Page 1LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, II
LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA
ON THE ORIGINS OF THE NAMES OF PLANTS IN SOME BALTIC LANGUAGES
A. SABALIAUSKAS
Dill (Anethum graveolens)
1. Dill is an ancient cultivated plant. Its homeland is probably southern Europe (cf. O. Schrader, Reall., 1,344; J. Hoops, Reall., 1, 468). The ancient Egyptians already used dill for medicinal purposes. It is possible that the Hebrews cultivated it as well (cf. G. Buschan, 147).
2. In Indo-European languages we find various names for this plant. The ancient Greeks called it ἄνηθον. An attempt has been made to connect this word with Greek ἄνεμος ‘wind, breeze’. However, it may also have entered Greek from Asia or Egypt (cf. É. Boisacq, D. ét., 62). From Greek, this name passed into Latin — anethum, and from there into French as anet(h). Another group of Romance languages has a name for dill derived from Latin feniculum (cf. A. Walde, Et. Wb., 282): Italian finocchio, Portuguese funcho, Spanish hinojo, as well as French fenouil and English fennel. Romanians and Moldovans have yet another name: Romanian mărăr, Moldovan мяряр. The word is also found in Albanian — maráq ‘Feniculum officinale’. The source of these words is Latin marathrum (cf. G. Meyer, Et. Wb., 259-60). Germanic languages have yet another name for dill, of unclear origin: Old High German tilli, Middle High German tille, German Dill, English dill, Danish dild, Swedish dill, and Norwegian dill. From Germanic, this word also entered some Finno-Ugric languages: Estonian till, Finnish tilli (cf. Л. Хакулинен, 2,55).
3. The Slavic languages likewise have a name for dill quite different from those mentioned above: Old Church Slavonic копър, Russian укроп, укропина, кроп, копер (В. Даль, 2, 198; 4,485), Belarusian кроп, Ukrainian кpin, Bulgarian копър, Serbian-Croatian kónap, Czech kopr, Slovak koper, Polish копър, Upper Sorbian коприк (cf. F. Miklosich, Et. Wb., 129; E. Berneker, Et. Wb., 564).
There are various opinions about the origin of this word. A. Meillet (Étud., 409) considers it a loanword, but does not identify its source. Other linguists believe the word to be of Slavic origin. F. Miklošič (Et. Wb., 129) connects the aforementioned name for dill with the name for nettle: Russian крапива, Bulgarian коприва, Czech kopřiva, Polish pokrzywa, etc. He is also inclined to associate with this group Old Church Slavonic коприна and Bulgarian коприна ‘silk’. He then compares these words, especially the name for dill, with Lithuanian kvepėti, kvapas and Latvian kūpēt, kvēpt, kvēpēt, kvēpes. From the semantic point of view, such a comparison is entirely possible, but it is difficult to justify phonetically. Pho-
5. Kalbotyros klausimai II.
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Page 2netically, the connection between this name for dill and the aforementioned name for nettle is very well founded. Here we also find the metathesis of consonants characteristic of both words. E. Berneker (Et. Wb., 564-5) is also inclined to agree with F. Miklošič’s comparison. In his view, *koprъ, *kroprъ originally meant ‘nettle’. Since nettles are also used for food and in folk medicine, another plant, namely dill, may have acquired its name from them. He points to an analogous case involving the word bbršč. However, it is probably impossible to claim that this is a wholly analogous phenomenon. In that case, one plant took over the functions of another and adopted its name, whereas dill and nettle are probably too dissimilar for either to have taken over the functions of the other.
V. Machek (Rost., 165) explains the origin of this name for dill differently. In his view, it is a Slavic root. He also connects this name for dill with Russian кропило ‘Oenanthe phellandrium’, Polish kropidło, and Russian (o) кроп, укроп ‘boiling water’. Thus, the original meaning of this root would have been ‘to boil’, and the words kropъ, kopr, kropidło would have denoted plants used for boiling. If this etymology is correct, dill would be one of the oldest cultivated plants used by humans. V. Machek writes accordingly in Rost., 165: ‘Anethum — jedna z nejstarších pěstovaných rostlin’. But this explanation, too, is highly questionable. First, apart from this comparison, there are no other arguments for dill being such an important and ancient plant. On the other hand, the word укроп probably cannot be separated from the verb кропить (cf. A. Meillet, Étud., 219). Moreover, if dill had been such an important and ancient plant, this name for it should perhaps be found in other Indo-European languages as well, whereas at present it is found only among the Slavs.
Thus, for the time being, the Slavic name for dill must be regarded as a word of unclear origin.
From the Slavic languages, this name for dill also passed into other languages: Albanian kopër, Hungarian kapor. In later times, other languages of the Soviet Union borrowed it from Russian: Bashkir укроп, Moksha укроп, Kazakh укроп, Buryat-Mongolian укроп, Ossetian укроп, Evenki укроп, Chuvash укроп, Tuvan укроп, etc.
4. The Lithuanian name for this plant, krapas, is also borrowed from Slavic. The word probably entered Lithuanian from Polish (cf. A. Brückner, Fw., 96; Pr. Skardžius, Lw., 109; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., 288). It is already found in K. Sirvydas’s dictionary (Di., 104). It is also found in all Lithuanian dialects.
The form kropas, borrowed from Polish and found in the Latvian dialects of Latgale, is also attested (Summent, 153; cf. E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., 288).
5. In Latvian, the name for dill most commonly used is dille. It is attested as early as the seventeenth-century Latvian texts: G. Mancélis (Phras. lett., XVI) writes ‘Dillen, Dilles’, and J. Langijas (Wb., 27), ‘Dilles, Dill, herba’. We also find it in Gluck’s Bible translation: ‘juhs dohd ah to desmitu Teesu no Mehtrehm, Dilles un Kimmines’ (cf. J. Sehwers, 305). Latvians borrowed this name for dill from German.
The word also entered Lithuanian from German: dilė (L. k. žd., 2,375), dilutė (L. k. žd., 2,381; J. Dagys, 23). However, it is very rarely used in Lithuanian.
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Page 36. We do not find the name for dill in monuments of Old Prussian. True, we do find the Prussian place-name Crapiten (G. Gerullis, Ort., 71), which was probably formed from Krape (a Prussian personal name of this kind) and the suffix -it-. In Lithuanian, we also find the surnames Krapaitis, Krāpas. However, it is difficult to determine whether these personal names derive from the name of dill or from some other word.
7. Thus, we find many names for dill in the Indo-European languages. The Slavic languages have a common name for dill of unclear origin. Lithuanians and some Latvian dialects acquired this name for dill from Polish. Otherwise, a name for dill of German origin is used in Latvian. It is occasionally found in some Lithuanian monuments as well. Nothing certain can be said about Old Prussian.
Caraway (Carum carvi)
1. Caraway was already widely used as a spice plant in ancient times. According to Dioscorides (De mat. med., 3, 61), the best caraway was grown by the Egyptians, especially the inhabitants of the Nile Delta (cf. G. Buschan, 148). Hippocrates calls Ethiopian caraway simply royal—κύμινον βασιλικόν (cf. V. Hehn, 206). Here, the species Cuminum Cyminum is probably meant. The most widespread species of caraway in Europe is Carum carvi. Seeds of this plant have already been found in excavations of the pile-dwellings at Robenhausen in Switzerland (cf. G. Buschan, 149).
The ancient Slavs used caraway in rituals when admitting a newborn into their community (cf. Л. Нидерле, 183).
Something resembling a charred caraway seed was found among other grains in excavations at the Gabrieliškės hillfort (cf. W. Swederski, 245). However, in the absence of other, firmer evidence, no conclusions can be drawn about the cultivation of caraway in Lithuania at that time.
2. Most Indo-European languages have the same name for caraway, which they generally acquired from one another through borrowing.
The Greek name for caraway, κύμινον, is probably a borrowing from Semitic languages; cf. Hebrew kammōn, Aramaic kammōnā, Assyrian kamūnu, and so on (cf. O. Schrader, Real., 1, 655). When these Semitic names for caraway are compared with the Greek form, a certain mismatch in vocalism is striking; hence some, such as P. Kretschmer (KZ, 29, 440-1), are inclined to doubt this view. He connects the Greek σκάμμωνία, alongside χάμων (Latin scammonia), ‘a kind of climbing plant’, with the aforementioned Eastern names for caraway. It should be said, however, that the vocalism of ancient Oriental loanwords often does not correspond, and therefore most linguists seem quite reasonably to regard Greek κύμινον as cognate with the aforementioned Semitic names for caraway (cf. O. Schrader, Real., 1, 655; K. Lokotsch, Et. Wb., 84; Weigand, 1, 1169; E. Berneker, Et. Wb., 681; V. Machek, Rost., 157; A. Brückner, St. et., 239).
From Greek, this name for caraway passed into Latin—cuminum—and from there, by various routes, into the Germanic and Romance languages: Old High German kumil < kümīn, Middle High German kumin, German Kümmel, English cumin, Swedish kummin, Danish kommen, Dutch komijn, Italian comino, Spanish comino, Portuguese cominho, Romanian chimen,
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Page 4Moldavian kùmen. This word also made its way into other European languages: Hungarian kőmény, Finnish kumina (cf. T. E. Karsten, IF, 26,249), Estonian köömen, etc.
3. This name for caraway is also found in the Slavic languages: Old Church Slavonic kjuminъ, Russian тмин, тминъ, тминь, тминок, тминъ (В. Даль, 4,408), Belarusian кмен, Ukrainian кмин, Czech kmín, Serbo-Croatian kömin, Polish kmin, Slovenian kumin, kum, čimin (cf. F. Miklosich, Et. Wb., 117; E. Berneker, Et. Wb., 681). As we can see, various phonetic variants of this word are found in the Slavic languages. They are explained by differences in the source from which the word was borrowed, or arose within the Slavic languages themselves.
4. A caraway name with this same root is also found in the Baltic languages. It entered them by various routes as well.
In Lithuanian dialects and written sources, various phonetic variants of this name occur: kmynas, akmynas, ikmynas, kȯynas, knȳnas, kimȳnas, kȯmelis, kimulis, kėmelis, kemelys (cf. J. Dagys, 74).
The form kmynas is used in the standard language and is the most widespread in the dialects. It is already found in our old written sources (C. Szyrwid, Di., 86; M. Daukša, P., 314). This word must have entered Lithuanian from Belarusian or Polish (cf. A. Brückner, Fw., 95, 101; Pr. Skardžius, Lw., 104; J. Otrębski, Tw., 3,29).
The consonant cluster km— is not usual in Lithuanian. Therefore, for ease of pronunciation, km— was split into two syllables in some dialects, giving rise to the forms: akmynas (Rk, Sdk, Zr, Trgn), ikmynas (Všk, Grž), kimynas.
The form koȳnas is found in almost all of Samogitia. This form arose by dissimilation from kmynas. Such alternation of v and m next to another nasal sound is also found in other Indo-European languages: in Polish dialects świntarz < cementarz (cf. M. Niedermann, Tiž, 2,440), Italian nov<ero < Latin numerus, in late Sanskrit śravaṇa < śramaṇa, vimamsā < mimāmsā (cf. J. Wackernagel, KZ, 43,282). In Lithuanian we see the same alternation in the word bezvėnas < bezmėnas < Belarusian бязмен (cf. E. Fraenkel, IF, 53,127). A form of the same origin, bazvanc, is also found in Latvian dialects (cf. M. A. Alksnis, FBR, 12,26).
In the Linkuva and Šeduva districts, the form knȳnas is occasionally found; it arose by assimilation from kmynas.
In the dictionaries of the Lithuanians of East Prussia, we find the form knyvai (cf. P. Ruhig, Lex., 1, 65; Chr. Mielcke, Wb., 1, 125; G. Nesselmann, Wb., 223). This form may have arisen by metathesis from kūynai; cf. Latvian senalas; Lithuanian šėlenos, Latvian notal; Lithuanian nuolat, Latvian gazore < garože (cf. I. Endzelins, La. Gr., 235). Since this form does not occur in the living language, its appearance in the dictionaries mentioned above is also explained in another way. The form is found in the manuscript of D. Klein’s dictionary (=Lexicon Lithuanicum in usum eorum..., cf. G. Gerullis, KZ, 50, 233). There it may have been incorrectly written in place of kūynai, and from there entered other dictionaries as well (cf. Pr. Skardžius, Lw., 105).
Forms with the formant -l- entered Lithuanian from German, as the examples and the geographical distribution of this word also show (Kbr, Vrb, Nm, Sdr, Gl, Plv, Snt, Grš). In G. Nesselmann’s dictionary (Wb., 353), alongside the form lauk-kmynai, we find
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Page 5and the form laukkkimmėlei. These are calques of German Feldkümmel (cf. K. Alminauskis, 78).
5. In Latvian we also find a caraway name with the same root. In dialects and other linguistic monuments we encounter various variants of this name: ķimene, ķimins, ķimens (EM, 2, 381; EH, 1, 703), ķimenis (EH, 1, 703), ķimans (EH, 1, 702), ķimuni (EH, 1, 703), ķimele (EM, 2, 381), ķėmele (EM, 2, 373), ķėmeles (EM, 2, 376), ķiemeles (EM, 2, 390), ķinepes (EM, 2, 382).
The form ķimene may have entered Latvian from German, cf. German cimen, or from Russian (cf. EM, 2, 381). J. Sehwers (306) is inclined to regard it as a borrowing from Russian.
The source for the caraway name with the formant -l- was German. We already find the form ķimeles in G. Mancelius’s dictionary. The forms ķėmele, ķieme le probably derive from Low German kömel (cf. J. Sehwers, 66, 306; EH, 1, 707).
The form ķermeles probably derives from ķėmeles, with the consonant r inserted. Such an inserted r between a vowel and a consonant occurs in various languages, especially in loanwords; it is sometimes also found in Latvian dialects: iegārtnis < iegātnis, mēr telis < mētėlis, kārsis < kāsis, pār taga < pataga, paērg lis < paeglis (cf. J. Endzelīns, KZ, 44, 60; La. Gr., 237-8).
The form ķinepes is rather strange. It probably arose under the influence of the words kaņepes ‘hemp’ and sinepes ‘mustard’. It is characteristic that the word ķinepes means caraway in some places, hemp in others, and mustard elsewhere (cf. EM, 2, 382).
As we can see, the Baltic and Slavic languages have caraway names with the same root and of foreign origin. These names entered the latter languages by various routes. Some of the Baltic languages acquired the caraway name from Slavic, others from Germanic. There is no information about a caraway name in Old Prussian.
Horseradish (Cochlearia armoracia)
1. A. de Candolle (43, 553) considers Eastern Europe to be the homeland of this plant. Wild horseradish grows along the shores of the Black Sea. Naturalized horseradish can sometimes also be found in the territories of Lithuania and Latvia (cf. P. Snarskis, 381; P. Galenieks, 2,344). There is no reliable information about the use of this plant in antiquity. In his “Historia lettica” (35), P. Einhorn states that Latvians do not use aromatic plants (cf. J. Sehwers, 305).1
2. Indo-European languages have various names for horseradish. These names, however, are generally not ancient: they are borrowed from neighboring languages or are compounds coined relatively recently in the languages themselves, one component of which denotes another plant, most often ‘radish’; cf. Portuguese rabano de cavalo (rabano ‘radish’, cavalo ‘horse’), English horse-radish, Swedish pepparrot (peppar ‘pepper’) (from which Finnish piparjuutti), and German Meerrettich. The Swedish name for this plant indicates that the Swedes must have become familiar with pepper earlier than with horseradish.
3. The Slavic languages have an old name for horseradish: Old Church Slavonic chrěnъ, Russian хрен, Belarusian хрэн, Ukrainian хрін, Bulgarian хрян, Serbian-Croatian хрен, Slovenian hren, Czech křen,
1 However, P. Einhorn may have had in mind aromatic plants imported from eastern lands (pepper, etc.).
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Page 6Old Czech chřen, Slovak chren, Polish chrzan, Upper Sorbian khrěn, Lower Sorbian kšėn, Polabian chrón (cf. F. Miklosich, Et. Wb., 90; E. Berneker, Et. Wb., 402; A. Будилович, 1,91; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., 3,271; F. Sławski, Sl.et., 1,84).
Various attempts have been made to explain the origin of this name. So far, however, these explanations are highly unconvincing. J. Lioventakis (AfslPh, 37,384) made a highly artificial attempt to reconstruct the Indo-European proto-forms *kerāinō-s, *(s)kerāinō-s, *kserainō-s, connecting them with Sanskrit kśárā-h “burning, eating away” and Latin seresco “I dry.” His attempt (ZfslPh, 7,407) to connect the name for horseradish with Dutch schrijnen “to smart, burn” is likewise unsuccessful. Even if these comparisons are semantically motivated, they are difficult to reconcile phonetically. For other similar explanations, cf. M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., 3,271; F. Sławski, Sl.et., 1, 84.
The Greek χεράν is probably also from the same root as the Slavic name for horseradish. Theophrastus already mentions this word. He writes (IX, 15,5): “...plants that some call wild radishes (ῥάφανον ἀγρίαν), while other physicians call kerāin” (cf. O. Schrader, Reallex., 2,55). The Greeks and Slavs may both have obtained this name for horseradish from some eastern language (cf. V. Machek, LP, 2,158; Rost., 66).
From the Slavic languages, this name for horseradish spread into other languages by various routes: Middle High German krēn, krēne, French cran, Macedonian Romanian (Aromanian) hreanu, Daco-Romanian hrean (cf. A. Rosetti, 44), Moldavian хрян, etc.
In later times, this word entered many other languages of the Soviet Union from Russian: Erzya köpēn, Bashkir керян, Tajik хрен, Kazakh хрен, Lezgian хрен, Ossetian хрен, Buryat-Mongolian хрен, Avar хрен, Chuvash хе̌рен, Tuvan хрен, etc.
4. Such a name for horseradish also entered the Baltic languages from Slavic. The word is already found in K. Sirvydas’s dictionary (Di., 27). It may have entered Lithuanian from Russian or Belarusian (cf. Pr. Skardžius, Lw., 110; A. Brückner, Fw., 97; J. Otrębski, Tw., 3,26; В. И. Костельницкий, 218).
This name for horseradish (krienas) is used in all Lithuanian dialects. It is also known in the Latgalian dialects of Latvian (cf. P. Galenieks, 2,344).
5. In other Latvian dialects and in the literary language, however, a different name for horseradish is used, one that is not of Slavic origin. Various variants of this name occur in dialects and in different written records: mārrutks (EM, 2,584), mēr-rutks, mērāutks (EM, 2,620), mēr(r)uks (EH, 1,809), mārrakas (EM, 2,583), māraka (J. Endzelīns, La. Gr., 76). These words are loanwords from German, with only the second component translated (cf. J. Sehwers, 78). The phonetic variation is explained by the diversity of the source from which the word was borrowed (Low German mahrreddick, Middle Low German merredich), or by changes that occurred within Latvian itself. The last two forms arose through assimilation. Such vowel assimilation is quite unusual in the Baltic languages, so it is possible that Finnic Livonian influence is involved here (cf. J. Endzelīns, La. Gr., 76).
In Latvian we find a name for horseradish from this root in which the second component is not translated—mērdīķis (EM, 2,618; J. Sehwers, 299).
These names for horseradish are already found in seventeenth-century Latvian written records. G. Manc elis (Phras. lett. XVI) writes “Merrettich, Swāti Rutki, Mahra — Rutki,” while I. Langijas (Wb., 114) writes “Mahrrutki, Meerettig. Sonst heissen sie swāhti Rutki” (cf. J. Sehwers, 299).
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Page 7A horseradish name with this root is also found without any trace of the second component — márėne (EH, 1,792).
6. Having reviewed the names for horseradish, we see that the Slavic languages have an old name of unclear origin for it. This name has also spread to other Indo-European languages, including the Baltic languages. It is found in Lithuanian dialects and in a small part of the Latvian dialects of Latgale. The other Latvian dialects have a compound name for horseradish of German origin, most often with the second component translated. There is no information about a name for horseradish in Old Prussian.
ABBREVIATIONS
alb. — Albanian
angl. — English
aram. — Aramaic
asyr. — Assyrian
aukšt. — Aukštaitian
avar. — Avar
balt. — Belarusian
bašk. — Bashkir
bulg. — Bulgarian
bur.-mong. — Buryat-Mongolian
ček. — Czech
čuv. — Chuvash
dan. — Danish
Erzya — Erzya
Est. — Estonian
Evenk. — Evenki
Gr. — Greek
Hebr. — Hebrew
IE — Indo-European
Sp. — Spanish
It. — Italian
Kazakh. — Kazakh
Lat. — Latvian
Pol. — Polish
Lezg. — Lezgin
Lith. — Lithuanian
Lat. — Latin
Lus. — Lusatian (Sorbian)
Moksha — Moksha
Mold. — Moldavian
Norw. — Norwegian
Dutch — Dutch
Osset. — Ossetian
Polab. — Polabian
Port. — Portuguese
Fr. — French
Rom. — Romanian
Russ. — Russian
anc. — ancient
Serbo-Croat — Serbo-Croatian
Skt. — Sanskrit
Slovene — Slovenian
Slovak — Slovak
O.Sl. — Old Slavic
Finn. — Finnish
Swed. — Swedish
Taj. — Tajik
Tuv. — Tuvan
Ukr. — Ukrainian
Hung. — Hungarian
mid. — middle
Germ. — German
Samog. — Samogitian
Gl — Gelgaudiškis, Šakių r.
Grš — Griškabūdis, Naumiesčio r.
Grž — Gružiai, Joniškėlio r.
Kbr — Kybartai
Nm — Kudirkos Naumiestis
Plv — Pilviškiai, Vilkaviškio r.
Rk — Rokiškis
Sdk — Sudeikiai, Utenos r.
Sdr — Sudargas, Šakiai District.
Snt — Sintautai, Kudirkos Naumiestis District.
Trgn — Tauragnai, Utena District.
Vrb — Virbalis, Kybartai District.
Všk — Vaškai, Linkuva District.
Žr — Zarasai
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Page 8LITERATŪRA
1. M. A. Alksnis, Filologu biedrības raksti, 12, 26-48, Rīgā (1932).
2. K. Alminauskis, Die Germanismen des Litauischen, Kaunas, 1935.
3. E. Berneker, Slawisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, 1908-13.
4. É. Boisacq, Dictionaire étymologique de la langue grecque, Heidelberg-Paris, 1916.
5. A. Brückner, Die slavischen Fremdwörter im Litauischen, Weimar, 1877.
6. A. Brückner, Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, Kraków, 1927.
7. А. Будилович, Первобытные славяне, 1, Киев, 1878.
8. G. Buschan, Vorgeschichtliche Botanik der Cultur- und Nutzpflanzen der alten Welt auf Grund prähistorischer Funde, Breslau, 1895.
9. A. De Candolle, Der Ursprung der Culturpflanzen, Leipzig, 1884.
10. J. Dagys, Lietuviškas botanikos žodynas, Kaunas, 1938.
11. B. Даль, Толковый словарь живого великорусского языка, 1-4, Москва, 1955.
12. Daukšos Postilė, fotografuotinis leidimas, Kaunas, 1926.
13. J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, Rīgā, 1951.
14. J. Endzelin, Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen Sprachen, 44, 46-69, Göttingen (1911).
15. EH— J. Endzelīns, E. Hauzenberga, Papildinājumi un labojumi K. Mühlenbacha Latviešu valodas vārdnīcai, 1-2, Rīgā, 1934-46.
16. EM— J. Endzelīns, K. Mühlenbacha Latviešu valodas vārdnīca, 1-4, Rīgā, 1923-32.
17. E. Fraenkel, Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, 1955-8.
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19. P. Galenicks, Latvijas PSR flora, 2, Rīgā, 1955.
20. G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, Berlin-Leipzig, 1922.
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23. V. Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere in ihrem Übergang aus Asien nach Griechenland und Italien sowie in das übrige Europa. Siebente Auflage. Neu herausgegeben von O. Schrader mit botanischen Beiträgen von A. Engler, Berlin, 1902.
24. J. Hoops, Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde, 1, Strassburg, 1911.
25. T. E. Karsten, Indogermanische Forschungen, 26, 236-58, Strassburg (1909).
26. В. И. Костельницкий, Русско-литовские языковые связи по словарным материалам литовского языка, Ленинград, 1953 (rankraštis).
27. P. Kretschmer, Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen Sprachen, 29, 381-483, Gütersloh (1888).
28. L. k. žd. — J. Balčikonis, Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, 2, Kaunas, 1947.
29. J. Loewenthal, Archiv für slavische Philologie, 37, 377-94, Berlin (1920).
30. J. Loewenthal, Zeitschrift für slavische Philologie, 7, 406-8, Leipzig (1930).
31. K. Lokotsch, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der europäischen (germanischen, romanischen und slavischen) Wörter orientalischen Ursprungs, Heidelberg, 1927.
32. V. Machek, Česká a slovenská jména rostlin, Praha, 1954.
33. V. Machek, Lingua Posnaniensis, 2, 145-161, Poznań (1950).
34. A. Meillet, Études sur l’etymologie et le vocabulaire du vieux slave, Paris, 1902.
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О ПРОИСХОЖДЕНИИ НАЗВАНИЙ НЕКОТОРЫХ РАСТЕНИЙ В БАЛТИЙСКИХ ЯЗЫКАХ
А. И. САБАЛЯУСКАС
Резюме
Укроп (Anethum graveolens)
Укроп является давно известным культурным растением. В индоевропейских языках встречаются разные названия этого растения. Славянские языки имеют общее название укропа (русск. укроп, укр. кріп, чеш. kopr и др.). Происхождение данного названия неясное. Вернее всего, оно имеет тот же корень, что и славянское название крапивы (русск. крапива, чеш. kopřiva, болг. коприва и др.).
Литовцы название укропа (krãpas) позаимствовали у славян, скорее всего у поляков.
Из польского языка это название попало и в некоторые диалекты латышского языка (kropas). Но вообще в латышском языке употребляется название укропа немецкого происхождения (dille). Иногда такое название (dilė, dilutė) обнаруживается и в литовском языке.
О названии укропа в древнерусском языке что-нибудь определённого сказать трудно.
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Page 10Тмин (Carum carvi)
Исторические данные показывают, что тмин является давно известным культурным растением. В большинстве индоевропейских языков обнаруживается одинаковое название тмина. В греческий язык оно (κύμινον), по всей вероятности, проникло из семитских языков. Из греческого языка это название попало в латинский язык (cuminum), а оттуда разными путями — в другие европейские языки.
В литовских диалектах больше всего употребляется название тмина (kmynas), позаимствованное у славян. В литовском языке это слово испытывало разные фонетические изменения: akmynas, ikmynas, kūmnas, knūnas, kitūnas. В небольшой части диалектов употребляется название тмина (kimelis), позаимствованное из немецкого языка.
В латышский язык название этого растения попало тоже двумя путями: из немецкого и русского языков. Немецкого происхождения являются формы с формантом -l- (kimele, kēmele, ķimele), а русского — без этого форманта (ķimene, ķimins, ķimens и др.). Разные фонетические варианты названия тмина (kērneles, ķinepes) возникли уже на почве латышского языка.
О названии тмина в древнепрусском языке нет никаких данных.
Хрен (Cochlearia armoracia)
В индоевропейских языках встречаются разные названия хрена. Но эти названия чаще всего не являются древними. Древнее название хрена обнаруживается в славянских языках (русск. хрен, болг. хрян, польск. chrzan и др.). Славянское название хрена, вернее всего, является того же происхождения что и греческое χεράνιον. Из славянских языков это название проникло и в другие европейские языки.
У славян название хрена позаимствовали и литовцы (krienas). Это название обнаруживается и в некоторых латгальских диалектах латышского языка.
В большинстве латышских диалектов употребляется название mār(r)utks и разные фонетические варианты этого слова. Данное название латыши позаимствовали из немецкого языка, только второй компонент перевели на латышский язык (ruts „редька“).
О названии хрена в древнепрусском языке нет никаких данных.