LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, XXVIII (1989)

KALBŲ RYŠIAI IR SĄVEIKOS

MARYTĖ RAZMUKAITĖ

LEXICAL-STRUCTURAL FEATURES OF THE NAMES OF SETTLEMENTS IN THE GERVĖČIAI AREA

The names of settlements in the Gervėčiai area (Astrava district, Gardinas region, partly Smurgainys district), or oikonyms, like other toponyms (hydronyms and microtoponyms), are lexically and structurally similar to the toponyms of Vilnius and, partly, the southern part of Švenčionys district. The microtoponymy of this compact and isolated island of the Lithuanian language in the Byelorussian SSR has recently, like the dialect vocabulary, been more strongly influenced by Slavic languages, but the oikonymy of this region has changed much less. It seems to continue the toponymic area of the neighboring districts of the Lithuanian SSR. Thus, it essentially belongs to the same region, whose geographical-name types and structures were shaped by similar historical, cultural, and economic conditions and realities.

Until 1939, Gervėčiai and its environs were a town in Vilnius County and the center of a rural district, to which about 150 settlements belonged (including 23 manors) (cf. Kardelytė 1975, 5). By tradition, until the mid-nineteenth century this area was still directly connected with ethnographic Lithuania—the main area of the Lithuanian language—especially around Buivydžiai, Nemenčinė, Karkažiškės, and Strūnaitis (Vidugiris 1974, 117; 1972, 19). Even the similarities in the terrain, land surface, and physiographic data of these districts are reflected in the toponyms, particularly the microtoponyms.

The article draws not on all the place names of this area, but only on those whose Lithuanian equivalents were recorded during the 1970 comprehensive expedition collecting material for the place-name index¹. The amount of material available here is therefore not large: about 75 oikonyms from Gervėčiai and the neighboring areas of Izabelina, Kiemeliškės, Mikailiškės, and Varnionys are presented.

Since the place names were recorded from living speech—from dialect speakers—dialectal forms of oikonyms are also given in parentheses where necessary, as are their Belarusian equivalents.

Oikonyms, like other toponyms of the Gervėčiai area, derive from common nouns (c.n.), that is, appellatives, or from other proper names. In the dialect, these words or names became oikonyms in two ways: some oikonyms arose from common or proper words without derivational formatives (primary forms), while others acquired features of toponymic formation, specifically formatives (secondary forms) (cf. Vanagas 1970, 28; 53). Both primary and secondary toponymic formations of oikonyms exhibit several processes of oikonymization: 1) affixation, 2) pluralization, 3) compounding (cf. Po-

¹ The place names of the Gervėčiai area were collected by J. Lipskienė, M. Razmukaitė, and A. Vidugiris.

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dolska 1983, 6). Tuo tarpu pagal leksinę-semantinę sudėtį ir kilmę Gervėčių apylinkių vietovardžiai yra keleriopi: 1) asmenvardiniai (iš vardų, pavardžių, pravardžių), 2) apeliatyviniai (iš b. ž. – daiktavardžių, būdvardžių) ir 3) iš kitų toponimų (oikonimų, hidronimų).

Primary oikonyms.

About 19% of these have been recorded in the Gervėčiai area.

1. Non-anthroponymic: a) appellative-based – Kolionija (Belarusian Калёнія²) in the Varnionys district (hereafter Varn.), cf. Slavic kolionija ‘single homestead, farm’ (LKŽ VI 311); b) from other toponyms: Gibirdė³ (also Gibirždė, Belarusian Гібірда), a village in the Gervėčiai district (hereafter Gerv.), cf. Gibirdė lake, pond (Ibid.); Maliutà (Belarusian Малюма) in the Gerv. district, cf. Maliutà river (Ašmena district); Pelegrindà (Belarusian Пелегрында), a village in the Gerv. district, cf. Pelegrindėlė⁴ river (Ašmena district); Palestinà⁵ (Belarusian Палесціна), a village, formerly a manor, in the Gerv. district, cf. Palestinė, a country in Western Asia.

2. With word-formational affixes: a) suffixal, appellative-based – Kerplėšinė⁶ || Kerplėšinà (also Kerplòšina, Belarusian Керплашына, there Керпло́шына), a village in the Gerv. district, perhaps from the Belarusian common noun *kerplėšinė, cf. kérplėša, kérplėšas ‘an old, rotten tree stump covered with moss, hummock, uprooted tree’ (LKŽ V 619–620); b) prefixal⁷, appellative-based: Ažūlaukė (Belarusian Ажўлаўка) in the Gerv. district, cf. ažūlaukė ‘the far end of a field, the end of a field’ from ažu- and lauk(a)s; Ažūkapė, a part of Rimdžiūnai village in the Gerv. district, cf. ažūkapė ‘the area beyond the cemetery, place beyond the graves’ from ažu- and kapai; Ažūraistis (Belarusian Ажўроцічы), a village in the Izabelina district (hereafter Izab.), cf. ažūraistis ‘the area beyond the bog, place beyond the bog’ from ažu- and raistas; Ūžupis (also Ūžupė, Belarusian Зарэ́чыца), a village in the Gerv. district, cf. ūžupis, ūžupė ‘place beyond the river’ from už- and upė; Pamedė, a part of Girių village in the Gerv. district, cf. pamedė ‘woodland edge, forest margin’ from pa- and mėdis, medžias ‘forest, woodland’; Pabaliai (Belarusian По́бали) in the Mikailiškės district, cf. pabalys, pabalai ‘place along or beside a marsh’ from pa- and balà; Páverbi ai (also Pavérbiai, Belarusian Па́вербі, Паве́рбі), a village in the Izab. district, cf. *paverbiai ‘place along willows, osiers’ from pa- and dialectal verbà ‘willow, osier’.

Pluralia tantum oikonyms.

These place names, formed through morphological pluralization, have a plural nominative ending. Since the number form of place names, especially oikonyms, is a word-formation category rather than a morphological or grammatical one, and functions as a toponymic marker (cf. Суперанская 1969, 114; Подольская 1983, 96), some authors treat oikonyms with plural endings as inflectional derivatives (cf. Лемцогова 1970, 124–128).

² Belarusian common-noun equivalents of the place names are given according to J. Rapanovičius (Рапановіч 1982, 16–269).

³ Rašyt. šaltiniuose yra užfiksuota lytis Giberda (Гиберда) (plg. Гошкевич 1905, 31).

⁴ The hydronym Pelegrindėlė is most likely secondary, formed with a diminutive suffix from the hydronym *Pelegrinda, when a settlement of the same name arose by the river; there are many such later derivatives in Lithuania (cf. Vanagas 1970, 126–127).

⁵ Some onomasticians call such transferred names of other localities, countries, cities, regions, and states expressive metaphorical place names (cf. Михайлова 1971, 140).

⁶ This is a more recent village name; formerly Karmazai was located here.

⁷ Formally, these place names could also be classified as prefixal derivatives, i.e. as secondary oikonyms; however, bearing in mind that, like the suffixal oikonym presented above, they were most likely formed from physiographic terms, they are discussed among the primary ones.

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The pluralia tantum oikonyms of the Gervėčiai area are presented as a separate group. They are among the more productive oikonyms in the dialect. By origin, they fall into two groups here: 1) anthroponymic and 2) appellative.

1) Anthroponymic oikonyms make up a large part of the dialect’s oikonyms: Bajorai (Belarusian Ба́яры), village in Izab. district, cf. surname ⁸ Bajōras and common noun bajōras; Barauskai (also called Ūžupis), village in Gerv. district, cf. surname Barauškas; Daukšiai (Belarusian Даўкшцы), village, former manor in Izab. district, surname Daukšys; Gaigaliai (Belarusian Гайго́лі), village in Gerv. district, cf. surname Gaigalis; Galčiūnai (Belarusian Гальчуны), village in Gerv. district, cf. personal name ⁹ Galčiūnas, surname Galčius; Geliūnai (Belarusian Гелюны), village in Gerv. district, cf. personal name Geliūnas, surnames Gėlaitis, Gelūnas; Grūodžiai (Belarusian Гро́дзі), village in Gerv. district, cf. surnames Grūodis, Gruodys; Kalviai (Belarusian Кавалі), village in Aštravas district, cf. surname Kalvis and common noun kalvis ‘blacksmith’; Karmažos (dialectal also Karmažai), an older name for the village Kerplėsinė (see), cf. surnames Karmažā, Karmažas; Karvėliai (Belarusian Карвелі), village in Varn. district, cf. surname Karvėlis; Miciūnai (Belarusian Міцюны), village in Gerv. district, cf. surname Miciūnas; Mōckos (Belarusian Моўкі), village in Gerv. district, cf. surname Mockā; Pėtrikai (Belarusian Петрыкі), village in Gerv. district, surname Pėtrikas; Radžiūliai (dialectal Radžiūliai, Belarusian Радзюлі), village in Izab. district, cf. surnames Radziulis, Radžiulis; Rimdžiūnai (Belarusian Рымдзюны), village in Gerv. district, cf. personal name Rimdžiūnas, surname Rimdžius; Sakalaičiai (Belarusian Сакалаўцы), village in Gerv. district, cf. surnames Sākalas (*Sakalaitis), Sakalauskas; Sakūnai (Belarusian Заку́ны), village in Gerv. district, cf. personal name Sakūnas, surnames Sākas, Sakāuskas, Sakāvičius; Savičiūnai (Belarusian Савіцюны¹⁰), former village in Gerv. district, cf. surname Savičiūnas; Valeikūnai (dialectal Valai-kūnai, Belarusian Валаіку́ны), settlement in Gerv. district, cf. surnames Valeikā, Valaikā, Valeikis (perhaps *Valeikūnas, *Valaikūnas); Vaškūnai (dialectal also Voškōnys, Belarusian Вашку́ны), village in Gerv. district, cf. surname Vaškūnas;

2) appellative: Girios (Belarusian Гі́ры), village in Gerv. district, cf. girià ‘forest’; Pridōtkai, former manor near the village of Galčiūnai in Gerv. district, cf. Old Slavic pridōtkas (<Polish przydatek) ‘addition, extra plot’ (LKŽ X 612).

Secondary oikonyms, or derivatives. These make up the majority—about 40%—of the oikonyms in the Gervėčiai area. They include 1) suffixal derivatives, 2) compound formations, and 3) one fused compound oikonym.

1. The most widespread are suffixal derivatives from personal names (the suffixes here mainly express locative and possessive meanings):

-čižna¹¹: Čiužōvščizna (Belarusian Чыжоўшчына), village in Varn. district, cf. surnames Čiužāiskas, Čižāuskas, Čižovskis; Ramanaūčizna (Belarusian Раманаўшчына), settlement in Trākininkai district, cf. surname Ramanaūskas;

-ėjos: Milcėjos (Belarusian Мільцы), village in Gerv. district, cf. surnames Milca, Milčius;

⁸ Pavardės (pvd.) lyginimui pateikiamos iš „Lietuvių pavardžių žodyno“. V., 1985. T. 1. (A–K) ir 1989. T. 2.

⁹ The abbreviation Avd. (personal name) is used alongside personal names cited from the communication by M. Birila and A. Vanagas (Бірыла, Ванагас 1968, 12–98).

¹⁰ Belarusian equivalents of the names of former and vanished villages and manors are given as cited in the communication by M. Birila and A. Vanagas.

¹¹ A Slavic-origin suffix, also found in Slavicized border areas of the Lithuanian SSR, is generally used to form oikonyms from personal names (cf. Razmukaitė 1983, 147, 152).

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-ina¹²: Zabelina (Bel. Ізабеліна), village in the Izab. district; cf. the female personal name Zabelià, surname Zabielà; Viktasinà (Bel. Виктасіна), village in the Gerv. district; cf. the feminine personal name Viktasià, Bel. surname Виктась (Бирыла 1982, 48);

-ynas: Margelýnas (Bel. Маргелі), village in the Kiemėliškės district; cf. surname Margėlis; -iškės: Asiniškės (Bel. Асяніушки), village in the Smurg. district, Žodiškės district; cf. surnames Asinskas, Asinauskas (<Pol. Osina); Antōniškės (Bel. Антоніушки), village in the Gerv. district; cf. surname and personal name Antōnas; Bagdōniškės (also Bagdāniškės, Bel. Багданіушки), village in the Gerv. district; cf. surname Bagdōnas; Černiškės (Bel. Чэрнішки), village in the Varn. district; cf. surnames Černis, Černys; Karėiviškės¹³ (Bel. Карэйвіушки), village in the Gerv. district (<original name Karėiviškė); cf. surnames Karėiva, Kareivà; Kūdiškės (Bel. Кудзишки), village in the Salos district of Smurg. district; cf. surnames Kudys, Kudzys; Mikailiškės (also Mikāliškės, Bel. Микаліуки), village and local administrative centre; cf. surnames Mikāila, Mikāilas, Mikālas; Pāpiškės (also Pāpiškis, Pāpiškiai, Bel. По̄піунки), village in the Gerv. district; cf. surnames Pāpas, Papys and common noun pāpas ‘priest’ (LKŽ IX 350); Petrėliškės (Bel. Петпаніушки), former village in the Gerv. district; cf. surname and personal name Petrėlis;

-inykai (-nykai)¹⁴: Babrāunykai (also Babrūnykai, Bel. Бабрунікі), village in the Varn. district; cf. surnames Babrōvas, Babrāiškas, Bel. Баброўскі (Бирыла 1965, 28—29); Gudīnuykai (official Bel. Гудзянкі, also Gudziniki), village in the Gerv. district; cf. surnames Gūdas, Gūdinas, Gudīnas and common nouns gūdas, gudinis; Šātrinykai || Šātrininkai¹⁵ (also Šatėrnykai, Bel. Шатэрнікі), village in the Gerv. district; cf. surnames Šatrys, Šatrinis;

-uškės¹⁶: Knystūškės (Bel. Кністўуки), village in the Gerv. district; cf. surnames Knystautas, Knystautas.

There are only a few suffixal derivatives of appellative origin here:

-ėčiai: Gervėčiai (Bel. Гербяты), settlement and local administrative centre, from the common noun gėrvė (cf. Maciejauskienė 1988). It was most probably once a microtoponym, the name of a meadow or marsh, *Gervėčia or the like, which later became an oikonym (cf. Gervėčia river near Musninkai, Gervėtis lake near Salakas, Gervėčios meadow in Ukmergė district, marsh in Ignalina district, Gervėčiai forest and village in Utena district, etc.).¹⁷

-ninkai (-nykai): Bālninkai (also Bālnykai, Bel. Бо́льники), village in the Varn. district; cf. common noun balā.

2. There are few compound formations in the Gervėčiai area—just several polarizing oikonyms composed of two components: an adjective and an oikonym (pluralia tantum). They are arranged in two ways: a) the first component is an oikonym of personal-name origin—

¹² For this suffix of Slavic origin in oikonyms of the Lithuanian SSR, cf. Razmukaitė, ibid.

¹³ The village is also called Karėivos.

¹⁴ Dialectal counterpart of the suffix -ininkai (-ninkai).

¹⁵ The oikonym may also be of appellative origin—from the common noun šatrà, used in the Gervėčiai area to mean “a long, thin branch, switch, pole, rod” (LKŽ XIV 542).

¹⁶ Plačiau dėl šios priesagos paplitimo Lietuvos TSR oikonimuose plg. Razmukaitė 1983, 150.

¹⁷ The suffix -ėčiai (-ėtis, -ėta) occurs only rarely in the formation of Lithuanian settlement names with suffixes; it is more characteristic of the formation of other place names, especially hydronyms, and is distributed, with few exceptions, only in the easternmost part of Lithuania, east of the Pabradė–Utena–Zarasai line (cf. Vanagas 1970, 141).

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name, the second is a simple (non-pronominal) adjective: ¹⁸Jacinos Didelės (Bel. Вялікія Яцыніны) village and Jacinos Mažos (Bel. Малыя Яцыніны) village, in the Gervėčiai area; also Jokintonės* Didelės || Jokintonės Didžiulės¹⁹ (Bel. Вялікія Екенманы) village and also Jokintonės Mažos || Jokintonės Mažūtės²⁰ (Bel. Малыя Екенманы) village, in the Izabelina area; b) the first component is a simple adjective, the second is an oikonym (without an oppositional pair): Nauji Rimdžiūnai²¹ village, cf. Rimdžiūnai village in the Gervėčiai area; Senà Rūdnià (Bel. Старая Рудня) versus the Gervėčiai area, cf. Rudnià village in Varėna district, etc.

3. One compound oikonym has been recorded in the Gervėčiai area—officially Gūdagojis (also Gudagòjus, Bel. Гудагай), a town in the Gūdagojo area. It is composed of two appellatives—gūdas²² and gõjus, or from the personal name Gūdas and gõjus.

There are also several oikonyms of uncertain or not entirely clear formation and origin in the Gervėčiai area:

Barškėtas, a former manor in the Gervėčiai area (cf. Barškėtas meadow near the village of Girios); perhaps it is derived from the surname Barškėta, Barškėtis, but cf. the common noun barškėtas ‘rattle’, from which the meadow name may have originated²³.

Bėzdanos (also Bėzdenos, Bezdónys, Bel. Бяздоны), a village in the Gervėčiai area; cf. Bezdónys, a town and village in Vilnius district.

Paliauskai (Bel. Палейка), a village in the Gervėčiai area, perhaps from the nickname *Paliauskas (< Bel. dialectal Paliõuka).

Svirtiškės (Bel. Свірыны), a village in the Izabelina area; perhaps cf. (?) the surname Svirskas, -škis or the common noun svirtis.

Sniegiónys (also Sniegėnai, Bel. Снегяны) may be of anthroponymic origin, derived from some nickname with this root (no personal names with this root have been recorded).

Vaigisai (Bel. Вайгисы), a village in the Gervėčiai area, may be associated with personal names; cf. the surnames Vaiginas, Vaiginis, Vaigauškas, etc.

Zavelcai (Bel. Завельцы), a village in the Gervėčiai area. Most likely this is a Slavic prefixed derivative; cf. the prefix za- (за-) and the Slavic name of the Neris River, Veljà (Bel. Велья, Беля²⁴.

In the Gervėčiai area, place names derived from personal names predominate among both primary and secondary oikonyms; fewer derive from appellative lexemes, and very few from other toponyms.

* In standard language, the form would be Jokintónys (cf. Liñkmenys, also Liñkmenes village in Ignalina district).

¹⁸ The non-pronominal, simple adjective form is also characteristic of compound oikonyms in the eastern periphery of the Lithuanian SSR; cf. the place names Naujas Paliėšius village (Ignalina district), Naujas Strūnaitis village, Nauja Pašaminė village, Nauji Šaminiai village (Švenčionys district), etc. (Directory of the Administrative-Territorial Division of the Lithuanian SSR. 1976, 194, 195, 196).

¹⁹ This village is also called Didžiūkiemis.

²⁰ It is also called Mažakiemis.

²¹ The village is now called Komsamolska.

²² Regarding the meanings of this word, cf. A. Vanagas’s etymologies of hydronyms with the root guđ- (Vanagas 1981, 125–126). Also cf. S. Karaliūnas’s paper (1985, 55–56).

²³ Also cf. hydronyms with this root: Barškėtis, Barškėta (a lake near Švenčionys), Barškiėtis (a river near Molėtai), and others (Vanagas 1981, 59), which would support the idea that the oikonym is more likely related to an appellative.

²⁴ Dėl tokių upėvardžių formų plg. Vanagas 1981, 382–383.

6. 678

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The most productive ways of forming oikonyms in these environs are apparently suffixation and pluralization (the latter is also characteristic of the eastern part of the territory of the Lithuanian SSR). Oikonyms formed by derivation account for about 30% here, and pluralia tantum oikonyms for a similar proportion.

To summarize the overview, a micromodel of the oikonymy of the Gervėčiai environs may be presented as follows:

Oikonyms by origin: from personal names. from appellatives. from other place names (lexical profile) 59% 23% 7% Oikonyms by formation: primary. pluralia tantum. secondary (derivatives): (structural profile) 19% 32% affixal. compound derivatives 30% 9%

The remainder (~10%) consists of oikonyms of unclear formation and origin. It seems that such a “micromodel”—perhaps with minor deviations—would also apply to the oikonymy of the eastern borderlands of the Lithuanian SSR. Moreover, perhaps owing both to derivational elements characteristic of neighboring dialects and to the lexicon itself, the similarity of lexemes, and other reasons, more than half of the oikonyms of the Gervėčiai environs surveyed here (about 40) have counterparts in the aforementioned borderland of Lithuania.

The predominance of oikonyms derived from surnames and of personal-name origin would suggest that most settlement names in this region arose relatively late, their emergence having been conditioned by private ownership.

LITERATŪRA

Karaliūnas S. Etnolingvistinė opozicija „aiškiai kalbantieji“ — „neaiškiai, nesuprantamai kalbantieji“ ir liet. gūdas, lat. guds semantika, etimologija bei daryba // Tarptautinė baltistų konferencija (Pranešimų tezės). V., 1985. P. 55—56.

Kardelytė J. Gervėčių tarmė. V., 1975.

Lietuvos TSR administracinio-teritorinio suskirstymo žinynas. V., 1976. T. 2.

Maciejauskienė V. Gervėčių vardo kilmė // Gervėčiai. V., 1989. P. 259—260.

Razmukaitė M. Asmenvardiniai priesaginės darybos Lietuvos TSR oikonimai // Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A. ser. 1983. T. 2 (83). P. 146—153.

Vanagas A. Lietuvos TSR hidronimų daryba. V., 1970.

Vanagas A. Lietuvių hidronimų etimologinis žodynas. V., 1981.

Vidugiris A. Gervėčių tarmės leksiniai dialektizmai // Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A. ser. 1974. T. 1 (46). P. 117—127.

Vidugiris A. Iš Gervėčių tarmės semantinių dialektizmų // Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai. 1972. T. 13. P. 19—29.

Бырыло М. В. Беларуская антрапанімія. Мінск, 1982.

Бырыло М. В., Ванагас А. П. Літоўскія элементы ў беларускай анамастыцы. (Даклады). Мінск, 1968.

Гошкевич И. И. Виленская губерния. Вильна, 1905.

Лемциогова В. П. Беларуская айканімія, Мінск, 1970.

Михайлова А. Т. Об эмоциональных и экспрессивных топоосновах // Ономастика Поволжья. Горький, 1971. Ч. 2. С. 138—142.

Подольская Н. В. Типовые восточнославянские топоосновы. М., 1983.

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Раданович Я. Н. Словнік назваў населеных пунктаў Гродзенскай вобласці. Мінск, 1982.

Суперанская А. В. Род и число собственных имен // Суперанская А. В. Структура имени собственного. М., 1969. С. 108—117.

ЛЕКСИКО-СТРУКТУРНЫЕ ЧЕРТЫ ОЙКОНИМОВ ОКРЕСТНОСТЕЙ ГЕРВЯТ

Резюме

В статье рассматриваются лексико-структурные черты ойконимов, собранных в окрестностях Гервят (БССР, Островецкий р-н Гродненской обл.) во время экспедиции 1970 г.

По данному материалу выделяется несколько словообразовательных групп ойконимов: 1) ойконимы первичного образования, т. е. образованные от нарицательных слов или других собственных имен без топоформантов и 2) ойконимы вторичного образования, т. е. образованные от других нарицательных слов или собственных имен при помощи топонимических формантов или другими способами (аффиксация, словосложение, соположение). Наиболее продуктивным видом образования ойконимов в окрестностях Гервят является суффиксация (~30%).

Констатируется, что одним из наиболее популярных способов перехода appellативов или других собственных имен в класс ойконимов является плюрализация, т. е. образование собственных имен в форме pluralia tantum (~32%).

По лексическому складу или по происхождению ойконимия окрестностей Гервят делится на 3 группы: 1) отантропонимные ойконимы, 2) ойконимы, образованные от антропонимов, и 3) ойконимы, образованные от других топонимов. Наиболее продуктивными являются ойконимы антропонимического происхождения (~59%); ойконимы, образованные от других топонимов, составляют лишь ~7%.

Констатируется, что окрестности Гервят по своему ойконимическому материалу являются частью или продолжением топонимического ареала самой восточной части региона ЛитССР (Вильнюсского, Швенчёнского р-нов).

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