LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, XXVIII (1989)

KALBŲ RYŠIAI IR SĄVEIKOS

KAZYS MORKŪNAS

INFLECTION OF NOUNS IN THE LITHUANIAN DIALECT OF APSAS*

The Lithuanian dialect spoken in the vicinity of Apsas in the Breslauja district of the Byelorussian SSR, surrounded by Slavic—Belarusian, Polish, and Russian—languages (dialects), interests researchers in various respects: its relationship to other Lithuanian dialects, the survival within it of older relics important to the history of the language, the results of constant contact with the surrounding languages, the dialect’s further development and fate, and so on. For this reason, Lithuanian linguists, collaborating with Belarusian philologists, organized several scholarly expeditions and trips to the Breslauja and neighboring districts in recent decades. Perhaps the best results were achieved by the comprehensive expedition of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences, which worked in this district in June 1956. Its participants recorded data needed for the “Atlas of the Lithuanian Language” from the local Lithuanian dialect in Bužionys, Juodelėnai, Petkūniškė, Ražava, Ūsionys (investigated by Jadvyga Lonskaitė¹ and Aloyzas Vidugiris), Dvārčinės, Ignotiškė, Mišos, Šalakan(d)žiai (Juozas Senkus and Kazys Morkūnas), Damõšiai, Rimašėnai (Elena Grinaveckienė), and other villages; a considerable number of place names were collected, most of them of Lithuanian (Baltic) origin. Valuable ethnographic material from these places (Angelė Vyšniauskaitė), as well as folklore and song melodies (Bronius Uginčius), was also recorded.

In their accounts, many of the older people interviewed (aged 70–90) who spoke Lithuanian more or less well recounted, drawing on their own memories and those of their parents and grandparents, various political, economic, and social events experienced across several generations—from the late nineteenth century to the mid-1950s—as well as administrative changes that in one way or another shaped the region’s linguistic situation and its development. Incidentally, use of the local Lithuanian dialect declined during this period, and the number of its speakers fell. Although the expedition participants established that more than fifty villages in the Breslauja district still had people who knew or understood Lithuanian at the time, the language was already actively used in only a few places. It is therefore important that as much as possible be known to linguistic scholarship about this Lithuanian dialect, which is nearing extinction. Some information about the state of the Lithuanian dialect of Apsas and neighboring areas, as well as linguistic data recorded during the aforementioned expedition and other trips, has already been published in various works (Grinaveckienė 1960; Lie-

* This article is dedicated to the memory of the Lithuanian linguist Juozas Senkus (1907 07 18–1970 10 29), one of the researchers of the Apsas dialect.

¹ J. Lonskaitė (at the time of the expedition, a student at Vilnius State Pedagogical Institute) came from the village of Ražava in the Breslauja district.

91

thuanian Dialects 1970; Jonaitytė, Sudnik 1973; Atlas of the Lithuanian Language 1977, 1982, 1990).

In describing the inflection (declension) of nouns in the Apsas dialect, the author of this article relied mainly on data recorded by himself and J. Senkus in 1956 in Dvārčinės, Ignotiškės, Mišos, Šalakan(d)žiai, and other neighboring villages.

Nouns have the following cases in the singular and plural: nominative (nom.), genitive (gen.), dative (dat.), accusative (acc.), instrumental (instr.), internal inessive (iness.), internal illative (ill.), and vocative (voc.).

The internal illative is very frequent in the Apsas dialect, as it is across a large area of other eastern Lithuanian dialects. No examples of the external inessive (adesive) or external illative (allative)—whose relics are preserved in other Lithuanian dialects on the eastern and southeastern borders (Gervėčiai, Lazūnai, Zietela)—were recorded in the vicinity of Apsas.

Few vocative forms were heard, and not from all stem classes. The plural vocative coincides with the plural nominative. Singular nominative forms are sometimes also used with vocative meaning, e.g.: ku·mū·t′i.s m′eilu.t′i.s n′e:š′ (=carry) mán′i; trūb′i·k trūb′i·k (Slav. ‘play, blow the horn’), mā·nd·t′e·v′ē·l′i.s.

Some case endings differ phonetically from the corresponding endings of Standard Lithuanian and are more or less altered morphophonologically (shortened to varying degrees).

Phonetically, the endings that differ most from Standard Lithuanian are unstressed endings containing the vowels ė and o, as well as stressed and unstressed endings with the vowels ė and e following consonants that are regularly (l) or sporadically (r, s, and sometimes others) hardened.

The vowel ė is not pronounced uniformly by all speakers, nor even consistently by the same speaker: in stressed endings it is sometimes pronounced almost like Standard Lithuanian ė (after some consonants, even as ′e, ie), and sometimes with less tension, as a close vowel (transcribed ẹ in dialectological studies), or almost like the vowel e; after hardened consonants, it is retracted toward the middle of the vowel space as ė or e (transcribed ẹ or ə), and sometimes as ą. In unstressed endings, ė is most often pronounced as e, less often as ẹ (ė); after hardened consonants, as a, less often as ə (e). The stressed ending vowel o is sometimes pronounced almost as in Standard Lithuanian, and sometimes with a greater or lesser a coloring (transcribed ɔ, ɑ); when unstressed, it is pronounced as a, sometimes with an o coloring² (å). To simplify the transcription, this article represents the aforementioned stressed vowels as ė (after hardened consonants, ẹ) and o, and the unstressed vowels as e (after hardened consonants, a) and ą³.

The quantity of unstressed long vowels in various word positions is also not always clearly marked: speakers of the dialect, and often even the same speaker, sometimes pronounce these vowels longer, i.e. as long, and sometimes shorter, as half-long. In the article, these vowels are marked as long (e.g., a· ~ o, e· ~ ė, i· ~ y, u· ~ ū, y), while lengthened stressed short vowels are marked as half-long (e.g., i· ~ i, ū· ~ ū).

² For variation in the pronunciation of ė and o in certain word positions in the Lithuanian dialects of Apsas and neighboring areas, cf. Atlas of the Lithuanian Language, 1982. P. 44–58 (map nos. 27–40).

³ These vowels have thus mostly been marked by J. Senkus and the author of this article, when recording dialect data in 1956 in Dvārčiniai, Mišiai, Šalakan(d)žiai, and neighboring villages.

92

The declensional system of the dialect’s nouns preserves certain relics of older inflection, i.e., endings no longer used in present-day Lithuanian literary language (cf. the declension of nouns with consonantal stems). There is a fairly strong tendency for individual stems to merge (one declensional paradigm to shift into another).

The case endings of all stems are given below, along with their dialectal pronunciation (t.) where it differs from the literary language. A phonetic transcription is also provided for examples recorded in all cases (forms of every case were not always recorded for the same word, so different words with the same stem are supplied for individual cases).

ō stem

Singular: nom. -as (lú.ngas ~ lángas, mʼī.škas, nʼū.kasmas ‘speech, dialect’), gen. -o, t. -a (laũka), dat. -ui (gā.lui), acc. -ą, t. -u (dā.rbu; lú.ngu), instr. -u (vaikù, lú.ngu), loc. -e, t. -i, after a hardened consonant l — -u (laũki, šō’n’i, galbī), ill. -an (mʼīškān, šō’nan), voc. -e (par’še, vaik’e).

Plural: nom. -ai (s’n’iegai, v’īrai), gen. -ų (vaikų, v’īru), dat. -am (vaikám, vaik’el’ēnam ‘to the children’), acc. -us (ratùs, vā’karus), instr. -ais (mʼīškais, rā’tais), loc. -uos(e) -uosa, ill. -uosna.

Notes: 1. Alongside the singular locative form galbī, the postpositional form galbīi also occurs, e.g., žīr uš’v’īda (= saw) galbī d’īrvas labāi d’īd’el’ī žmō’gur. 2. The singular vocative can also have the particle -ai, e.g., t’ē’vai. The singular vocative of some nouns is attested only with this particle, e.g., kū’mai, p’ē’trai ‘Petrai’. Shortened forms (without an ending) are also used for polysyllabic nouns, e.g., bral’ū.k, d’iedū.k alongside kaim’īn’e.

3. The plural locative is most often recorded in a shortened form with -uos (less often with -uos’), e.g., daržùos (accentuation unclear), k’et ur’az’d’eš’imtuos m’ē’tuos, m’īškuōs, namuōs ‘at my home’, š’auduōs. Fewer instances are recorded of the longer forms of this case with -uose or -uosa, e.g., m’īškuos’e || m’īškuōs’e, muštū’nuos’e, kumpuōsa ‘in the corners’. Also compare adverbialized forms from other parts of speech: d’v’īejes’e ‘in twos’, k’et ur’ūosa || k’et ur’ūos ‘in fours’.

4. The plural illative mostly occurs in forms with -uosna, e.g., m’īškuosna, namuosna, rā’tuosna, š’auduosna, šō’nuosna, vain’ū’nuosna ‘to Vainiūnai’, zarasūosna ‘to Zarasai’. Less often, forms with -uosnan or the shortened form with -uos (identical to the plural locative) are used, e.g., m’īškuōsna, p’el’ekūos (|| p’el’ekūosna) ‘to Pelekas’.

(i) iō stem

Singular: nom. -ias (k’ē’l’as, s’v’ē’čas ~ svēčias), -is, variant -i-s⁴ (b’r’ied’is, brō’l’is, k’īr’v’is, mō’l’is, pū.n’t’is ~ pantis), -ys (arkl’ī’s, gaid’ī’s, šul’n’ī’s ‘well’), gen. -io, variant -a (k’ē’l’a, dal’g’ā’ka’č’a ~ dalgiakōčio, gaidz’ā || gaid’ā),

⁴ The vowel i in the singular nominative ending -is is not always lengthened equally distinctly as in other northeastern Lithuanian dialects—sometimes it is lengthened even to a long i (= iː~y), and sometimes it is pronounced almost short.

93

dat. -iui (k’ė’l’ui, pū.n’c’ui, gaidz’ui; with a preposition, also p’r’ie mó’l’i ‘to the clay’, p’r’ie s’m’ė’l’i ‘to the sand’), acc. -ią, variant -’u (k’ė’l’u), -i, variant -i (k’į:š’k’i, gaid’į), instr. -iu (k’ėl’ù, k’ir’v’ù, mó’l’u, gaidz’ù), loc. -y (k’ėl’į, mó’l’i; šul’n’į), ill. -ian (k’ėl’an ‘on a journey’), -in (padus’in, šul’n’in), voc. -i (bról’i, braluž’ėl’i ‘dear little brother’, gaid’ėl’i), -y (t’in’g’in’i). Plural: nom. -iai (k’ėl’ai, pū.n’c’ai, gaidz’ai), gen. -ių (k’ėl’ù, ž’ō’dz’ù, ma’k’es c’ù), dat. -iam (s’v’ec’ám, bról’am, pū.n’c’am, gaidz’ám), acc. -ius (s’v’ec’ùs, b’r’iedz’ùs, gaidz’ùs, ā’rkl’ùs), instr. -iais (k’ėl’ais, ž’ō’dz’ais, gaidz’ais), loc. -iuos(e) (rug’uoš’e, šalakun’dz’uos ‘in Šalakandžiai’), ill. -iuosna(n) (s’v’ec’-iuosna, kū.p’įs’k’uosna ‘to Kupiškis’, a’buol’iuosna ~ obuoliuosna, puod’el’iuosnan ‘into the cups’). For the locative and illative, compare also the notes on the ō stem.

ā, iā stems

The case endings of nouns with these stems are the same; however, the endings of ā-stem words follow hard consonants, whereas those of iā-stem words follow palatalized consonants.

Singular: nom. -a (l’intā ~ lentā, naudā ‘grain’, bó’ba; p’ir’k’ā, val’dz’ā ~ valdžia, kó’ja), gen. -os, variant -ō’s, -a’s (galvō’s, duona’s; p’ir’k’ō’s, kó’ja’s), dat. -ai (runkai ~ rankai, val’dz’ai), acc. -ą, variant -u (gálvu, val’dz’u), instr. -a, variant -u (lazdū, diōnu; val’dz’ù, kó’ju), loc. -oj, variant -ōj, -aj (l’intōj, runkāj; p’ir’k’ōj, sā’ujaj), ill. -on, variant -ō’n, -a’n (galvō’n, kāktā’n; p’ir’k’ō’n, sā’ujan), voc. -a (k’ėl’tava ‘you livestock’).

Plural: nom. -os, variant -a’s (d’ienā’s, val’dz’ā’s), gen. -ų, variant -u (av’ižū, mā’lku; val’dz’ù, kó’ju), dat. -om, variant -ó’m, -a’m (d’ienó’m, runka’m; val’dz’ó’m, sā’uja’m), acc. -ās (tru’šās ~ trąšās, ā’v’izās; val’dz’ās, kó’jas), instr. -om, variant -ōm, -a’m (barzdōm, maš’in.dm; val’dz’ōm, kó’jam), loc. -os(e), variants -o’s’e, -a’s’e, -o’s, -a’s (av’izo’s’e, runka’s’e, sā’mana’s’e alongside av’izo’s, runka’s; p’ir’k’o’s’e, sā’uja’s’e alongside p’ir’k’ō’s, sā’uja’s), ill. -osna, variants -ó’sna, -a’sna (av’izó’sna, įena’sna ~ ienósna; p’ir’k’ó’sna || p’ir’k’a’sna). One example of this last case was recorded with -osan (daubō’san). For the plural locative and illative, compare also the notes on the ō stem.

ē-stem

For the pronunciation and transcription of the ending vowels e, ē after hardened consonants, cf. p. 92.

Singular: nom. -ė, also -ē, ė̄, -e, -a (buož’ė, skrud’el’ė: ‘ant’, vū.p’e ~ ūpė, skara’la, pumpu.ra, pū.sa), gen. -ės, also -ē’s, -ē’s, -e’s, -a’s (kat’ė’s, skruđ’el’ės, ž’ė.m’e’s, skara’la’s), dat. -ei, also -ei, -ai (vū.p’ei, ž’ō’lai), acc. -i, also -i, -bl (kār’v’i, kum’ė-lbi, pū.sbi), instr. -e, also -i, -bl, -i, -bl (dal’g’i, ras’ėlbi, pušbi, kār’v’i, ž’ōlbi ~ žolė), loc. -ėj, also -ēj, -ēj, -ej, -aj (draug’ėj, ža’lēj, pō’gl’i n’ej ‘in the aspen grove’, skara’laj, pakałna’i, k’ėpū.ra’j), ill. -ēn, also -ē’n, -ē’n, -e’n, -a’n (paup’ēn, s’k’i’ēn, ž’ė.m’ēn, sā’ulan, k’ėpū.ran || k’ėpū.r’en), voc. -e, also -e, -a (kāt’e, kurmūt’e, k’aula, s’esut’ėla ‘dear little sister’). The vocative of polysyllabic nouns is also expressed without an ending, e.g., bū’but (= ‘grandmother’, hybrid).

94

Plural: nom. -ės, also -ės, -as (kár'v'es, rāgut'es ‘sleds’, k'aūla's), gen. -ių, also -ų, -ų (raguc'ų; lāp'ų), dat. -ėm, also -ėm, -ėm, -əm, -am (buož'ėm, varl'ėm, kár'v'ēm, av'ėl'am), acc. -es, also -ès, -às, -es, -as (ž'em'ės, av'ėlàs, kár'v'es, skrū.d'ėlas), instr. -ėm, also -ėm, -ėm, -em, -am (kat'ėm, stabulėm ‘with hubs’, v'ir'v'ēm, ak'ė'la'm), loc. -ės (e), also -ės'ė, -ės'ė, -e's'e, -a's'e, -ė's, -ė's, -e's, -a's (draug'ė's'ė, stabulės'ė, kuok'in'e's'ė, skarā'la's'ė, duob'ės, s'k'īlės, rāgut'es), once recorded with -ėsa (rāgut'esa), ill. -ėsna, also ė'sna, -ė'sna, -e'sna, -a'sna (duob'ėsna, stabulė'sna, kuok'in'e'sna, skarā'la'sna).

i-stem

The endings of individual cases of masculine i-stem nouns are often replaced by those of (i)ō-stem nouns, and those of feminine nouns by endings of iā- or ē-stem nouns. The singular genitive and plural nominative are sometimes also expressed with a consonant-stem ending (cf. “Consonant stems”).

Singular: nom. -is, masculine, and -ys from the i-stem (duñ't'is ~ dañtis || dun't'is, d'ė'b'es'is || d'ėb'es'īs, vag'is; ak'is, aus'is, vū.n't'is ~ ántis || vū.n't'ė; žu's'is || žū's'is ~ žąsis, žuv'is); gen. with the older i-stem ending -ies recorded only for feminine nouns (vū.n't'ies, s'īr'd'ies, žuv'ies), while masculine nouns have the (i)ō-stem ending (duñta', d'ė'b'es'a', vā'g'a'); dat. has only newer endings: masculine words take the -iō-stem ending (duñ'c'ui || dunčui, vā'g'ui, ž'v'ė'r'ui), feminine words the iā-stem ending, sometimes the ē-stem ending (aūsaī ~ aūsei, p'ir'-c'ī, vū.gn'ai ~ ugniai, žū's'ai ~ žāsiai || žū'sai ~ žāsei); acc. -į (vā'g'į, vū.gn'į); instr. -im (š'ir'd'im, v'i't'im, žuv'im), alongside the newer and apparently more frequent feminine ending -ia, also -ų (š'ir'd'ž'ū || š'ir'd'ž'u, v'i't'ū, aus'ū, nakc'ū, puš'ū, vugn'ū, no's'ū, vū.n'c'ū, ak'ū || ak'į, where -i ~ -e is from the ē-stem singular instrumental), and the masculine ending -iu (vag'ū); loc. -y (p'ir't'ī, š'ir'd'ī, krū's'n'ī ‘in the stove’, no's'i), in some places -yj, also -ī'i, -ī'į (ak'ī'i, š'ir'd'ī'i, no's'ī'i); ill. -in (p'ir't'in, krū's'n'in, no's'in); no vocative forms were recorded.

Plural: nom. -ys, also -is (duñ't'is, aū's'is, dù.r'is, n'īt'is, smā'g'en'is ‘brains’, šā'kn'is, vū.gn'is, vū.n't'is || vū.n't'es ~ ántes, žū.v'is); masculine words also have the newer ending -iai (vag'ai); gen. -ių, with some words having -ų, that is, with a hard consonant before the ending, following the plural genitive forms of consonant stems (duñ'c'ū || duntū, vag'ū, p'ir'c'ū, kár'c'ū, aus'ū || ausū, žuv'ū || žuvī; but only dù.ru', šaknū, žu'sū); dat. -im (duñ't'īm, d'ė'b'es'īm, vag'īm || vag'ūm, krut'īm, dù.r'īm, vū.n't'īm); acc. -is (duñ't'is, vag'is, ak'is, dùr'is, žuv'is, kár't'is and žuršas ~ žąsės with -es from the ē-stem); instr. -im (duñ't'īm, d'ėb'es'īm, ak'īm, aš'īm, aus'īm, žuv'īm, b'ī.t'īm, dù.r'īm, nó's'īm), masculine also with -(i)ais from the (i)ō-stem (duñ'c'ais || duntais, d'ėb'es'ais); loc. -ysu, -yse, -ysa (aš'm'en'i'su, p'ir't'i's'ė, u's'on'is'ė ‘in Ūsionys’, ak'is'ė, aus'is'ė, dù.r'is'ė); ill. -ysna (ak'isna, dùr'isna; the plural illative of the noun žmonės was also recorded with this ending: žma'n'īsna).

95

(i)u stem

Singular forms are used more consistently with the endings of u- and iu-stems. The plural cases are more strongly influenced by o- and io-stems. Few examples of individual singular and plural cases have been recorded (nearly all of them are presented here).

Singular: nom. -us, -ius (alùs, dungùs ~ dangùs, l'ietùs, m'edùs, su'nus || sū'nus, v'idùs, v'iršùs, tūrgus, žmògus; jāujus 'threshing floor', p'ė'č'us, s'p'ieč'us || s'p'ieč'us 'swarm', val's'č'us ~ valščius, ž'v'i'r'us); gen. -aus, -iaus (alaũs, dangaũs, l'ietaũs, tūrgaũs || turgaũs, žmogaũs; p'ė'č'aus, sō'dz'aus), less frequent forms with the o-stem ending (m'ė'da; sū'na); dat. -ui, -iui (sū'nui, žmō'gui; p'ė'č'ui); acc. -ų, -ių (sū'nų, žmō'gu; p'ė'č'u); instr. -um (sū'nūm || sū'num, v'iršūm, žmō'gum) and -iu from the io-stem (val's'č'iu); loc. -uj, -iuj (v'iduj or v'idui, v'iršuj; jāujaj, sō'dz'uj); ill. -un, -iun (v'i-dūn, v'iršūn, tūrgun; p'ė'č'un); voc. -au (žmogaũ || žmō'gau).

Plural: nom. -ūs (p'ietūs), more frequent forms with the (i)o-stem ending (p'ietai, sū'nai, turgai; s'p'ieč'ai || s'p'ieč'ai, val's'č'ai); gen. -ų, -ių (p'ietų, sū'nų; s'p'ieč'u, val's'č'u), only forms with the (i)o-stem ending have been recorded for the dat. (p'ietám, sū'nám; s'p'ieč'am); acc. -us, -ius (p'ietūs || p'ietus, sū'nus; s'p'ieč'us); instr. -um (sū'nūm) alongside forms with the (i)o-stem ending (p'ietais, sū'nais; s'p'ieč'ais); no locative or illative forms have been recorded.

Consonant stems

Nouns with consonant stems have still preserved the older endings of individual cases. Singular genitive and plural nominative forms with the consonant-stem relic—the ending -es (after r, s sometimes pronounced -as)—are especially common. However, alongside the older forms, newer forms with endings from other stems are also frequently used. Some cases have already been fully assimilated to other stems: masculine nouns most often have (i)o- or i-stem endings, while feminine nouns most often have i-stem endings and sometimes iā- or ē-stem endings.

The following words are presented because they have preserved consonant-stem inflectional remnants to a greater or lesser extent, and their inflectional paradigms (or recorded forms of individual cases) illustrate more characteristic instances of stem mixing. In addition to nouns that have belonged to consonant stems since ancient times, words of other stem classes are also included whose individual cases have acquired consonant-stem endings secondarily. Words with i-stems are the most likely to occur with newly acquired consonant-stem endings.

Singular: nom. akmenō (cf. akm'en'i's), p'iemuō, rudūō, sūō || dialectal šuva (cf. šun'is), t'ėšmuō, vanduō || (newer?) vanduō, dukt'ė, s'esuō || dialectal sasuō; gen. rud'en'ės (|| rū.d'en'es), dukt'erãs (|| dū.kt'er'as), sasar'ės || sasaràs and newer forms: ā'km'en'ā, p'iem'en'ā, sū.n'ā, v'ū.n'd'en'ā, ū.n'd'en'ā (|| van'dēns), t'ėš-m'en'aus; i-stem nouns with the consonant-stem ending -es have also been recorded: dun't'ės || dūṅ't'ės (b'ē v'iena dun't'ės), sāk'n'ės, s'ir'd'ės; dat. p'iem'en'ui, rū.d'en'ui (with a preposition — lig rū.d'en'ei), sū.n'ui, vū.n'd'en'ui, dū.kt'erai ~ dūkterel || dū.kt'er'ai ~ dūkteriai, sā'sarai || sā'sar'ai; acc. ā'km'en'i, rū.d'en'i, sū.n'i,

96

vū.n'd'en'iː; dù.kt'er'iː; sãːsar'iː; in. ãːkm'en'u, p'iem'en'u, šun'u, vū.n'd'en'u, dù.kt'er'u~dùkteria; loc. vūn'd'en'īː || vūn'd'en'ī'i, ill. m'é·nas'in 'in a month', vūn'd'en'in;vocative forms were not recorded.

Plural: nom. ãːkm'en'es, ãːs'm'en'es, p'iem'en'es, šun'es, dù.kt'er'es || dù.kt'eras, sãːsar'es || sãːsaras and newer forms: ãːkm'en'iːs, akm'enai, ãːs'm'en'iːs, aš'm'enai, p'iem'enai, t'eš'm'enai, dù.kt'er'iːs; the consonant-stem ending -es is also recorded in dūn'es, auš'es, dù.ras, pū.š'es, žūːs'es || žūːsas, žū.v'es; gen. akm'enū, vūn'd'enū, dùkt'erūː; dat. rud'en'i.m, šun'i.m, dùkt'er'i.m || duk-t'er'ēm, sasar'i.m; acc. p'iem'en'is, dù.kt'eras~dùkteres (-es from the ē-stem); instr. akm'en'im, dùkt'er'im, sasar'im alongside masculine forms akm'enais, p'iem'enais; locative and illative forms were not recorded (cf. forms in i-, o-, and other stems in these cases).

Besides the singular and plural cases of nouns, the dual nominative-accusative is also sometimes used. Few sentences or phrases with dual nominative-accusative forms have been recorded, and not with nouns of all stems: jáːi dù dáːiktu dãːr'eː; jau š'iem'et bū.vaːm du kartù; m'étruː du š'imtù; paː du šim-tù grãːmuː; du ž'en'iːkù (lit. ‘two young ones, two capable of marrying’) tur'ū; paː du rub'l'ū; Much more often, plural nominative or accusative forms are used with numerals du (dvi), abu (abi) ‘two’ (masc./fem.), ‘both’ (masc./fem.) and their variants, e.g., mãːnaː du sūːnuːs jįr dùkt'ė jiːrà; dū.jenaː (~dūjano) suːnaĩ bū.vaː; š'it'ie dù vaik'el'ėːnai g'erai n'ūːk'a (speaks) l'ietù.v'iškai; až až'er'ėːl'aː du v'ėrstai būs (beyond the little lake there will be two versts); du š'imtaĩ bū.vaː; du š'imtùs gavau; ãːnas v'erktūːb'e (he would cry) d'v'i diė-nas; dū.kt'eras (~dùkteres ‘daughters’) d'v'i l'i.kaː; ab'i sãːsaras (~šė-seres ‘sisters’) g'i'v'ėːna.

* * *

The inflection of nouns in the Āpso dialect differs little in essence from noun inflection in Dūkštas, Tverečius, and other nearby dialects of Lithuania (Lietuvių kalbos atlasas 1990). This shows (as do certain phonetic and other grammatical phenomena) that the Āpso dialect is a continuation of the aforementioned Lithuanian dialects. Among other factors, declining command of Lithuanian may have contributed to the emergence of a greater number of parallel forms in the inflectional paradigms of some noun stems (cf. also such forms, admittedly rarely produced by older speakers, as žuːsaĩ ‘geese’).

LITERATŪRA

Grinaveckienė E. Kai kurios Apso tarmės būdingesnės ypatybės // Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A serija. 1960. T. 2 (9). P. 173–191.

Jonaitýtė A., Sudnik T. Apie vieną lietuvių–lenkų kalbų interferencijos atvejį // Baltistica. 1973. T. 9 (1). P. 75–77.

Lietuvių kalbos atlasas T. 1: Leksika. V., 1977; T. 2: Fonetika. V., 1982; T. 3: Morfologija. V., 1990.

Lietuvių kalbos tarmės. Chrestomatija. V., 1970. P. 392–394.

7. 678

97

ФЛЕКСИЯ ИМЕН СУЩЕСТВИТЕЛЬНЫХ В ЛИТОВСКОМ ГОВОРЕ ОКРЕСТНОСТЕЙ ОПСЫ

Резюме

На основе диалектологических данных, собранных во время комплексной экспедиции сотрудников Института литовского языка и литературы АН ЛитССР в Браславском р-не (БССР) в 1956 г., описывается система склонения имен существительных литовского говора окрестностей Опсы (лит. Āpsas). Наиболее характерными особенностями склонения имен существительных данного говора являются следующие:

1. Наличие некоторых архаических форм, напр., родительный падеж единственного числа и именительный падеж множественного числа с окончанием -es имен существительных с основой на согласный (ср. род. п. ед. ч. rud'en'es ‘осени’, sasar'es || sasaras ‘сестры’, им. п. мн. ч. ak'men'es ‘камни’, sā'sar'es || sā'saras ‘сестры’); предложный (местный) падеж (инессь) множественного числа с формантом -su (правда, зафиксированный только в именах существительных с основой на -i: as'm'en'i'su ‘в лезвиях’ наряду с более часто употребляемыми формами p'ir't'i's'e ‘в банях’, ak'i'sa ‘в глазах’, а также сокращенными формами m'iškuos ‘в лесах’, rañka~rañkos ‘в руках’) и др.

2. В парадигмах имен существительных с основами на -i, -(i)и и на согласный часто употребляются параллельные формы, т. е. наряду с более древними формами — и различные новые, возникшие под влиянием других парадигм.

3. Кроме форм единственного и множественного числа, изредка употребляются формы двойственного числа (чаще всего формы именительного и винительного падежей с числительным du ‘два’, напр., bū.va'm du kartù ‘были два раза’).

В сущности система склонения имен существительных данного говора мало отличается от склонения соседних литовских говоров на территории ЛитССР, т. е. говоров окрестностей Дукштаса (Dūkštas), Тверячюса (Tverečius) и др.