VALERY LEONIDOVICH VASILYEV

Department of the Russian Language

Yaroslav-the-Wise Novgorod State University

ORCID id: orcid.org/0000-0002-4708-7786

Fields of research: onomastics of the Russian North-West, Russian dialectology, Slavic etymology, history of Russian and other Slavic languages.

DOI: doi.org/10.35321/а1185-07

TOPONYMIC BALTISMS NEAR THE UPPER VOLGA LAKES^¹

Toponymic Baltisms in the Basin of the Upper Volga Lakes

ANNOTATION

The article is devoted to the etymological analysis of toponyms (mainly hydronyms) of old Baltic origin, which are localized near the Upper Volga lakes and to the west of them – up to the sources of the Pola and Western Dvina rivers. In this microregion, which is a square of territory with sides of approximately 60 km, about 60 toponymic baltisms have been discovered and analyzed. The listed baltisms are the names of rivers, lakes, villages and localities.

KEYWORDS: hydronyms, baltisms, etymology, microregion, Upper Volga lakes.

ANNOTATION

The article is devoted to the etymological analysis of toponyms of Baltic origin (mostly hydronyms). These toponyms are localized near the basin of the Upper Volga lakes and west of it—as far as the sources of the Pola and Western Dvina rivers. In this microregion, consisting of a square-shaped territory with sides approximately 60 km long, were found and analyzed

^¹ The article is financed by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (Research Project No. 19-012-00120 “The Hydronymy of Historical Novgorod and Pskov Lands. A Structural, Derivational, Etymological, Areal and Ethnohistorical Study”).

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about 60 toponymic Baltisms. The Baltisms presented in the article are names of rivers, lakes, villages, and localities.

KEYWORDS: hydronyms, Baltisms, etymology, microregion, basin of the Upper Volga lakes.

It is traditionally believed that the area of the medieval Novgorod-Pskov possessions (the Novgorod pyatinas and the Pskov Land) was populated predominantly by Finns in pre-Slavic times. Indeed, archaeologists assign this entire area to the sphere of the Finno-Ugric “textile ceramics” cultures, while linguists, relying on the works of M. Vasmer from the 1930s (Vasmer 1932, 1934), usually draw the southern boundary of the distribution of Baltic hydronymy south of the historical possessions of Novgorod and Pskov. However, beginning in the 1980s, toponymic research made it possible to identify up to one and a half hundred hydronymic Baltisms in the Novgorod-Pskov territory (see the principal works on this subject: Агеева 1989: 185–208; Топоров 1995, 2000, 2001; Васильев 2008, 2009, 2019, 2021), indicating that before the arrival of the Slavs this region was a mixed Balto-Finnic ethnohistorical space. Baltisms were discovered in various parts of the Novgorod-Pskov territory, all the way to the Gulf of Finland and almost to the southern shore of Lake Ladoga.

The present article is the first to characterize toponymic Baltisms not on the scale of the extensive region of northwestern Russia, but at the level of a single microregion—more specifically, the area around the very sources of the Volga and the Upper Volga Lakes, and west of them as far as the sources of the Pola and Western Dvina. The area forms a roughly 60-by-60-km square of territory (see the map). Historically, this was part of the southern volosts of the Derevskaya pyatina of the Novgorod land, on the border with the Toropets and Rzhev lands. As a result of targeted searches, including searches that took historical attestations into account, about 60 Baltisms—reliable or probable, belonging to different chronological periods—were found here, attached not only to bodies of water but also to other types of geographical features. Given the article’s limited length, only a minimum of information is provided about the names cited (more detailed historical-geographical and linguistic information about them will be presented in another work).

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Sterzh — a large lake at the source of the Volga, today the upper part of the Upper Volga Reservoir. It is reflected in the name of the Old Russian town Sterzh, recorded around 1375 (НПЛ: 477), which was formed by transferring the lake’s name to the lakeside settlement; in an independent attestation, it first appears in writing as Lake Sterzh in 1495 (НПК II: 698, 699, 700). Its etymology is unclear. Comparison with Serbo-Croatian стрж ‘core’, Russian strezhen and sterzhen ‘the main current, the channel of a river’ (Toporov 1991: 53) is semantically acceptable (it invokes the idea of a central current, deep water), but formally difficult. The hydronym’s original stem is Sterzh- (not Strezh-), as the neighboring Stergut also indicates (see below), whereas in the presumed motivating word strezhen the stem arose through metathesis from strezhen (< Proto-Slavic *strъžьnъ), see (Fasmer 1987: 758). A comparison with Prussian Sterge, Strege, a lake recorded in 1395 (Gerullis 1922: 173), is more acceptable; see also (Ageeva 1989: 196–197), although it too does not reveal the hydronym’s etymon. In Slavic, however, no change Sterg- > S tereg- occurred, with a full-vocalism reflex, so Baltic *Stirg-, which yielded Slavic *Stьrg- (> Sterg-/Sterzh-), cannot be ruled out either.

Stergut — a lake at the source of the Volga. It was first mentioned as Lake Sterguto in 1495 (НПК II: 701). The hydronym means ‘relating to Lake Sterzh, i.e. Sterzh Lake,’ which corresponds to reality, since Lake Stergut flows through a channel into Lake Sterzh. The Baltic suffix -ut conveys the meaning of relation. According to Vasmer, Stergut is a very ancient Slavism, related to Old Bulgarian strěgъ, genitive strěgъsta ‘vigilant, guarding,’

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which later acquired a Baltic specificity (Vasmer 1934: 368), but the author does not take into account its obvious correspondence with the neighboring Baltism Sterzh.

Verkhity Bolshie and Verkhity Malye — lakes at the source of the Volga, upstream from Lake Sterzh. According to the Toropets Book of 1540, Lake Verkhurn, or Verkhurta (ПКНЗ 4: 321, 323). The hydronym indicates the ‘upper lake (in relation to Lake Sterzh)’; cf. Lithuanian viršutinis ‘upper,’ Prussian Virs-utte (Gerullis 1922: 203), Viršytis river in Lithuania [LUEV: 198], Viršite river in Latvia, with the suffix -ut, cf. neighboring Sterzhut. In the Slavic linguistic environment, Baltic Virs-/Virš was закономерно “recoded” as Verkh-

Vselug — a large lake at the source of the Volga, today the middle part of the Upper Volga Reservoir. The hydronym was transferred to the medieval town Seluk, mentioned among the Lithuanian towns around 1375 (НПЛ: 476); in independent use, it first appears in records from 1588–1589: Lake Vseluk, or Vъseluk (ПКРВ: 229, 232–234, 236, 237). This Baltism has the compound stem *Vis(i)-lank-, literally ‘with all the meadows’, characterizing a lake with winding shores; the subsequent changes leading to the form Vselug can be explained by Slavic adaptation. For further details, I refer the reader to a recent article (Vasilyev 2021: 115–117), in which the Baltic version of this lake name is developed in detail and, in my view, convincingly.

Peno — a large lake south of Lake Vselug, the middle part of the Upper Volga Reservoir, beside which lies the settlement Peno, the district center of Tver Oblast. First recorded as Lake Pena in 1588–1589: ‘at Lake Pena’ (ПКРВ: 235). Parallels may be found either in Prussian Pene (Penen), Penekaute (Gerullis 1922: 119), or in Lithuanian Piẽnė river, Pien-upỹs, Pienaujà river, etc., Latvian Piẽnava river, Piẽna-kule meadow, Pienapurvs swamp, etc.; some of these names are associated with Lithuanian piẽnė ‘the plant Cirsium; spurge,’ others with Lithuanian piẽnas, Latvian piẽns ‘milk’ (Vanagas 1981: 256). For bodies of water, a naming based on the color of the water or onshore foam resembling milk is more suitable. In any case, the Baltic interpretation for Peno is more acceptable than the specifically Russian one, supported by V. N. Toporov (1991: 57), which connects Peno with Russian pennyi ‘stump-filled,’ since its water area supposedly abounds in stumps.

Volga — a river flowing into the Caspian Sea. I have substantiated the hypothesis that, first, the hydronym Volga spread to the great Russian river from its sources, more specifically from Lake Volgo, and, second, the lake name Volgo is a deverbal Baltism related to Lithuanian vilgti, vilgyti ‘to wet, make moist,’ Lithuanian vilgà ‘dampness, moisture’ (Васильев 2019: 11–15, with an overview of other “Volga” etymologies; see also support for this version in Аникин 2014: 126). Earlier, Toporov wrote about the name Volga, transferred from Lake Volgo, but derived the latter from Baltic ilg- ‘long’

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(Топоров 1991: 56–58; 2000: 369–372, 405–406). V. Blažek, in an extensive article synthesizing all existing interpretations of all the numerous names of the Volga River in historical sources, writes that the association of Volga with Proto-Slavic *volga ‘moisture,’ as well as with Latvian valga ‘wet,’ is preferable, allowing that the Balts became acquainted with the Volga earlier than the Slavs (Blažek 2019: 71, 73).

Persyanka — the first tributary of the Volga from its source. It belongs to the group of Pēršas lake in Lithuania, Prussian Persantē river, Perses forest, Persink, Perselen, and others (Gerullis 1922: 120), Pērse river, Pēršēja river in Latvia, Lithuanian Peršėkė river, and others, Dnieper Baltic Пересна and others. All these facts are associated with Lithuanian prapersà, próperšà ‘an unfrozen place on the ice,’ ‘a clearing in the forest,’ prāparšas ‘ditch, trench’ (Fraenkel 1962: 578; Vanagas 1981: 246; Büga 1961: 537; Топоров, Трубачев 1962: 201; Топоров 1991: 51).

Meslinka — a tributary of the Volga near its source. Cf. Latvian mēslu ‘rubbishy; manured; dirty,’ mēslains same, mēls ‘filth, offal’; hydronymy includes Latvian Mēšlis meadow, Mēslu-pļava, etc. (Топоров 1991: 51).

Stabyenka, formerly Stobenka — one of the tributaries of the Pola in its upper reaches, in close proximity to the Upper Volga tributaries. It is related to Prussian stabis ‘stone,’ more precisely, to the adjective meaning ‘stone-like’ (with the stem stabin-); parallel to the Stabyenka flows a river with the name translated into Slavic, Kamenka. For details on Stabyenka = Kamenka, see (Васильев 2012: 618).

Maryovka, in antiquity Moreya, Moreva — one of the tributaries of the Pola River near the sources of the Volga. This is a Baltic (or even Proto-Baltic) name based on Indo-European *mar- ‘standing water,’ with hydronymic correspondences in Lithuania, Latvia, and a number of other European countries. It indicates ‘lake-like (river),’ and indeed this river flows out of a lake and has the tributary Ozereshnya. For a detailed discussion, see (Васильев 2009: 267–268; 2012: 617).

Rtishcha, formerly Irtishcha — a tributary of the Maryovka (see above) at its sources. It is preferable to derive it from Lithuanian irtis ‘destruction; abyss; deep,’ alongside Lithuanian Įrtuona river, Įrtuonėlė river; but Lithuanian artùs ‘near, nearby’ cannot be excluded either, whence Artėją river, Ērtėja meadow in Lithuania (Vanagas 1981: 47, 131).

Runa — a right tributary of the Volga, now flowing into the Upper Volga Reservoir. In written sources, Runa is recorded from 1483 (ДДГ: 291, 292). The hydronym was assigned to the Balto-Finnic heritage (Büga 1961: 507; Vasmer 1934: 370), since similar hydronyms Ruonajoki, Ruonakoski occur in Finland (North Ostrobothnia), which are interpreted through Finnish ruona ‘mud, mold, rot.’ However, there are more parallels in the ethnohistorical space of the Balts, and a Baltic (more precisely, Proto-Baltic) etymology is more probable; cf. Prussian Runa, Runo, Runov (Gerullis 1922: 146, 147), Latvian Rauna river with tributaries Raunis, Raunasis, Rųnas upe, Rūnas pļ. and

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others (Топоров 1972: 219–220). More likely, Runa reflects the same Indo-European root as Latvian raut ‘to tear, pull,’ Lithuanian (iš)ráuti ‘to tear out, uproot; pluck, grub up,’ raveti ‘to weed,’ Russian рыть, rvat’ and so forth; according to Karulis (Karulis 1992, II: 109), Latvian Rauna and German Rhein, Germany’s principal river, belong here as well.

Runa — a right tributary of the Pola in its upper reaches; it appears in written sources from 1495 (НПК II: 753). For its etymology, see Runa of the Volga basin.

Shesh — a village in the Sterzh volost of the Novgorod Land in 1495 (НПК II: 697), localized at the site of the present-day village Vysokoye on Lake Sterzh, Ostashkovsky District, Tver Oblast. It has the same stem as the names Šešuvà, Šešẽvis, Šeš-ùpė, Šeš-upys for rivers in Lithuania, as well as Schescholi settlement, 1449, Šešava river, Šešava lake in Latvia, and others, according to (Vanagas 1981: 329). According to Endzelin, the listed hydronyms are related to Lithuanian šešėlis ‘shadow; a dark place away from light’ (Endzelin 1934: 128), but the earlier meaning of the stem Šeš- was probably ‘cold, cool’ (Fraenkel 1962: 976). At the same time, another interpretation of this toponym cannot be excluded: from Lithuanian šešė, šešis ‘blackbird,’ from which, for example, Šeš-upys river in Lithuania is derived (Vanagas 1981: 329).

Polovskoye — a lake in the Polovizma (Kud) River, a tributary of the Volga. First recorded in 1588–1589 as Polovo (ПКРВ: 227, 231). Alongside Prussian Palwe, Palweniken, Ropalwen, Sorpalwe of the fifteenth century (Gerullis 1922: 113), Latvian Palva river, Palvene meadow, Lithuanian Palvasà river, forest, meadow (Vanagas 1981: 242–243), it may be explained through Prussian palwe ‘open treeless moss bog,’ ‘uncultivated pine-forest land,’ Lithuanian pãlvė ‘low space between dunes,’ or, alternatively, ‘sub-bottom plain’ (the appellatives from: Невская 1977: 61; Mažiulis 1996: 216). The hydronym Polovskoye may also be interpreted on Slavic linguistic grounds, considering, for example, Russian dialectal polóva ‘flood-meadow’ of the Leningrad region, polóvina ‘a pit, well, etc. covered with moss’ of the Pskov region (СГРНГ 29: 86, 89, 95, 96). However, the interpretation of this lake name as a Baltism is favored by the fact that a stream with the sonorous and clearly related name Polovizma, unquestionably non-Slavic in form, flows out of Lake Polovskoye (see below).

Polovizma — the left tributary of the Kud, which flows into the Volga. A compound in which the first component unquestionably represents the stem of the lake name Polovskoye (see above), the source lake of this river. The second component is equated with Lithuanian viešmuõ in the meanings ‘small river,’ ‘stream’ (meanings according to: Невская 1977: 96), or refers to the variant form *(j)iešmuo; cf. Jiešmuõ (Viešmuõ), Jiešmenėlis (Viešmenėlis) rivers in Lithuania (LUEV: 60). It is also worth noting the presence near Polovizma of the river Isnya (see below). The original etymological meaning of Polovizma under either interpretation looks the same: ‘channel from Lake Polovskoye; Polovskaya River.’ In the assimilation of the hydronym by the Slavs

Toponymic Baltisms near the Upper Volga Lakes

its regular adaptation took place: Baltic *Paly- > East Slavic Polov-, Baltic vieštuo / (i)ieštuo > Slavic –(v)izma; for the adaptation of the second component, cf. the river Isma in Kaluga and Moscow oblasts, which goes back to a Baltism close to J ieštuo in Lithuania.

Polovizna, or Polovizn — a river at the sources of the Volga, identified according to a charter of the 1480s (ДДГ: 291, 292 (№ 77)) with the right tributary of the Runa (in ДДГ: ‘then down Poloviznaya and into the Runa River’), beginning near Lake Polovskoye. For the etymology, cf. the Baltism Polovizma, the left tributary of the Kud (see above).

Kuob — a river flowing into Lake Peno from Lake Vit’bino; in early sources from 1483 and 1588–1589, Kud, or Kut (ДДГ: 292; ПКРВ: 228, 229, 235). Its etymology is not unambiguous. Vasmer assigns Upper Volga Kud to Finnish linguistic heritage, comparing it with Finnish kuotta ‘mud’ and Kuotisjärvi lake (Vasmer 1934: 369); cf. also the hydronyms Kudozero, Kudoch, Kudasha, Kudanga, Kudma in Vologda, Arkhangelsk, and Nizhny Novgorod oblasts, Karelian, Vepsian kuti, kudu ‘roe,’ ‘spawning.’ However, manifestations of the toponymic stem Kud in the Baltic sphere are no less numerous, allowing Upper Volga Kud to be interpreted also as a substrate Baltism in view of Prussian Kudieph (Kudippen), Kudikaymen, Kudyn, Cudynn, Cudinlaŭke (Gerullis 1922: 74), Kūdlanьkis river in Lithuania (LUEV: 81), Kudenu-kalns, Kudeiki, Kudumi in Latvia (Endzelins 1961: 161, 162), Latgalian Kudēli, Kūdips, Kūdipe, Kuodeņi, Kūdiņi (Zeps 1984: 248), and others. They are usually related to Lithuanian kūdas, Latvian kuds ‘infertile; thin, poor, scanty,’ (Vanagas 1981: 169), but comparison with Lithuanian kudénti ‘to go,’ ‘run,’ ‘move,’ ‘stir’ is also appropriate (Топоров 1995: 26).

Kutevka — a tributary of the Zhukopa, which flows into the Volga. First recorded in 1540: the river Kuteva (Kutova) in Toropetsky District (ПКНЗ 4: 658, 659). Evidently, it has the same stem as the presumptive Baltism Kud / Kut (see above), completed with the Slavic suffix -eva/-ova.

Kudino — a lake in the course of the Kolpinka, a tributary of the Volkota in the Western Dvina basin, shown on a plan from the 1770s (МГМ–Ост: 4) and reflected in the name of the village Pudinovskaya in Toropetsky District in 1540 (ПКНЗ 4: 655) (with distortion; more correctly: Kudinovskaya). Besides deriving it from the personal name (An)kudin, a Baltic interpretation is entirely possible, considering the widespread occurrence among the Balts of the suffixed hydronymic stem Kudin-/Kuden-; see parallels to Kud / Kut.

Mosovitsa — a channel from Lake Lobino to Lake Vit’bino in the Volga basin. In boundary-survey materials from the 1770s: the river Masavitsa (МГМ–Ост: 4), but the hydronym is attested earlier, in the landmark name of two Novgorodian villages, Zamosye, in 1495 (НПК II: 794), semantically ‘located beyond the Mosovitsa River.’ A presumptive Baltism meaning ‘small,’ which

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corresponds to the river’s size; cf. Prussian massais (= *mazais) ‘smaller,’ Latvian mazs, Lithuanian mažas ‘small, not large.’

Netesma — a river flowing into Lake Okhvat in the Western Dvina basin. In a source from 1540: Netesma (ПКНЗ 4: 667, 672). An unequivocal Baltism containing the negative prefix ne (= Russian ne), the stem of the adjective tiesùs, tiesas ‘straight, not crooked,’ and the suffix -im or -um-, as in Lithuanian tiesimas ‘conducting, laying,’ tiesumà ‘straight direction, straightness; direct distance’ (LKŽe), and with negation, therefore, ‘indirect direction; indirect distance,’ as also in Lithuanian Netiesà river, Netiẽsis lake, Netiešėlis lake (LUEV: 109). Netesma may plausibly be understood in connection with the indirect (roundabout) route from the Western Dvina to the Volga.

Sinchina — a river flowing into Lake Sterzh. In boundary-survey materials from the 1770s, it appears as the river Bolshaya Sinka with the tributary Malaya Sinka (МГМ-Ост: 3). A probable Baltism meaning ‘border river, boundary river, one that served as a boundary between two territories.’ It appears to be related to Lithuanian siena ‘boundary, border, line; high fence,’ as well as Lithuanian Sienis lake, Sienyčia river, Sieninė river; especially indicative here are forms with the suffixal –k–, such as Sienikė swamp, Sienikė meadow, Sienikė pasture in Lithuania, etc., see (Vanagas 1981: 297). In the local dialects, Baltic ie > Old Novgorodian-Pskovian ъ > u in Sinchina.

Kolsha, alternatively Kalsha — a river in the Runa River system, a tributary of the Volga. A hypothesis involving a transformed *Komsha (*Kamsha), equivalent to Lithuanian kamšà ‘dam,’ is admissible. For the metathesis of consonants m and l, cf. Vologda dialectal kolyshit’ ‘to eat, chew’ and komyshit’ ‘to eat, take food’ (СПНГ 14: 204, 240).

Skorbino — a lake in the Runa system, a tributary of the Volga. An adapted Baltic *Skurbin- (> *Skъrbino > Skorbino); cf. Latvian Skurba for a swamp, stream, and forest, and especially Lithuanian Skurbýnas river, Prussian Scurbenite, Scurbin (Gerullis 1922: 164), for which a connection is proposed with Lithuanian skurbùs ‘bad, nasty, poor, wretched,’ skùrbti ‘to lose its fizz (of beer),’ Latvian skurbs ‘drunk, tipsy,’ skùrbt ‘to become drunk’; see also (Vanagas 1981: 306).

Lopino lake in the Runa River system, a tributary of the Volga. A probable Baltism meaning ‘fox’s (lake)’: Lithuanian lãpė ‘fox,’ lãpinis ‘foxy,’ likewise Prussian lape. “Fox” toponyms are widespread in the Baltic region.

Mizgutnya — a lake at the sources of the Gorodenka and Runa in the Pola basin; in an early mention, Lake Mezgùtno, 1495 (НПК II: 784). It corresponds in its stem to Lithuanian mezgúotas ‘tied,’ mezgūtinė ‘something tied,’ mezgūtuvė ‘knitting’; see also mezgiõtinis, mezgiõtas ‘tied,’ mezginti, mezgiõti ‘to knit,’ etc. (LKŽe). It is understood in connection with ancient waterways (‘nodal, connecting’), since the lake is located between the sources

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of the Pola, which flows into Lake Ilmen, and the Runa, which flows into the Volga, and united these headwaters into a single hub on the route from one river basin to another.

Dmonutso — a lake in the Novgorodian Velila volost in 1495/96 (НПК II: 784), localized at the sources of the Pola near Lake Mizgutnya, see above. Related to Baltic *dėmen- ‘dirty, muddy,’ together with the names of lakes Dėmenas and Dėmenas, rivers Demė and Dиеме in Lithuania (LUEV: 29), Prussian Demita of 1301 (Gerullis 1922: 27), cf. Lithuanian dėmė ‘spot, blot.’ For details on toponymy with Dem-/Demen-/Demon-, common in the Russian Northwest, see (Васильев 2012: 632–647, 744).

Indeno — a lake near the sources of the Pola. Cf. Įndiņas-sūokliņš a wet place in a meadow, Induža-ežers a lake in Latvia (Endzelīns 1956: 362, 363), Prussian Indissie lake (Gerullis 1922: 49), Indijā, Indus, Indurà, rivers in Lithuania, explained (Vanagas 1981: 130) through Lithuanian indija ‘depression in the ground,’ indas ‘pot, vessel’ (LKŽe).

Pola — a river flowing from the southeast into Lake Ilmen; its sources are located not far from the Upper Volga lakes. The name is Proto-Baltic: the stem is compared with Indo-European *pal- ‘swamp,’ with parallels not only in the Baltic region (Lithuanian Palà river), but also in other regions of Europe (for details, see Васильев 2009: 271, with references).

Polynets — a tributary of the Pola not far from its source. It is related to the hydronym Pola (see above) and may even be considered a derivative name of the tributary from the name of the main river. Cf. with the suffix -n such hydronyms as Palnė, Palenis, Palenì, Palinì in Latgale (Zeps 1984: 361, 387), Baltisms Polna (Palnya), Polna (Polnya) and Polynya (Polnya), rivers in the Upper Dnieper region (Топоров, Трубачев 1962: 200, 202), Palinka in the Vistula region; among appellatives, Lithuanian palnė ‘swamp’ has been cited, etc., see (Топоров 1988: 164, 172). But a Slavic origin of Polynets from a term similar to Russian dialectal polónna ‘a boggy, swampy place, difficult to cross’ in Toropets, or to polyn’ya ‘an opening in the ice,’ ‘a window in a swamp’ in Pskov, is also probable (СРНГ 29: 178).

Silin — a right tributary of the Pola at its sources. In early materials beginning in 1495, it is recorded as the river Selena (НПК II: 743), later Selenya. Cf. the river Sėl-upis, Sėl-iupỹs in Lithuania, especially Lithuanian Sėlinė swamp, as well as Latvian Sellīte, which are associated with Lithuanian sėlinti ‘to sneak up, creep,’ and, in a more remote retrospect, with Indo-European *sel- ‘to crawl,’ which may characterize the slow flow of water (Fraenkel 1962: 774; Vanagas 1981: 295).

Pyauna, alternatively Pyalna — a village at Lake Vidbino in 1588–1589 (ПКРВ: 215). In the medieval source it is described between the villages Teterki and Zagorye, whose location on the southern shore of Lake Vit’bino is established from boundary-survey materials of the 1770s. In form, clearly a late Baltism (a Lithuanianism of the fourteenth–fifteenth centuries?), which had not managed to adapt by the time of its

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written registration, indicating flood meadows in this locality; cf. Lithuanian rivers Pijaunė, Pijaunỹs, Pijaunis, Pijauniai and others, from Lithuanian pjaunė, pjaunỹs ‘a floodable swamp overgrown with low shrubs, where water is found in spring and autumn’ (Vanagas 1981: 256).

Paynitsa — the left tributary of the Orlinka in the Volga basin. In 1489: the river Pavinitsa in the Dubna volost of the Toropets Land (Сб. РИО: 36, № 8); in the 1770s: the river Palnitsa (МГМ-Ост: 4). A Lithuanianism similar to Pyalna (Pyauna) (see above), but judging by its external form already adapted to the Slavic language and consequently left by the Balts in an earlier period.

Iligovskoye lake with a channel into Lake Luchanskoye in the Western Dvina basin. In writing from 1495 as Lake Ipitsovoye (НПК II: 807). An obvious formation from Baltic *ilg- ‘long, lasting,’ indicating the lake’s elongated configuration, which corresponds to reality.

Iligovka, alternatively Ligovka — a river flowing into Lake Vit’bino in the Volga basin. See Iligovskoye above.

Ilkino — a lake, on which lay the village of Snovyrevo in the Vselutskaya volost in 1588–1589 (ПКРВ: 220). It is localized not far from the river Iligovka (see above) and may possibly be the source of this stream. A Baltism transformed from *Ilgin- (‘long one’), similar to the names of lakes Ilgýnas, Ilgìnis, Ilginỹs in Lithuania (LUEV: 56).

Ordonikolskoye — a lake draining into the Zaelinka River and Lake Otolovo of the Western Dvina basin; formerly, the village of Orda, or Orda-Nikolskoye, of Ostashkov County stood by the lake. The first part, Ordo-, Orda-, is a presumed Lithuanianism, cf. Lithuanian ardà, ardá ‘discord, strife, disputes’, ‘disorder’. The name may have referred to local disputed lands (tracts of land near the lake or fishing grounds on the lake). There are also the village names Orda, Ordaush, Ordat, Ordets, the river Adrov (< Ordov), and so forth, in Belarus, where Lithuanian toponymy is abundant; Lake Ordovo, a lake in Nevel District of Pskov Region; and so forth. For the semantic model of “disputed” hydronyms, cf., for example, the Pskov lakes Sporno of the Plyussa basin and Lake Kotorsko of the Luga basin (from Old Russian kotora ‘quarrel, strife’).

Isnya — a river flowing into Lake Peno. It belongs not only to the group of river names Jiesia, Jiesla, Iešñalis in Lithuania (LUEV: 55, 60), Iesn-upė, Iesnupes in Latvia (Endzelīns 1956: 375), but also to the river names Ijssel (< Isla) in the Netherlands, Isla in Galicia, and others, which are traced to Indo-European *eis-, *ois- ‘to go, move, stir quickly’, cf. Old Indian iṣṇāti, iṣyati ‘travels, hurries, hastens’, Old Icelandic eisa ‘to run quickly’, Lithuanian eisena ‘gait’, related to eiti ‘to go’, and other data from (Būga 1958: 503; Vanagas 1981: 135). Semantically, Isnya means ‘a channel, moving water’,

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the hydronym is also related to Lithuanian jiešmio ‘a stream, channel’ and to the second component of the name Polnovzyma (see above).

Tinitskoye — a lake with a channel to the Upper Volga Reservoir. Most likely it corresponds to Russian dialectal tinny ‘covered with silt’, but a Baltic origin from a term cannot be excluded, such as Lithuanian tiene ‘backwater, river inlet with stagnant water’, ‘depth’, or tenė ‘a deep place in a river where the movement of the water cannot be seen’ (according to Nevskaya 1977: 90; Fraenkel 1962: 1080), cf. Lithuanian rivers Teneñys, Tenóvas (LUEV: 172).

Orlinskoye – a lake draining into the Orlinka River, a tributary of the Volga; in early sources, Orlinutse, 1449 and 1494 (DDG, no. 53: 160–161; Sb. RIO: 126, 130, no. 24). The lake has an island with the related name Orlykhan (Yerlykhan), recorded in the description of 1588–1589 (PKRV: 203). The Upper Volga Orlino has numerous correspondences in the Baltic region and adjacent lands. The alternation Orl-/Yerl- in the names Orlykhan (Yerlykhan) and Orlino of the neighboring lake and its island additionally suggests that these names should be added to the group of Baltisms with the same vowel alternation in the stems *Arl-/*Erl-: Prussian Arle, later Orlen, a lake, but also Erling, a lake (Gerullis 1922: 11, 34), Orlya, a river (Sprogis 1888: 214), and Ērla, a river (LUEV: 39), Lithuanian toponyms Arlinė and Arlėnai (according to Toporov 1988: 166), Latvian Arlaņi (Endzelins 1956: 42), Arelen, Arlenn, but also Erling in the Vistula region (HW: 189, 227), Arleya, Orleya, Mal. Orlenka, rivers in the Upper Dnieper region (Toporov, Trubachev 1962: 176); likewise Lake Orlinskoye with the village of Orlino in western Leningrad Region, and others. They are related to Lithuanian érlos ‘hay meadow’, and ultimately to Indo-European *er-/*or- ‘to move, go’ (Vanagas 1981: 100; Toporov 1988: 166); the connection with Russian orel (‘eagle lake’) is regarded as secondary.

Yerlykhan (Orlykhan), see Orlino, above.

Ornevka – a river flowing into Lake Peno in the northern part of the settlement of Peno (in its lower reaches, it has become a bay of the Upper Volga Reservoir). Transformed from *Орьн- (< Baltic *Arin-); cf. Lithuanian Ari̇̀nas, a lake, Arina, a river, Arinas, a river (LUEV: 8), Latvian Aruona, a river (Endzelīns 1956: 43), which are compared with Old Indian árnah ‘agitated; stream, current; flood’, árṇas- ‘wavy current’, Greek ὄρνυμι ‘I move’; see (Vanagas 1981: 47).

Otolovo – a lake in the course of the Volkota River, Western Dvina basin. In writing since 1540 as Votolovo, or Votulovo, Volotovo, Vatolo (PKNZ 4: 641, 645, 647, 649, 653, 655, 656). K. Būga, followed by M. Vasmer, made an uncertain attempt to interpret this limnonym by comparing it with Lithuanian Atlavas, a river (Vasmer 1932: 659); however, no such body of water in Lithuania can be found in later materials, and, most importantly, the forms with initial v (Votolovo, Vatolo, and others), consistently repeated in medieval records, should be regarded as primary. More likely, this hydronym functions

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as a derivative of Latvian vataļuot́ ‘to twist; wind, coil; spin’, vataļāt ‘to walk unsteadily, stagger’, Lithuanian vātuloti ‘to roll into a ball; wrap, wind’, apparently related to Latvian Watene, a river, Wata-strauts, a river, Lithuanian Vātina, a river, Prussian Wothiten (Vanagas 1981: 368). The name of the lake Botolo (> Otolovo) had the configurational meaning of interweaving, connection (‘that which twists, binds, interlaces’), corresponding to the lake’s hydrography. Indeed, the lake crosses the channel of the Volkota perpendicularly, as if binding the two parts of the river, upper and lower; moreover, through this lake the Zaelinka River is connected with the Volkota.

Govishitsa – a channel from Lake Luchanskoye to the Volkota River, Western Dvina basin. The hydronym, formed with a Slavic suffix, is presumably related to Lithuanian gausi̇̀s ‘fertile, rich, abundant’ (LKŽe) and the name of the river Gausantė in Lithuania (LUEV: 44).

Steklino – a lake in Toropets County in 1540 (PKNZ 4: 641, 645–647, 649, 653, 656), identified with the present-day Lake Botaly at the source of the Western Dvina. An unambiguous Baltism, close to the hydronyms Stiklius, Stikl-iupė, Stỹklis, Stiklinė of Lithuania, Stikl-ežers, Stikāl-val̄ks of Latvia, and to Lithuanian stiklas, Latvian stikls ‘glass’ (Vanagas 1981: 314). Names derived from the designation for glass (by the feature of water transparent and glass-like in color) are noticeable in Baltic hydronymy but are almost absent from Slavic hydronymy.

Volkota – a river flowing into Lake Okhvat of the Western Dvina basin, first mentioned in writing in 1540 (PKNZ 4: 646, 656, 668). It has been compared with Lithuanian hydronyms Valkà, Vaĩkupis, Latvian Valka, Prussian Wolkiten, and so forth (Toporov 1995: 20–21; 2001: 22), but it should more likely be traced to the suffixal structure *Vilkat or *Vilkut-, as in Lithuanian vilkùtis, vilkatas, Latvian vilkacis ‘werewolf’, derivatives of Lithuanian vìlkas, Latvian vilks ‘wolf’, see (Vasmer 1932: 660; Ageeva 1989: 188), cf. Lithuanian Vilkãitis, a lake, Vilkūtis, a lake, Vīlkupis, a river (LUEV: 195, 196). The hydronym can be understood as ‘wolf (river)’.

Zhukopa – a right tributary of the Volga. The hydronym has long and reliably been explained as a West Baltic compound literally meaning ‘fish river’: from Prussian suckis ‘fish’ and ape ‘river’ (Vasmer 1932: 659; Toporov 1962: 46).

Vetozhetka – a tributary of the Zhukopa, which flows into the Volga. First appears in a source from 1588–1589 as Vitozhetka, or Vitozhotka (PKRV: 187, 196, 239, 242, 243, 256). Most likely this is a Baltic compound of stems that underwent Slavicization: uit- (: Lithuanian vytis ‘vine, rod, twig’, Latvian vitis ‘tendril, shoot’) + žiot- (: Lithuanian žiótys ‘river mouth’), initially referring to the mouth of the Vetozhetka River (later extended to the entire river), which was metaphorically perceived as a rod, branch, or offshoot (vītis) of the main Zhukopa River. Vetozhetka flows into the Zhukopa at a right

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flows at a right angle and perpendicular to the Zhukopa, and perhaps this specific fact of the local hydrography prompted the emergence of such a name.

Zhaberka — a tributary of the Western Dvina near its source. It belongs to the group of river names Žebērė, Žeberė, Žebēris, Žeberikė in Lithuania, Zeberiņš, Žebere, Žebere in Latvia. Vanagas considers the listed Baltisms unclear, but nevertheless connects them with Latvian zebers, zebriņš ‘weasel’ following (Endzelin 1934: 134). Analyzing Upper Dvina Zhaberka, Toporov, in addition to the listed Baltisms (on Žeber-, Zeber-), cites Lithuanian Žēbrė, a river, Žėbriai, Latvian Žabrene, Latgalian Žabrowka, and others; Samogitian Žebra, Žebry, Žebrautė, and others, connecting them with Lithuanian žēbras ‘variegated’, ‘dirty’ (Toporov 1995: 22).

Dolzhino — a lake associated with Lake Brosno at the source of the Western Dvina, identified with Lake Dolzhekhto of 1495 (NPK II: 825). It probably originally characterized a lake ‘overgrown with nettles’; cf. nearby, 7–8 km to the south, Lake Krapivno. A connection with Russian dolgi ‘long’ is excluded not only because of the non-Slavic appearance of the early Dolzhekhto, but also because Lake Dolzhino is round in outline rather than elongated. The stem Dolzh- (< *Dъlъ- < Baltic *Dilg-) appears related to Lithuanian dilgė ‘nettle’ (LKŽe), Lithuanian Dilginė, a lake (LUEV: 30). The early form Dolzhekhto still preserves the specific formation of the Baltism, subsequently replaced by the “universalized” formation with the suffix -in-. The formant -ekhto probably masks a rare hydronymic type in *-ektis or even *-(j)aktis, similar to the type -aktis represented by Lithuanian Vadaktis, a river (LUEV: 182), with its Polish variant Wodokty and Upper Dnieper Vodocha, a river (Toporov, Trubachev 1962: 166).

Marinitsa — a lake in the Stre­litsa River near the source of the Western Dvina. In 1489, Lake Marishcho, or Morishcho: “and at Morishcho there is a lake, and from Marinshcha Lake” (Sb. RIO: 36). A Baltic origin is probable, especially if the early, though single, form Morishcho is taken as primary; it is close to Latvian Mariņa, a river (Endzelīns 1961: 379), Latgalian Mariņtāles, a lake (Zeps 1984: 309), which, along with the large number of Mar-hydronyms in the Baltic region, is derived from Indo-European *mar- ‘standing water, lake’ (see above Maryovka). Cf. also Latvian Māra, a river, Mār-upė, a river (Endzelīns 1961: 379), with a lengthened vowel, which would correspond better to the stem Marin of this lake name, consistently attested in later records. However, an originally Slavic origin of Marinitsa cannot be excluded; cf., for example, Novgorodian mar’ ‘swampy place’, mary ‘a plankway of logs over a boggy place’ (NOS: 544).

Velenets — a lake near the large Lake Luchanskoye at the source of the Western Dvina. The stem of the hydronym may refer to Lithuanian velionis, veliónis ‘deceased’, vėlinės ‘Day of the Dead’, Latvian veļenieks ‘deceased’, and related vocabulary (for more detail about it

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Fraenkel 1962: 1218–1219); likewise the names of the rivers Veliuonà, Veliõnka, Veliõnė, the lakes Veliuõnis, Vėlỹs, Vėlỹkštis, and so forth, in Lithuania; the river Velupitė, the lake Vellezers, and so forth, in Latvia, which are generally connected with Lithuanian vẽles, vẽlės ‘ancestral spirits’ (Vanagas 1981: 370). Judging by the hydronym, a pagan Baltic burial ground may have been located near this lake or nearby, on the northern shore of Lake Luchan. The hypothesis is supported by the presence near Lake Velenets of a medieval settlement with the similar-sounding name Velskaya (see below).

Velskaya – a settlement (or locality?) of Toropets County in 1540 (PKNZ 4: 653) near Lake Velenets. Like the neighboring Velenets, it is interpreted on the basis of Baltic mythological vocabulary: Lithuanian vėlė ‘soul of the deceased’, vẽlės, vẽlės, velis, veļi ‘ancestral spirits’, that is, it marks a location near the burial ground of pagan Balts.

Doloso – a lake in the Volkota River system near the source of the Western Dvina; in the 1495 cadastral book, Dolostso, or Dolosttso (NPK II: 813, 815, 816, 817, 823, 825), with the hypercorrect insertion of t. I recently substantiated the hypothesis of the Slavic full-vocalic adaptation of the stem Dolos from Baltic *Dalbs– — a derivative with the suffix –s from a verb lacking appellative support, continued in Lithuanian dělti with the meaning ‘to cut obliquely, hew, beat, strike’ [LKŽė] and in Proto-Slavic *delbti ‘to hollow out, poke’. Hydronyms with the stem *Dalbs- (semantically ‘that which is hollowed out, beaten out, excavated’) characterized bodies of water whose configuration resembled a trough or groove in a log, hollowed out with a chisel, which perfectly corresponds to the specific nature of all such lakes (a detailed analysis in Vasilyev 2021: 118–123).

Dolosets – a lake draining into the Sermyazhenka River, Lovati basin. For the etymology, see the name of Lake Doloso, which, incidentally, lies 4–5 km south of Lake Dolosets.

Vysheegolos, or Vysheegolas – a medieval settlement mentioned in a grant and boundary charter of 1483: “[...] from Lake Klishchino to Vysheegolos to the Lopastitsky boundary” (DDG: 292, no. 77); there is no later information. The document’s context makes it possible to localize Vysheegolos approximately somewhere slightly south of Lake Lopino (whose Baltic name is discussed above), on the border of the Velilskaya and Lopastitskaya volosts of the Novgorod land. The hypothesis that Vysheegolos is a compound Lithuanianism with the second component Lithuanian -galas ‘end, edge’ is plausible. Indeed, toponymic compounds in -galas, -gala are common in the Baltic languages: Lithuanian Ariogala, Maisiogala, Latvian Latgale, Zemgale, and so forth, see (Toporov, Trubachev 1962: 172). The Baltic character of Vysheegolos is also supported by the fact that the toponym was assigned to a point located, according to the 1483 charter, on the Lithuanian Road, that is, possibly by the Lithuanians themselves, and was recorded in the second half of the fifteenth century, consequently, shortly after

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the time when this entire area still formed part of the Polish–Lithuanian state. This explains why Lithuanian -galas did not have time to undergo morphological adaptation in the local Slavic surroundings, retaining even its Lithuanian inflection (-as), although phonetically it was regularly rendered in Slavic form as -golos. The meaning ‘end, edge’ may be interpreted as indicating the Russian–Lithuanian border, which in fact ran somewhere in this area during the fourteenth–fifteenth centuries. The first component of the compound, however, is unclear: apparently, we have here the “adjustment” of some Baltic lexical stem to the similar-sounding Slavic Vyshe- (: výsh, výshina, výshe?).

Shatun – a lake at the source of the Western Dvina; in the 1540 book of Toropets County, Shchetun, otherwise Shchitun, Shchutun (PKNZ 4: 641, 645, 647, 649, 652, 653). The earlier Shchetun apparently demonstrates the result of Slavic palatalization of Baltic Sket- (cf. Lithuanian Skėtupis, Sketupỹs in LUEV: 149); this stem seems related to Lithuanian skėsti, skẽčia ‘to widen, enlarge’. The formant -un continues Baltic -ūnas, as, for example, in the Lithuanian water names Bijūnas, Verdūnas (LUEV: 18, 191). According to this interpretation, the hydronym characterized a lake that spreads widely and increases in size.

Luchanskoye – a lake in the Volkota River system, Western Dvina basin; in early written records from 1495, Luchan, or Luchino, Ulchan (NPK II: 798, 799, 800 ff.). Besides an originally Slavic interpretation (from luka ‘bend of a bank’), it may be regarded as a Slavicized Baltism in *Lanken-, as in Lithuanian Lankėnas, a river (LUEV: 86), related to Lithuanian lankas ‘arc, hoop; bend’ or lankà ‘bend’. Lake Luchanskoye has winding shores and characteristic bends in its shoreline.

In conclusion, it should be emphasized that the dense concentration of toponymic Baltisms in the limited area near the Upper Volga Lakes (about 60 names over an area of less than 4,000 sq. km) is impressive. Their inclusion not only of hydronyms but also of names of settlements and relief features, together with their chronological stratification—from the most ancient (Runa, Pola and some others) to the later, probably dating from the fourteenth–fifteenth centuries (Pyauna, Vyshegalos)—indicates the millennial presence of an ancient Baltic population here. “Baltic clusters” of such density have apparently not previously been identified anywhere in Russia, but I believe they may also be identified in some other areas if, instead of broad regional study, one undertakes an intensive, microregional study of toponymy.

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV

Toponymic Baltisms near the Upper Volga Lakes

ТСГТО – Тематический словарь говоров Тверской области, в 5-ти вып., гл. ред. Т. В. Кириллова, Тверь: ТвГУ, 2003–2006.

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Toponiminiai baltizmai Volgos aukštupio ežerų baseine

SANTRAUKA

Straipsnis skirtas baltiškos kilmės toponimų (daugiausia hidronimų) etimologinei analizei. Šie toponimai yra lokalizuoti prie Volgos aukštupio ežerų baseino ir į vakarus nuo jo – iki pat Polos ir Vakarų Dvinos upių ištakų. Šiame mikroregione, kurį sudaro kvadrato formos teritorija su maždaug 60 km ilgio kraštinėmis, buvo rasta ir išanalizuota apie 60 toponiminių baltizmų: Sterž, Stergut, Verkhity Bol’s iye ir Verkhity Mal yye, Vselug, Peno, Volga, Persyanka, Meslinka, Stabyonka, Maryovka, Rtitsa, Runa (Volgos intakas) ir Runa (Polos intakas), Šeš, Polovskoye, Poloviž’ma, Polovizna, Ku’, Kutevka, Kudino, Mossovitsa, Netes’ma, Sinčina, Kolša, Skorbino, Lopino, Mizgutnya, Demontso, Indeno, Pola, Polynets, Silin, Pyauna, Paynitsa, Iligovskoye, Iligovka, Ilkino, Ordonikol’skoye, Isnya, Tinitskoye, Orlinskoye, Yerlykhan, Ornevka, Otolovo, Govšitsa, Steklino, Volkota, Žukopa, Vetožetka, Žaberka, Dolžino, Marinitsa, Velenets, Velskaya, Dolosso, Dolosets, Vyšegolos, Šatun, Lučanskoye. Straipsnyje pateikti baltizmai – tai upių, ežerų, kaimų ir vietovių pavadinimai.

Įteikta 2021 m. rugpjūčio 31 d.

VALERY LEONIDOVICH VASILYEV

Yaroslav-the-Wise Novgorod State University Bolshaya Sankt-Peterburgskaya str. 41, Veliky Novgorod, 173003, Russia [email protected]

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