a (pl. Storche [Störche] ‘storks’ + n + Nest ‘nest’).

Most nouns with a verbal first constituent are generally used without a linking element (see Table 2). The dictionary contains 13 words with the non-inflected linking interfix -e-, making up 8.1% of compounds of this type, e.g.: Blasebalg Dumples ‘organ bellows’ Lex 18 (blasen ‘to blow’ + Balg ‘bellows’), Hebebaum Wiezdas ‘lever’ Lex 46a (heben ‘to lift’ + Baum ‘tree, lever’), Löse Geld Waddawimas ‘ransom’ Lex 59a (lösen ‘to release, terminate’ + Geld ‘money’), Näherahmen Spielczus ‘fabric frame’ Lex 64 (nähen ‘to sew’ + Rahmen ‘frame’), Pflege Sohn Ißsunis ‘stepson’ Lex 67a (pflegen ‘to care for’ + Sohn ‘son’), Sendebrief Gromata ‘letter’ Lex 79a (senden ‘to send’ + Brief ‘letter’).

Comparing the data of this study with other works on the history of word formation, we can discern certain tendencies in the linking of compound constituents in seventeenth-century German sources. Daniel Solling, for instance, found that in seventeenth-century sermon texts, the constituents of compound nouns are most commonly linked by -(e)n- (54.1%) and -(e)s- (38.4%), while other linking elements are much less frequent (cf. Solling 2012: 147–148). These tendencies in interfixation are also characteristic of compounds in Langius’s manuscript dictionary, where the linking elements -(e)n- and -(e)s- account for 45.4% and 41.3% of all interfixes, respectively (cf. Jarmalavičius 2014: 125).

3.

COMPOUNDS ACCORDING TO THE SEMANTIC-SYNTACTIC RELATION BETWEEN THEIR CONSTITUENTS

The classification proposed by Helena Larsson (2010: 13 ff.) was used to group compounds according to the semantic-syntactic relation between their constituents; it distinguishes determinative, possessive, governed, and copulative compounds. Lexicon Lithuanicum contains 1,116 determinative compounds, 20 possessive compounds, 34 governed compounds, and no copulative compounds (see Diagram 2).

3.1.

Determinative compounds

The word-formation analysis of Lexicon Lithuanicum shows that determinative German compounds are the most productive type (see Diagram 2). A total of 1,116 compounds of this type were recorded (about 95.4% of all compounds). The largest group comprises determinative compounds whose two constituents are simplex words (simplicia); they account for

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DIAGRAM 2. Compounds according to the semantic-syntactic nature of their constituents³

84.9% of determinative compounds (see Table 3), e.g.: Birckwaßer Sulla ‘birch sap’ Lex 18 (Bircke ‘birch’ + Waßer ‘water’), Fleischwurst Kilbasas (‘blood sausage’ Lex 36a (Fleisch ‘meat’ + Wurst ‘sausage’), Glockenthurm Warpnicia ‘bell tower’ Lex 43 (Glocke ‘bell’ + Thurm ‘tower’), Kirchhoff Kapai, Kapines, Szwentors ‘graves, churchyard’ Lex 54 (Kirch(e) ‘church’ + Hoff ‘yard’), Nordwind ßau-re, Ziemys ‘winter’ Lex 65 (Nord ‘north’ + Wind ‘wind’), Ochsen Hirt Kerdzus ‘herdsman’ Lex 66 (Ochse ‘ox’ + Hirt ‘herdsman’), Zahn Fleisch Dantu Smagines ‘gums’ Lex 108a (Zahn ‘tooth’ + Fleisch ‘meat’).

TABLE 3. Morphological structure of determinative compound constituents

Simplex word + simplex word

Simplex word + derivative

Derivative + simplex word

Derivative + derivative

In numbers

948

115

49

4

In percentages

84,9

10,3

4,4

0,4

The first or second constituent of nominal determinative compounds may itself be a derivative. This structure is represented in the dictionary by 168 words (15.1% of the compounds). A large group of such words consists of nouns whose second constituent is a derivative or a conversion, and, in rare cases, a compound—that is, one with a stem that is morphologically segmentable.

³ Plg. Jarmalavičius, Stundžia 2015: 240.

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In terms of their formation, these words have a segmentable stem. There are 115 such words (see Table 3), for example: Abenddemmerung apitamse ‘twilight’ Lex 2 (Abend ‘evening’ + Demmer-ung ‘twilight’ ← demmern [dämmer] ‘to grow dark’), Gö tzen Diener Balwo ‘servant’ ‘idolater’ Lex 44 (Götze ‘idol’ + Dien-er ‘servant’ ← dienen ‘to serve’), Eheverb-bindnüß Derrybos ‘confirmation of marriage’ Lex 26a (Ehe ‘marriage’ + Ver-bind-nüß ‘determination, obligation’ ← verbinden ‘to join, connect’), Hahnengeschrey Gaidyste ‘cockcrow’ Lex 45 (Hahn ‘rooster’ + Ge-schrey ← Schrey ‘cry, shout’), Pferd Decke Arklu dekis ‘horse blanket’ Lex 67a (Pferd ‘horse’ + Deck-e ‘covering, blanket’ ← decken ‘to cover’), Apffeltranck Krußinnis ‘apple wine’ Lex 7a (Apffel ‘apple’ + Tranck ‘drink’ ← trinken ‘to drink’), Halßband Retezes ‘neckband’ Lex 45a (Halß ‘neck’ + Bandt ‘band, tie’ ← binden ‘to bind’), Fußfall Paklanas ‘prostration’ Lex 38a (Fuß ‘foot’ + Fall ‘fall’ ← fallen ‘to fall’), Hammerschlag Gellezūnis ‘scale from hammered iron’ Lex 45a (Hammer ‘hammer’ + Schlag ‘blow’ ← schlagen ‘to beat, strike’), Mondschein Menesena ‘moonlight’ Lex 62 (Mond ‘moon’ + Schein ‘glow, radiance’ ← scheinen ‘to shine, glow’), Erdweyrauch Kodylas ‘bot. yellow melilot’ (Erd(e) ‘earth’ + Weyrauch [Weihrauch] ‘incense’ ← weihen ‘to consecrate’ + Rauch ‘smoke’).

XVII a. anoniminio rankraštinio žodyno Lexicon Lithuanicum sudurtiniai vokiečių kalbos daiktavardžiai

are not numerous in other dictionaries by this author that have been studied either. In Langius’s seventeenth-century manuscript dictionary, just over ten compounds with a similar constituent structure can be counted (cf. Jarmalavičius 2014, 127–129).

A very small group of determinative compounds consists of compounds in which neither constituent is a simple word, but rather a derivative or conversion—that is, a derived form. Only 4 such words have been recorded (see Table 3): Gericht Schreiber Sudo Skribele ‘court secretary / clerk’ Lex 41 (Ge-richt ‘court’ ← richten ‘to judge’ + Schreib-er ‘scribe’ ← schreiben ‘to write’), Hitzkrankheit Karßbligge ‘fever’ Lex 50 (Hietz-e ‘heat’ ← heiß ‘hot’ + Kranch-heit ‘illness’ ← krank ‘sick, ill’), Lie-bestrunck Meiles gerimas ‘love potion’ Lex 59 (Lieb-e ‘love’ ← lieb ‘dear’ + Trunck ‘drink’ ← trinken ‘to drink’), Würffel Spiel Werpeliu Zaislas ‘dice game’ Lex 108 (Würff-el ‘die’ ← Wurff ‘throw’ + Spiel ‘game’ ← spielen ‘to play’).

3.2. Possessive compounds

Another type of compound is the possessive compound. Lexicon Lithuanicum contains 20 words denoting people or animals, i.e. about 1.7% of all compounds.

The first constituent of most of these words is an adjective; that is, the adjective + noun pattern predominates: Groß Kopff Didgalwis ‘big-headed’ Lex 44a (groß ‘big’ + Kopff ‘head’), Kahlkopff Plikkis Lex 52a (kahl ‘bald’ + Kopff ‘head’), Krumfuß Raißis, Klißis ‘bow-legged’ Lex 56 (krum ‘crooked’ + Fuß ‘leg’), Rothbart Rutbarýdis ‘red-bearded’ Lex 71a (roth ‘red’ + Bart ‘beard’), Rothkelch Rudpilwe ‘zool. redstart’ Lex 71a (roth ‘red’ + Kehlch [Kehlchen] ‘little throat’).

Fewer possessive compounds recorded in the dictionary have two nouns as their constituents: Geitz Halb Godas ‘miser’ Lex 40a (Geiz ‘stinginess’ + Halß ‘neck’), Gefffermaul Seilus ‘drooler’ Lex 40a (Geffer ‘saliva, foam’ + Maul ‘muzzle, mouth’), Milchmaul Pienburnis Lex 61a (Milch ‘milk’ + Maul ‘muzzle, mouth’).

Five examples of possessive compounds follow the numeral + noun and verb + noun patterns: Dreyfuß Tri Kojis ‘three-legged’ Lex 24a (drey ‘three’ + Fuß ‘leg’), Einhorn Wienraggis ‘unicorn’ Lex 28 (ein(s) ‘one’ + Horn ‘horn’), Neunauge dewindakķis ‘nine-eyed’ Lex 64a (neun ‘nine’ + Auge ‘eye’), Schlaffbauch Maiguns ‘sleepyhead’ Lex 75 (Schlaff ‘sleep’ + Bauch ‘belly’), Schrey Hals Reksnys ‘screamer’ Lex 77 (Schrey ‘shouting’ + Hals ‘neck’).

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3.3. Governed compounds

The Lexicon Lithuanicum records 34 (2.9%) nominal compounds with a verbal second constituent that governs its first constituent Lexicon Lithuanicum (see Diagram 2). The first constituents of these compound nouns are simplex words, with the exception of one example that has a different structure, namely, its first component is a derivative: Seeligmacher Ißganitojis ‘savior’ Lex 79 (seel-ig ‘of the soul’ ← Seele ‘soul’ + Macher ‘maker’).

All second constituents of governed compounds are deverbal suffixal derivatives, e.g.: Beutelschneid Mazkeninkas ‘bag-maker’ Lex 16a (Beutel ‘bag’ + Schneid-er ‘tailor’ ← schneiden ‘to cut’), Brieffträger Gromatnebis ‘letter carrier’ Lex 20 (Brieff ‘letter’ + Träg-er ‘carrier’ ← tragen ‘to carry’), Faßbinder Kubillus ‘tub-maker’ Lex 34a (Faß ‘tub’ + Bind-er ‘binder’ ← binden ‘to bind, join’), Harpffen Schläger Arpininkas ‘harpist’ Lex 46 (Harffe ‘harp’ + Schläg-er ‘striker’ ← schlagen ‘to strike’), Leinweber Audejus ‘weaver’ Lex 58a (Lein ‘flax’ + Web-er ‘weaver’ ← weben ‘to weave’), Teich Gräber Kopczus ‘pond-digger’ Lex 86a (Teich ‘pond’ + Gräb-er ‘digger’ ← graben ‘to dig’), Trummelschläger Bubninks ‘drummer’ (Trummel [Tromel] ‘drum’ + Schläg-er ‘striker’ ← schlagen ‘to strike’), Ziegelbrenner Plitininkas ‘brick-burner’ (Ziegel ‘brick, tile’ + Brenn-er ‘burner’ ← brennen ‘to burn’).

Compounds with the verbal second constituent -macher were also included in the database of compound nouns in this dictionary, although researchers of word formation, particularly synchronic word formation, have not reached consensus on whether the latter derivative, which occurs as the second constituent of compounds, is autonomous. For example, Julia Stepan (2009: 107) and Brigita Lawrenz (2006: 113) treat derivatives with -macher as derivatives of verbal phrases, whereas Solling regards as compounds all words whose constituents are recorded in dictionaries as independent words (Solling 2012: 227). From a diachronic perspective on word formation, derivatives in -macher should nevertheless be understood as independent constituents of compounds, especially since Macher is found as a separate word in German dictionaries. Although there are not many examples with this component in the Lexicon Lithuanicum, a few are worth mentioning: Huttmacher Keppurnins ‘hat-maker’ Lex 51a, Radmacher Raczus ‘wheelwright’ Lex 69a, Siebmacher Rieczus ‘sieve-maker’ Lex 80, Tuchmacher Millninkas ‘cloth, broadcloth maker’ Lex 89a, Uhrmacher Siegorninks ‘clockmaker’ Lex 97a.

4. CONCLUSIONS

Analysis of the German compounds in the dictionary Lexicon Lithuanicum established that:

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1) most of them are compounds with two nominal constituents (75.7%). Fewer compounds with a verbal or adjectival first constituent were found (13.6% and 6.9%, respectively). Compound nouns with first constituents belonging to other parts of speech are very rare, accounting for only 3.8%;

2) most compounds are recorded without a linking element (81.2%), while interfixation is characteristic of 18.8% of the words; of these, 16.7% of compound constituents are linked by inflectional elements, and only 2.1% by non-inflectional elements;

3) determinative compounds account for 95.4% of all compounds; governed and possessive compounds are much less common, accounting for 2.9% and 1.7% of the words, respectively;

4) diversity in the derivational structure of constituents is characteristic of determinative compounds, with one of the two stems being derivationally analyzable, whereas the first constituents of governed compounds are almost always simplex words and the second constituents are deverbal suffixal derivatives;

5) only a few compounds comprising more than two constituents are recorded in the dictionary; therefore, it cannot be claimed that a tendency toward the formation of German nouns with multiple stems was emerging in the 17th century. On the contrary, words manifesting a multicomplex structure are likely to have constituted only certain exceptions at that time.

ŠALTINIAI

D r o t v i n a s V i n c e n t a s (red.) 1987: Lexicon Lithuanicum. Rankraštinis XVII a. vokiečių–lietuvių kalbų žodynas. Vilnius: Mokslas.

DUDEN 7 – Herkunftswörterbuch. Etymologie der deutschen Sprache. Mannheim, Leipzig, Wien, Zürich: Bibliographisches Institut, 2001.

DWB – Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob Grimm und Wilhelm Grimm in 32 Teilbänden (1854–1961). Leipzig, 1972. URL: http://woerterbuchnetz.de/DWB/ (2014 05 25).

F r i s c h b i e r H e r m a n n 1971: Preussisches Wörterbuch. Ost- und westpreussische Provinzialismen in alphabetischer Folge. 1–2 Hildesheim, New York: Georg Olms Verlag.

P i e t s c h R i c h a r d 1991: Deutsch-kurisches Wörterbuch. Mit einer Einleitung von Friedrich Scholz (= Schriftreihe Nordost-Archiv 33). Lüneburg: Verlag Nordostdeutsches Kulturwerk.

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LITERATŪRA

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIV

XVII a. anoniminio rankraštinio žodyno Lexicon Lithuanicum sudurtiniai vokiečių kalbos daiktavardžiai

teksto transliteraciją ir žodžių rodyklę parengė V. Drotvinas/ Vilnius: Mokslas, 1987. – 568 p. – Baltistica 26(2), 183–189.

German Nominal Compounds in Manuscript Anonymous German-Lithuanian Dictionary Lexicon Lithuanicum from the 17^th Century

S U M M A R Y

The article describes the German nominal compounds in the manuscript anonymous German-Lithuanian dictionary of the 17^th century. The analysis is based on two classifications of compounds. The first classification of German nouns is based on their left-hand members and includes linking elements between them. The second group of the nominal compounds is comprised of words according to the semantic and syntactic interpretation of their constituents. At this point, it is important to determine the detailed word-formation structure of the compositional elements.

The word analysis shows that the majority of words make compounds with two nominal components. The nominal compounds with a verbal or an adjectival constituent as the first component seem to be less frequent. Words whose first constituents are presented by other word types belong to the smallest group of compounds. Only 18.8% of all investigated German nominal compounds have a linking element.

Regarding the semantic-syntactic characteristics of the constituents, determinatives are most frequent and constitute 95.4%. De-verbal compounds make up 2.9% and possessives occur even more rarely – in 1.7% of the cases. The multi-structural compounds presented by more than two stems make only a minor part of the words under analysis.

Įteikta 2016 m. kovo 30 d.

D A L I U S J A R M A L A V I Č I U S

Vilniaus universitetas

Užsienio kalbų institutas

Vokiečių kalbos katedra

Universiteto g. 5 LT- 01513, Vilnius, Lietuva

[email protected]

Straipsniai / Articles

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