LAIMUTIS BILKIS

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

Research areas: toponymy, anthroponymy.

ON THE DUALITY OF FORMATION AND ORIGIN OF SOME LITHUANIAN OIKONYMS

On the Duality of Wordbuilding and Origin of Certain Lithuanian Oikonyms

ABSTRACT

The article draws attention to the fact that studies of the formation and origin of Lithuanian oikonyms often offer two possible base or source words, which are usually appellatives and personal names. However, such explanations are imprecise, so the article seeks to identify ways of determining the base of formation or origin precisely. The most reliable method is considered to be the analysis of historical sources: when data found in them show that a personal name with the same root was borne in the settlement designated by the oikonym or in its immediate vicinity, the place-name is anthroponymic. Examples of such cases are presented, and some previous explanations of the formation and origin of oikonyms are also revised.

ANNOTATION

The article pays attention to the fact that the research of wordbuilding and origin of Lithuanian oikonyms often presents their two possible base or original words, which are usually appellatives and personal names. However, such interpretations are not accurate; therefore, it is attempted to find the ways allowing an accurate determination of the base of wordbuilding or origin. The analysis of historical sources is considered the most reliable method: when the data found in them show that a common-root personal name can be found in the same settlement bearing the name of an oikonym or located in the vicinity, the name of that settlement definitely derives from a personal name. By providing the examples of such cases, certain interpretations of the wordbuilding and origin of oikonyms made to this day have been corrected.

KEYWORDS: formation of oikonyms, origin of oikonyms, historical oikonyms, historical anthroponyms.

KEYWORDS: wordbuilding of oikonyms, origin of oikonyms, historical oikonyms, historical anthroponyms.

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Place names are distinctive in their formation and origin because their derivational or etymological basis may consist not only of common nouns but also of proper nouns—personal names and other place names¹. This feature makes the study of toponyms more complex, since it is often difficult to determine precisely from which lexical category a particular place name developed.

In more extensive studies of Lithuanian oikonymy (toponymy), several cases can be distinguished in which two (or more) possible genitival base words are proposed for a settlement name, belonging to different lexical strata—appellatives and onyms, more specifically anthroponyms. Such words may typically be:

1) physiographic terms and personal names with the same root (stem), e.g.: Mūrlškės village, Zr: murlia ‘boggy place, muddy ground’ or personal name Murlis < mūrlis ‘short-snouted’; Pakeliškė village, Mrj: pakelė or personal name *Pakelis, *Pakelys, cf. Pakeliūnas; Šluiniškės village, V: šluina ‘mud’ or personal name *Šluinas (< šluīnas ‘lame’); Šmōtiškiai village, Kdn: personal name Šmōtas or šmōtas ‘a piece of land, plot, parcel’ (Razmukaitė 1998: 20, 21, 106); Miškiniai village, settlement, Pkr: personal name Miškinis or miškas ‘forest’ (Endzelytė 2005: 30); Grubynai village, Jnš: personal name Grūbis, Grubys or cf. grubynė ‘a place where there are many grublai’; Valakai village, Jnš: personal name Valākas or valākas ‘a plot of land of about twenty desiatinas’ (Bartkutė 2008: 36, 33); Trakai village, Tlpk, Trakai settlement, Pbs: trākas ‘a cleared or burned area of forest’ or personal name Trākas; Trakiniai village, Vdšk: trākas or personal name Trakinis (Zinkevičius 2011: 122);

2) plant names and personal names with the same root (stem), e.g.: Karčiškiai village, Jon: karčius ‘stump, clump’ or personal name Kartys, Karčiauskas; Želmeniškė village, Ign: želmuo, želmenys ‘shoot, sprouts’ or personal name *Želmenis, cf. Zelmenavičius (Razmukaitė 1998: 106); Žilvičiai village, Tl: personal name Žilvitis or žilvitis ‘a densely leaved shrubby willow, less commonly a tree’ (Mickienė 2001: 63); Baravŷkai village, settlement, Jnš: baravŷkas or personal name Baravŷkas; Jovarai village, Pkr: jõvaras or personal name Jõvaras; Meldiniai village, Pkr: personal name *Meldinis, cf. Meldŷs, Meldeikis, or maļdas ‘reeds’; Šermūkšniai village, Ps: šermūkšnis or personal name Šermūkšnis (Endzelytė 2005: 42, 30);

3) animal names and personal names with the same root (stem), e.g.: Gerviniai village, Trak: gérvė ‘crane’ or personal name Gérvė; Kumelyne village, Mlt, settlement, Švnč: personal name Kumelys or kumėlė ‘filly’; Kurāpkiškiai village, Kp: kurapkà ‘partridge’ or personal name Kurapkà; Taurinė village, Pn: taūras ‘aurochs’ or personal name Taūras, Taurà (Razmukaitė 1998: 50, 106); Varniškiai village, Tl: personal name Varnas or varnas ‘large black bird, raven’; Kiškėliečiai village, Tl: personal name Kiškėlis or kiškėlis ‘hare’ and ‘place’ (Mickienė 2001: 65, 68); Katinai village, Jnš: kātinas ‘cat’ or personal name Kātinas; Sakalai village, Pkr: sākalas ‘falcon’ or personal name Sākalas; Vanagai village, Jnš: vānagas ‘hawk’ or personal name Vānagas; Vilkai village, Žg: vīlkas ‘wolf’ or personal name Vilkas (Endzelytė 2005: 42); Vėpriai village, townlet, Ukm: vėpris ‘wild boar’ or personal name Vėpris (Zinkevičius 2011: 95);

¹ For more on this, see LVŽ I XXXIX–XLVI.

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4) names for people and personal names with the same root (stem), e.g.: Gudienà village, Kš, Gudìnė village, Mrj: personal name Gùdas or ethnic name gūdai, gūdas; Jenerališkė village, Švnč: personal name *Jeneralas or *jeneralas ‘general’; Kuniginė village, Krkn: kùnigas ‘priest’ or personal name *Kunigas; Mazūranka village, Trak: personal name Mazūras or ethnic name mazūras ‘Masurian’; Pekoriškė village, Ign: personal name Pėkorius or pėkorius ‘baker’; Pitiškis village, Brž: pìtas ‘round’ or personal name *Pitas, cf. Pìtelis; Totoriškė village, Ign: personal name Totòrius or ethnic name totòrius ‘Tatar’; Žydáuka village, Trak: ethnic name žýdai, žýdas ‘Jews, Jew’ or cf. personal names Žydáitis, Žydėlis (Razmukaitė 1998: 47, 49, 52, 54, 56, 106); Degùčiai village, Tl: personal name Degutis or degùtis ‘one who burns tar or makes a living from it’; Dilbai village, Tl: personal name Dilbà or dilba ‘one who looks from under their eyebrows, a sullen person’; Gùdiškė village, Tl: personal name Gùdas or ethnic name gùdas ‘Belarusian’ (Mickienė 2001: 61, 65); Gudiškiai village, Ps: personal name Gùdas or ethnic name gùdas; Kalniškiai settlement, Klov: kalniškis ‘a person living on a hill; highlander’ or personal name Kalniškis; Pakalniškis settlement, Kri: pakalniškis ‘a person from the foothills, an inhabitant of the foothills’ or personal name Pakalniškis (Endzelytė 2005: 29, 41, 42); Švėdlaukis village, Jnš: švėdas or personal name Švėdas (Bartkutė 2008: 37);

5) various other common nouns and personal names with the same root (stem), e.g.: Degùtinė village, Mlt, Degutinė village, Šk: personal name Degùtis or degùtas ‘tar’; Klėtiškė village, Klm: klėtis or personal name *Kletis, cf. Klėtkus; Pavietavà village, Jrb: pavìėtas ‘district, country, region’ or personal name Pavìėtas; Vytėlinė village, Rk: vytėlė or personal name Vytėlis (< Vytas) (Razmukaitė 1998: 49, 106); Kūpeliškės village, Jnš: personal name *Kupelis, cf. surname Kūpas, Kupáitis, or kūpelis ‘crossed poles on a roof’ (Endzelytė 2005: 56); Žalgiriai village, D1: žalias + girià ‘green’ + ‘forest’ or cf. personal name Žalgirýs (Zinkevičius 2011: 122); Žagarai villages, Klp, Mlt, Žagariai villages, Al, Lzd, Prn, Vrn, Zr, Žagariškė village, Šl, Žagariškė village, Mrj, Žagariškės village, V: žagaras ‘a plant’s thin leafless stem, stalk; a leafless twig (usually dry), brushwood’ or personal names Žágaras, Žagarỹs, Žagãrius (Vanagas 1996: 298).

Because of the possibility of interpreting the same type of oikonyms in two ways, their formation and origin are often treated inconsistently. For example, for some “animal” names, two possible origins are given, with the appellative or personal name listed first, e.g.: Katinai village, Jnš: kātinas ‘cat’ or personal name Kātinas; Sakalai village, Pkr: sākalas ‘falcon’ or personal name Sākalas; Vanagai village, Jnš: vānagas ‘hawk’ or personal name Vānagas; Vilkai village, Žg: vìlkas ‘wolf’ or personal name Vìlkas; Stumbrìškis village, Jnšk: personal names Stumbrà, Stum̃bras, Stumbrỹs or stum̃bras ‘a large wild mammal resembling an ox’; Svirpliškis village, Ps: personal name Svirplỹs or svirplỹs ‘an insect that chirps at night’; for others, only an anthroponymic origin is proposed, e.g.: Kiaũliškis farmstead, Pkr: personal name Kiaulỹs; Pelėdiškis settlement, Jnšk: personal name Pelėda; Sakališkis village, Lgm: personal name Sākalas; still others are derived only from appellatives, e.g.: Bėbrai village, Slč: bėbras ‘beaver’, Ožkyčiai village, Ps: ožkytis ‘kid’ (Endzelytė 2005: 42, 59, 60). A similar approach is taken with “occupational” oikonyms; for example, Kubìliškė village, Jrb, Rs, Skd is derived from the personal name Kubìlius or the appellative kubìlius ‘tub-maker’, whereas Beñdoriškė village, Ign is derived only from the personal name Beñdorius (Razmukaitė 1998: 51, 52), although this name too could be deappellative, cf. beñdorius ‘tub-maker’.

Because of the aforementioned alternative possibilities for the formation (base word) and origin, even the same oikonyms are explained differently by various researchers, e.g.: Baravykai village, Jnš: baravỹkas

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arba avd. Baravỹkas (Endzelytė 2005: 42) ir tik iš avd. Baravỹkas (Bartkutė 2008: 31); Ùžbalai k. Jnš: užbalis ‘vieta už balos, pabalẏs’ (Endzelytė 2005: 43) ir iš avd. Ùžbalis (Bartkutė 2008: 31); Lazdýniškiai k. Jnš: lazdýnas (Razmukaitė 1998: 23; Endzelytė 2005: 58) ir iš avd. Lazdýnas (Bartkutė 2008: 36); Katìliškės k. Jnš: avd. Katìlius arba katìlius ‘katilų dirbėjas, taisytojas ar pardavėjas’ (Razmukaitė 1998: 59) ir tik iš avd. Katìlius (Endzelytė 2005: 56; Bartkutė 2008: 36); Vìksviniai vs. Žl: viksvȧ (Razmukaitė 1998: 19) ir iš avd. Vìksvinis (Zinkevičius 2011: 97); Varnìškiai k. Tl: avd. Vȧrnas (Razmukaitė 1998: 77) ir iš avd. Vȧrnas arba vȧrnas ‘didelis juodas paukštis, kranklys’ (Mickienė 2001: 65).

Clearly, when investigating the oikonyms in question, it is difficult to avoid relativity, inconsistency, and conjecture. Therefore, more reliable ways should be sought to establish their formation and origin. One such approach could be to compare the distribution of an oikonym with that of a related (same-stem) personal name: if the name of a settlement and a surname occur in the same geographical or linguistic area (a district, region, dialect, or the like), then there is a strong likelihood that the oikonym is of anthroponymic origin (cf. Bartkutė 2008: 31, footnote 23). However, this method is still overly abstract. Moreover, not all personal names that may have existed when the oikonyms were formed have survived to the present day.

Perhaps the formation and origin of oikonyms can be determined most accurately when there is evidence as to whether a related personal name exists (or existed) in the very settlement named by the oikonym. In this regard, evidence from the earliest possible historical sources recording all or some of the inhabitants of settlements is especially useful².

After reviewing a considerable number of oikonyms in church baptismal, marriage, and death registers from several parishes, it became clear that related personal names also occurred alongside many settlement names open to two possible interpretations. Thus, in these cases, the actual base (derivational) words of the oikonyms become clear, and there is no longer any need to offer two explanations for their formation and origin.

First, attention should be drawn to oikonyms which, judging by general tendencies in the formation and origin of place names, would appear to derive from physiographic terms, but are in fact anthroponymic.

Galālaukiai village. Ddsl: Martini Galalow Juchniela de Galalowki 1764 AdKr_III 34: personal name *Galėlis + laukas ‘field’; cf. the physiographic term galālāukis, gālalaukis³ ‘end of a field’. Thus, in terms of motivation (semantics), the name means ‘Galėlis’s fields’, not ‘ends of fields’.

Girūčiai village. Pst: Stephanu... Girucis de Girucie 1747 ŠvnčJn 19, Casimirus Girucis de Girucie 1755 ŠvnčKr_II 23: personal name Girūtis; cf. girià ‘large forest’.

² When collecting data for the historical place-name index compiled by the Onomastics Department of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language, efforts are made to check whether a related personal name appears alongside a settlement name in the historical document. If there is one, it is recorded alongside the oikonym.

³ Common nouns and their meanings are given according to LKŽe.

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Kėmšiai village, Sk: Matyasz Kiamłas de Kiemłow 1649 ŽgKr 11: personal name *Kėmšis or similar; cf. kėmsas ‘a tree stump or mound of earth overgrown with moss or grass, a tussock’, also cf. kemšys ‘a short but stout person, a dwarf’. In toponymic studies, it is considered to be of both anthroponymic (Bartkutė 2008: 31) and appellative origin (Endzelytė 2005: 44).

*Linkos village, Lkm: Adamus Linka de Linki 1750 LkmKrII 10: personal name Linka; cf. linka ‘a lower-lying place, depression, hollow, bend’.

Molyǩai village, Ml: Adam Malik de Maliki 1755 TvrKrI 2, Mariannæ Malikowna de Maliki 1777 TvrKrI 151: personal name *Molyǩas or similar; cf. mólis ‘brownish soil, sticky (when wet), used for construction, ceramic wares, modeling, etc.’

Pušynai village, Mnd: Stephani Pułzynas de Pułzynu, Gaspar Pułzynas de Pułzyny 1681 MltKr 1, Stanislau[m] Pułzynis de Pułzynu 1682 MltJn 2, Ioannis Pułzynis de Pułzy-ni 1683 MltKr 3, Eua Pułzynienia de Pułzynu 1684 MltKr 8, Iozeph[us] Pułzynas de Pułzynu 1684 MltKr 10, Kasprum Sosnowski⁴ de Pułzyn[...] 1684 MltJn 3, Ioannis Pułzynas de Pułzynu 1685 MltKr 13, Pauli Pułzynas de Pułzyny 1689 MltKr 30 (Garliauskas 2004: 67, 139, 70, 77, 79, 141, 84, 106): personal name Pušynas; cf. pušynas ‘pine forest’.

Traǩėliai village, Svrk: Iosephg Trakielis de Trakiele 1748 ŠvnčJn 20: personal name Traǩelis; cf. traǩėlis: trākas ‘a high, dry meadow overgrown with sparse shrubs and trees, a forest clearing; a cleared or burnt area of forest, a clearing; a forest (sometimes also field) road or path’.

*Upelninkai village, On: Vpelnicas de Vpolniki 1734 OnKr 116: personal name *Upelninkas; cf. upėlis ‘a small river’.

Žūy̌riai village, Tvr: Georgio Zwirinis de Zwiry 1755 TvrKrI 4: personal names *Žūyris, *Žūyrius; cf. žūyrius ‘land, soil with abundant gravel’.

The historical records examined show that many oikonyms that may be associated with animal names are also of anthroponymic origin, since personal names with the same root (stem) are recorded alongside them.

*Apuokai village, Dgl: Casimirus Apuokas de Apuoki 1685–1731 DglJn 207: personal name Apúokas; cf. apúokas ‘a bird of the owl family’, also cf. the figurative meaning of this appellative, ‘half-wit, simpleton, fool’.

Aveliškės village, Mnd: dorotha Aueniela de Auiely 1689 MltKr 30 (Garliauskas 2004: 107): personal names Avėlis, Avelýs; cf. avėlė ‘ewe’, also cf. the figurative meaning of this word, ‘of a meek, guileless person’.

Čiūyliai village, Sug: Catharina Cziuilicie de Czyuiliu 1690 MltKr 37 (Garliauskas 2004: 117): personal name Čiūylis; cf. čiūylis ‘a finch-family bird (Carduelis cannabina), also cf. the figurative meaning of this appellative, ‘of a small, weak fellow’.

⁴ It is clear that this personal name is translated from Lithuanian Pušynas; therefore, for example, Sasnáuskas, Sasnaũskas Mlt (see LPŽ II 680) is undoubtedly the result of lexical Polonization.

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Gaidžiai village. Čln: Marianna Geydzenia de Geydžiu 1683 MltKr 7 (Garliauskas 2004: 75): surname Gaidỹs; cf. gaidỹs ‘domestic bird, male chicken (Gallus gallinaceus)’; also cf. the meanings of this word: ‘figuratively, a feeble, weak person or thing; figuratively, a quarrelsome, pugnacious person.’

*Gaidžiai village. On: Gaidziowa de Gaydzie 1690 OnKr 8, Simon Gaydis de Gaydzie 1692 OnKr 26, Sophia Gaydienia de Gaydzie 1702 OnKr 53: surname Gaidỹs; cf. gaidỹs.

Garniai village. Ck: Zofia Garnicia de Garnie 1749 ŠvnčKr₁ 1, Sophia Garničie de Garny 1750 ŠvnčKr₁ 16, Martinuf Garnis de Garniow 1751 ŠvnčKr₁ 14, Rosalia Garniowa de Garnie 1756, 1757 ŠvnčKr₁₁ 48, 54, Magdalena Garniowa de Gornie 1758 ŠvnčKr₁₁ 86: surname Garnỹs; cf. garnỹs ‘a bird resembling a stork but smaller, with a pointed head, long beak and neck, and long legs (Ardea); stork, white stork (Ciconia).’

Gervėlės village. DglšN: Agatha Girwelowna de Girwele 1771 DglšKr₁₁ 42: surname Gervėlė; cf. gervėlė: gėrvė ‘a large wetland bird with a long beak and long legs (Grus grus).’

Katiniškė estate, Katiniškis village. Sld: Andrea Katiniszkis de Kateniszki 1764 LkmKr₁₁₁ 31: surname *Katiniškis; cf. kãtinas ‘male cat’. In this case, the historical data make it possible not only to establish the true origin, but also to clarify two points: 1) the official form of the oikonym is inaccurate, since only the name Katiniškis, which coincides with the historically attested personal name *Katiniškis, was recorded in vernacular usage both during the interwar period and later; 2) morphologically, this is not a suffixal derivative, but a primary oikonym formed from the personal name *Katiniškis. Studies of oikonym formation classify this name as suffixal, derived from the personal name Kãtinas (Razmukaitė 1998: 52).

Kėkštai village. Ddsl: Casimiri Kiakſztas de Kiakſzty 1719 DglšKr₁ 40, Casimirg Kieksztas de Kiekszty 1725 DglšKr₁ 61, Iosephg Kiekſztas de Kiekszty 1774 TvrKr₁ 151, Christina Kiakxtowa de Kiakxty 1755 TvrKr₁ 3, Josephus Kiaksztas de Kiakszty 1792 TvrKr₁₁ 78: surname Kėkštas; cf. kėkštas ‘a forest bird of the order Passeriformes.’

Kiškiai village. Lkm: Francisci Kiszki Kiszki 1772 LkmKr₁₁₁ 87, Thoma Kiszkisz Kisz-kie 1775 LkmKr₁₁₁ 107, Cristina Kifzkiowna Kifzkie 1777 LkmKr₁₁₁ 116, Jacobi Kiszk-kis Kiszkie 1781 LkmKr₁₁₁ 131, Theresia Kiszkio wa Kiszkie 1779 LkmKr₁₁₁ 124: surname Kiškis; cf. kiškis ‘a wild animal of the rodent family, a hare (Lepus).’

*Paršiukai village. Mlt: Zophia Parſzukienia de Parſzuku 1683 MltKr 5 (Garliauskas 2004: 73): surname Paršiūkas; cf. paršiūkas ‘a piglet.’

Vãnagiškės village. Mnd: Zophia Vanagienia de Vanagi 1683 MltKr 2, Ioannis Vanagas de Vanagi 1686 MltKr 17 (Garliauskas 2004: 68, 88): surname Vãnagas; cf. vãnagas ‘a species of the hawk subfamily, a bird of prey with a short hooked beak and sharp talons’; also cf. the figurative meaning of this common noun, ‘of a predatory, attacking person’. Previous studies likewise consider it derived from a personal name (Razmukaitė 1998: 63).

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Várniškė village, Lkm: Mathia Warna Warnifzki 1781 LkmKr_III 132: surname Várna; cf. várna ‘a bird of the crow family with grey and black feathers (Corous corone)’, and also the figurative meaning of this word, ‘a scatterbrain, blockhead, or gaping fool’. Other researchers also consider the oikonym to derive from a personal name (see Razmukaitė 1998: 56).

Versiai village, Žg: Matei Weršialuytis de Weršiow 1650 ŽgKr 7: surname Veršys or similar; cf. veršis, veršys ‘a calf; a male bovine, a breeding bull’, and also the figurative meaning of this appellative, ‘used figuratively of a good-for-nothing person’. Other researchers interpret this oikonym differently: they point to two possible origins—as a personal name and as an appellative (Endzelytė 2005: 32)—or to just one, as a personal name (Bartkutė 2008: 31).

Zùikos village, Ign: Petri Zuyka de Zuyki 1706 DglšKr_I 2: surname Zuikà; cf. zuìkis, zùikis ‘hare’.

Žukai village, Švnč: Thomas Žuk Žuki 1825 ŠvnčKr_III 50: surname Žùkas; cf. žùkas ‘beetle; darkling beetle’.

Many oikonyms are also derived from personal names, although they might otherwise be compared with various appellative designations of persons. First of all, “ethnonymic” settlement names should be distinguished, since, from the point of view of motivation, their direct derivation from ethnonyms might seem very plausible. In fact, however, the names presented here derive according to the model oikonym ← personal name ← ethnonym.

Gudėliai village, Ad: Sophia Gudelowa de Gudele 1659 AdKr_I 14, Michael Gudian de Gudele 1680 AdKr_I 73, Nicolaq Gudian de Gudele 1681 AdKr_I 74: surname Gudėlis; cf. gudėlis: gùdas ‘a Belarusian (sometimes a Pole or Russian)’.

Gudėliai village, Sug: Agnes Gudenia de Gudeliu 1690 MltKr 37 (Garliauskas 2004: 117): surname Gudėlis; cf. gudėlis: gùdas.

Gudėliai village, Švnč: Bartholomeo et Marianna Gudełeytis de Dudele 1800 CkKr_II 28: surname Gudėlis; cf. gudėlis: gùdas.

*Gudiškė village, On: Evæ Gudiszkíowa de Gudifzki 1692 OnKr 29: surname Gudiškis; cf. gùdas.

Kazōkai village, Luok: Catharina Kozakicie de Kozaki 1683 MltKr 3, Christophoro Kozak de Kozaki 1683 MltJn 3, Stephani Kozak de Kozaki 1687 MltKr 19, Andreas Kozakas, Isiodoro Kozak de Kozaki 1689 MltJn 10 (Garliauskas 2004: 69, 140, 92, 149): surname Kazōkas; cf. kazōkas ‘in Russia from the eighteenth century onward, a member of the military estate, originating from the Don, Kuban, Terek, Orenburg and other military regions, obliged to serve in the army in return for the privilege of using land, or serving there as a cavalryman’.

Žydėliai village, Ign: Andrea et Agata Zydelis de Zydele 1799 CkKr_II 26: surname Žydėlis; cf. žydėlis: žýdas ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’.

Oikonyms that have only one type of origin—personal-name origin—also include those alongside which Lithuanian has various other common nouns of the same root denoting people by profession, character traits, physical characteristics, social status, and so forth.

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Bandōriai village, Žg: Antonẏ Bondar de Bondar 1650 ŽgKr 5: personal name *Bandōrius; cf. bandōrius ‘cooper’. In the works of other researchers, this village name is likewise considered to be derived solely from a personal name (Endzelytė 2005: 39; Bartkutė 2008: 31).

*Bubeliai village, Švnč: Mariana Bubeloẇna de Bubelow 1750 ŠvnčKr₁ 17, Martini Bu–belis de Villa Bubelė 1755 ŠvnčKr₂ 30, Magdalena Bubeloẇna de Bubele 1757 ŠvnčKr₂ 63: personal name Bùbelis; cf. bùbelis ‘cottager, smallholder, person with little land’.

Bùrbos village, ŠvnčI: Francisco Burba de Burby 1743 ŠvnčJn 3, Petrus Burba de Burby 1746 ŠvnčJn 13, Georgij Burba de Burby 1751 ŠvnčKr₁ 13, Georgius Burba de Burby 1751 ŠvnčKr₁ 14, Thomas Burba de Burby 1752 ŠvnčKr₁ 28, Anna Bur–bowa de Villa Burby 1755 ŠvnčKr₂ 23, Simon Burba de Villa Burby 1756 ŠvnčKr₂ 40; Georgius Burba de Villa Burby 1756 ŠvnčKr₂ 38: personal name Bùrba; cf. bùrba ‘one who talks a lot, a chatterbox’.

Činčikos village, Švnč: Georgium Czynczyk de Czynczyki 1745 ŠvnčJn 11, Michael Czynczyk de Czynczyki 1749 ŠvnčKr₁ 2, Casimirus Czynczyk Z Czynczykow 1750 ŠvnčKr₁ 8, Mariana Činčiukowa de Činčiuki 1750 ŠvnčKr₁ 16, Casimirus Czynczyk de Czynczyki 1755 ŠvnčKr₂ 23, Martinus Czynczyk de Villa Czynczyki 1758 ŠvnčKr₂ 72, Martin... et Criftina Cincika de Cincików 1792 CkKr₃ 5: personal name Činčikas; cf. činčikas, -ė ‘one who pinches pennies, a miser’.

*Derviniai village, Tvr: Sophia derwinoẇna de derwini 1755 TvrKr₁ 4: personal name Dervìnis; cf. dervinis: dervà ‘a block of wood split for kindling; a splinter, chip, or small piece of wood; a pine or spruce stump used for making tar; tar’.

Dimbėliai village, Ck: Eliȧ Dybėlis de Dybele 1713 DglšKr₁ 25, Nicolaus Dimbelis de Dimbeli 1755 TvrKr₁ 2; Chritophorus Dimbelis de Dimbeli 1755 TvrKr₁ 7, Marianna Dembeloẇa de Dembele 1768 TvrKr₁ 110, Catharina Dymbeloẇna de Dymbele 1774 TvrKr₁ 151: personal name Dimbėlis; cf. dimbėlis: dimba ‘a very tall and thin, lanky person; one who walks with a lurch, a clumsy walker’.

Drūskiai village, Vdn: Zophia Druskienia de Drusku 1691 MltKr 40, 1692 MltKr 44 (Garliauskas 2004: 124, 133): personal name Drūskis; cf. drūskis ‘one who likes salty food’.

Eglyniškė village, Vdš: Marting Aglinis de Agliniszki 1706 DglšKr₁ 3, Marting Eglinis de Egliniszki 1707 DglšKr₁ 4, Casimirg Eglinis de Eglini 1707 DglšKr₁ 5. On the basis of historical data, it can be asserted that the original form of this oikonym is Egli̇niškė, derived from the personal name Eglìnis. Cf. eglìnis ‘living by spruce trees, in spruce forests’. Earlier studies treated the name as a suffixal derivative of Lithuanian eglýnas ‘spruce forest’ (Razmukaitė 1998: 20).

Geležniṅkai village, Čln: Georgius Geleznikas de Gelezniku 1691 MltKr 42 (Garliauskas 2004: 127): personal name *Geležniṅkas (dial. *Geležnẏkas); cf. geležninkas ‘iron seller, ironmonger’.

Gramantiškė village, Rim: Xtophori Gramuntas de Gramunty 1707 DglšKr₁ 8: personal name Grāmantas, *Gramāntas; cf. gramāntas ‘a big, ungainly person, a clumsy oaf’. Other researchers also consider it to be derived from a personal name (see Razmukaitė 1998: 52).

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Gražūliai village Švnč: Chrlfophorg Grazulis de Grazule 1744 ŠvnčJn 9, Michaelis et Cristinae Grazulow de Villa Grazuli 1753 ŠvnčKr₁ 33: surname Gražulis; cf. gražūlis ‘handsome, ornamental’.

Juodagalviai || Juodagaliai village, Ml: Matthias Jodagalwis de Jodagalwie 1751 ŠvnčKr₁ 14, Laurentig Jodogalis de Jodgale 1756 TvrKr₁ 12, Mathias Jodagalwis de Jodagalwi 1762 TvrKr₁ 63, Agnes Jodgalowa de Jodogale 1762 TvrKr₁ 57, Stphani Jodogalis de Jodogale 1768 TvrKr₁ 112, Anathasia Jodegalwicia de Jodegalwie 1774 TvrKr₁ 151: surnames Juodagal̃vis, *Juodagalvỹs and *Juodagãlis, *Juodagalỹs; cf. juodagal̃vis, juodagal̃vis ‘with a black head’ and ‘black, end’.

Káiros (= *Kairiai?) village, Pst: Agatha Keyrowa de Koyry 1774 TvrKr₁ 153: surnames Káira, Kairỹs; cf. kairas, -à ‘situated on the left side’, kairỹs ‘one who does everything with the left hand, left-handed; situated on the left side’.

Kavõliai village, PnmR: Catharina Kowalowa de Kowale 1690 OnKr 13: surnames Kavõlis, Kavõlius; cf. kavõlis, kavõlius ‘blacksmith’.

Kirkùčiai village, Švnč: Magdalenæ Kierkuciowa de Kierkucie 1749 ŠvnčKr₁ 5, Sophia Kyrkuciówna de Kyrkucie 1751 ŠvnčKr₁ 14, Christophorus Kirkucis de Kirkucie 1758 ŠvnčKr₂ 76: surname Kirkùtis; cf. kirkùtis: kirkė, kirkė ‘a thin person or animal’.

Kirmėliškis village, Jdp: Gaspari Kirmielus de Kirmiele 1691 OnKr 24: surname Kirmėlius; cf. kirmėlius ‘one who collects or catches worms and snakes; sorcerer, enchanter, snake charmer; an insult’. Until now this oikonym has been considered to derive from the name of the animal kirmėlė ‘snake’ (see Razmukaitė 1998: 22).

Klausùčiai village, Smrg: Georgius Kławsuc de Kławsucie 1758 ŠvnčKr₂ 78: surname *Klausùtis; cf. klausùtis ‘one with good hearing’.

Kliùkai village, Tvr: Christophorum Kluk de Kluki 1746 ŠvnčJn 12: surname Kliùkas; cf. kliùkas ‘an inert, listless and unintelligent person, a dolt, blockhead, kliukis’, also cf. kliùkis ‘one who talks a lot, chatterbox; a rather stupid person’.

Kraujėliai village, Mnd: Andreae Kroujelis de Kreujelu 1684 MltKr 8 (Garliauskas 2004: 77): surname Kraujėlis; cf. kraujėlis ‘a person who stops the flow of blood by incantation’.

Kùksos village, Ddsl: Helena Kuksowa de Kuksy 1755 TvrKr₁ 4: surname Kuksà; cf. kuk-sà ‘a small, weak, bent person; a short, fat person or animal; one who hiccups; one who keeps asking “what” (dial. “ku?”)’.

*Kulbiškė village, Dglš: Anna Kulbacka ex Villa Kulbiszki 1736 DglšKr₁ 100: surnames Kùlbis, Kulbỹs; cf. kùlbis, -ė ‘a lame person’.

Kùpriai village, Lkm: Catarina Kuprowa de Kuprany 1761 LkmKr₃ 9, Catarina Kuprrowna de Kupry 1766 LkmKr₃ 49, Simonis Kuprys Kupry 1783 LkmKr₃ 143: surname Kùpris; cf. kùpris, kùprius ‘one with a hump, hunchbacked’.

Kvyk̇liai village, Ut: Gaspar Kuiklis de Kuikliu 1683 MltKr 5 (Garliauskas 2004: 72): surname Kvyklỹs; cf. kvyklỹs ‘one who shrieks; dialectal: a donkey, one with a turned-out throat’.

Lepsiai village, Ck: Lucia Lapszowna de Lapszy 1804 CkKr₃ 36: surnames Lepsỹs, *Lėpšis; cf. lėpšis ‘a languid person, good-for-nothing’.

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Liliškės village. Sk: Piotrz Lilis de Lile 1651 ŽgKr 8: personal name Lilis, Lilyš; cf. lilius ‘one who talks a lot, chatters; a blabbermouth’. This oikonym is also considered to be based on a personal name by other researchers (see Endzelytė 2005: 56; Bartkutė 2008: 36).

Mainėvos village. Jdp: Paulus Mayneywa de Moneywy 1690 OnKr 14, Catharina Mayneywowna de Moneywy 1693 OnKr 19, Ewa Mayneywowa de Mayneywy 1701 OnKr 49, Martius Mayneywa de Mayneywy 1703 OnKr 57: personal name *Mainėiva; cf. mainėiva ‘tenant farmer’.

Mažėliai village. Kz: Alexandri Maželis de Maziele 1689 OnKr 1: personal name Mažėlis; cf. mažėlis: mažis ‘a small child, person, or animal’.

Melninkai village. Ign: Joanēs Mielnik de Mielniki 1756 TvrKr₁ 11, Marianna Mielnikowa de Mielniki 1768 TvrKr₁ 110: personal name Mėlninkas; cf. mėlninkas ‘miller’.

Melninkai village. Str: Martha Melnikowna de villa Melniki 1755 ŠvnčKr₂ 31, 36: personal name Mėlninkas; cf. mėlninkas.

Memėlišė village. Sr: Anna Memelowa de Memelijzki 1752 ŠvnčKr₁ 53: personal name *Memėlis; cf. mėmelis, mėmelis ‘a quiet, slow, taciturn person, a failure, a dimwit; one who speaks indistinctly, mumbles, stammers’. Other researchers also identify a personal name as the derivational basis of this village name (see Razmukaitė 1998: 53).

Munčėliai (=formerly Mančėliai?) village. Švnč: Martinus Mączelewicz de Mączele 1750 ŠvnčKr₁ 17, Christophorus Mączelewicz de Mączele 1751 ŠvnčKr₁ 13, Martinus Mączelerwicz de Mączele 1755 ŠvnčKr₂ 26, Martinus Munczelis de Munczele 1756 ŠvnčKr₂ 51, Josephus Mączelis de Mączele 1757 ŠvnčKr₂ 59, Martinus Munczelis de Villa Munczele 1759 ŠvnčKr₂ 93: personal name Mančėlis (dialectal Munčėlis); cf. mančėlis: mančius ‘one who has many possessions, a rich person’.

Pagireikos village. Švnč: Anna Pagirejko de Villa Pagirejki 1758 ŠvnčKr₂ 91: personal name *Pagireika; cf. pagirėika ‘a boaster’.

Pelėniai k. Lkm: Mathja Pelenis de Pelenje 1745, Michael Pelenis de Villa Pelėnie 1746, Petrj Pelenis de Pelenie 1746 LkmKr₂₂ 22, Jacobus Pelenis de Pelenie 1747 LkmKr₂₂ 24, Mathia Pelenis de Pelenie 1748 LkmKr₂₂ 28, Nicolai Pelenis de Pelenie 1749 LkmKr₂₂ 31, Petri Pelenis de Pelenie 1750 LkmKr₂₂ 35, Anna Peleniowa 1752 LkmKr₂₂ 40, Martini Pelenis de Pelenie 1754 LkmKr₂₂ 47, Martini et Catarina Pelenowie de Pelenie 1759 LkmKr₂₂ 66, Jacobi Pelenis, Joannes Pelenis de Pelenie 1763 LkmKr₃₃ 22, Simonis Pelenis de Pelenie 1774 LkmKr₃₃ 104: avd. Pelėnis; plg. pelėnis ‘kas darbuojasi virtuvėje prie pe leno; išsipel enavęs žmogus; apskretėlis, nevalei ka’.

Pli̇auškės village. Švnč:l: Josephg Pleuſzkie de Pleuſzkie 1743 ŠvnčJn 5, Chriſtophoro Pleuſzkie de Plouſzki 1744 ŠvnčJn 10, Georgium Plouſzkis de Plouſzki 1745 ŠvnčJn 10; Chriſtophori Plauſzkis de Plauſzkie 1749 ŠvnčKr₁ 1, Joseph… Plowsko de Plowski 1749 ŠvnčKr₁ 5, Iosephi Plawszka de Plawszki 1750 ŠvnčKr₁ 17, Anastasia Plawszkowa de Plawszki 1751 ŠvnčKr₁ 14, Christophorus Plowſzkia de Plowſzkie 1753 ŠvnčKr₁ 34, Anastazia Plowſzkowa de villa Plowſzki 1755 ŠvnčKr₂ 27, Josephus

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Plowžkia de Plowžkie 1755 ŠvnčKrᵢᵢ 30, Josephi et Annæ Plowžkiow de Villa Plowžkie 1756 ŠvnčKrᵢᵢ 46: personal name Pliauškė, *Pliauška, *Pliauškis; cf. pliauškys, -ė ‘one who chatters, talks nonsense, prattles’.

Ráišiai village, Jdp: Magdalena Rayszenia de Rayszy 1701 OnKr 51, Catharina Rayszowa de Rayszy 1702 OnKr 51, Elijabet Rayszenia de Rayszy 1704 OnKr 60: personal name Ráišis; cf. ráišis ‘one who is lame, limping, a cripple’.

Rekėčiai village, Dglš: Catharina Rakaciowa de Rakiecie 1706 DglšKrᵢ 3, Joannes Rakiecius de Rakiecie 1707 DglšKrᵢ 4, Agatha Rekeciewa de Rekecie 1802 CkKrᵢᵢᵢ 26: personal name *Rekėčius; cf. rekėtis ‘a grumpy, disagreeable person’.

*Ribokai village, DglšN: Francisci Rybak de Rybaki 1765 DglšKrᵢᵢ 9: personal name Ribōkas; cf. ribōkas ‘fisherman, one who fishes’.

*Skinderiškė village, Švnč: Rosalia Skinderowna, Mathias Skinder de Skinderyƒzki 1748 ŠvnčJn 20: personal name Skinderis; cf. skindėrius ‘one who is ragged, dressed in tatters’.

*Šiaudiniai village, DglšN: Christophoruƒ Szaudinis de Szaudinie 1765 DglšKrᵢᵢ 5, Georgij et Mariannæ Szaudiniow De Szaudinie 1790 CkKrᵢᵢᵢ 2, Catarina Siawdzinowa de Siawdziniów 1792 CkKrᵢᵢᵢ 6, Matheo et Magdalena Szewdynis 1792 CkKrᵢᵢᵢ 7: personal name Šiaudinis; cf. šiaudinis: šiaudai ‘the mass of stalks of threshed grain; figuratively, an ineffectual person’.

Šiùlgos village, Tvr: Petrus Szulga de Szulgi 1755 TvrKrᵢ 1, Catharina Szulgowa de Szulgi 1756 TvrKrᵢ 10, Georgius Szulga de Szulgi 1768 TvrKrᵢ 105, Catharina Szulgowa de Szulgi 1774 TvrKrᵢ 153; Mathia Szulga de Szulgi 1792 TvrKrᵢᵢ 77. On the basis of historical spellings, it may be surmised that the authentic form of the oikonym is Šùlgos, derived from the personal name Šùlga; cf. šulģys ‘located on the left-hand side, left; left-handed’, Russian шулъга ‘left hand’ (Vasmer IV 485).

*Vaičiukai village, Ck: z Katarzyną Woyciukowną z Woyciukow 1806 CkKrᵢᵥ 9, Mateusz Woyciuk z Weyciuk 1814 CkKrᵥᵢ 6: personal name Vaičiukas; cf. vaičiùkas: vai̇tas ‘an overseer of serfs appointed by the manor’.

*Veršiakiai village, Švnč: Martinus Werƒzekis de Werƒzeki 1744 ŠvnčJn 7: personal name Veršiakis, Veršiakỹs; cf. veršiakis, veršiakỹs ‘one whose eyes bulge’.

*Valeikos || *Valeikiškė village, Lkm: Catarina Wałeykiowna de Wałeyki 1768 LkmKrᵢᵢᵢ 60, Michaelis Wałeyko Wałeykiszki 1779 LkmKrᵢᵢᵢ 124: personal name Valeikà; cf. valéika ‘a clean, tidy person’.

In the absence of historical evidence, a pair of oikonyms of anthroponymic origin might be considered to derive from plant names.

Lazinkos village, Ddsl: Petrus Łazinka de Łazinki 1768 TvrKrᵢ 106, Catarina Łazinkowa de Łazinki 1774 TvrKrᵢ 150: personal name *Lazinka; cf. Belarusian лазина ‘willow, osier’ (BRS 412).

⁵ Apparently, on the basis of the plant name, during the interwar period the Lithuanianized form of the oikonym Karkliniai was proposed (see VSV 40).

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Tribėržiai village. Sug: Zophia Tryberzenia de Tryberziu 1685 MltKr 10, Zophia Tryberzenia de Tryberzu 1691 MltKr 42 (Garliauskas 2004: 80, 129): personal name *Tribėržis; cf. three birches.

Several other settlement names, given the usual tendencies in place-name origins, could be derived from various common nouns, but are in fact derived from personal names.

Abùgaliai, Abugaliaĩ village. Vdš: Agtha Abugulowna de Abugule 1764 DglšKr_II 1: personal name *Abùgalis, *Abugalỹs; cf. abùgalis ‘having two ends’.

*Avižieniai village. Tvr: Gasparis Aviženis de Aviženie 1774 TvrKr_I 151: personal name Avižienis; cf. avižienis ‘a person who weeds oats, an oat grower’.

*Barčiukai village. Mlt: [...]as barciukis de barciuku 1689 MltKr 29 (Garliauskas 2004: 105): personal name *Barčiukas; cf. barčiùkas: barčià, barčiùs ‘a kind of hanging beehive, a birdhouse’.

*Varnalizdžiai village. Lkm: Agatha Warnalizdowa de Warnalizdy 1781 LkmKr_III 131: personal name *Varnalizdis; cf. varnãlizdis, vãrnalizdis ‘crow’s nest’. Thus, from the point of view of semantics (motivation), this means ‘the dwelling place of the Varnalizdžiai’, not ‘a place where there are many crows’ nests’.

Žagarai village. Mnd: Ioannes Zagaras de Zagar 1685 MltKr 11 (Garliauskas 2004: 81): personal name Žãgaras; cf. žãgaras ‘a thin, leafless plant stem, a stalk; a leafless twig (usually dry), brushwood’.

Žagãrė town. Jnš: Stefanus Žiogieruvytis de Žagory 1651 ŽgKr 8: personal names Žãgaras, Žagãris, Žagãrius; cf. žãgaras. Some toponymy researchers regard this oikonym as purely appellative (Vanagas 1996: 297–298; Bartkutė, 2008: 34), while others indicate that its derivational base may be either a common noun or a personal name (Endzelytė 2005: 47).

The derivation and origin of settlement names can also be established precisely when historical cognate personal names are recorded in the same parish, at the same time, but not in the village named by the oikonym under investigation. These villages are often very close to one another; even when this is not the case, however, their presence in the same parish should be considered a reliable criterion.

Gaurėliai village. Ign: Uladylai Gaurialis de Afelnieny⁶ 1746 LkmKr_II 23: personal name Gaurėlis; cf. gaurėlis: gaurỹs ‘a shaggy person; someone who talks nonsense’. The surname Gaurėlis is known only around Kelmė and Kurtuvėnai (LPŽ I 633).

Grikiapelė village, Lkm: Grikopelicia de Potusze⁷ 1752 LkmKr_II 41: surname Grìkiapelis; cf. grikiapelė ‘a red beetle with black spots, ladybird, ladybug’. Data on the distribution of present-day surnames show that the surname Grikepelis (= Grìkiapelis) is found only around Utena and Daugailiai (LPŽ I 715).

⁶ The village *Asalnėnai no longer exists; it must have been near Lake Asalnai.

⁷ The distance from Grikiapelė to Palūšė is only about 6 km.

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*Gudeliškis (← de Gudeliszki 1770 LkmKr_III 76) village, Lkm: Eva Gudelouna de Połusze 1770 LkmKr_III 77: personal name Gudėlis; cf. gudėlis: gūdas. The surname Gudėlis is widespread in eastern Lithuania, but is not recorded in Linkmenys district (LPŽ I 736).

*Kalviai || *Kalviškė (← de Kalwiszki 1758 LkmKr_II 61, de Kowale 1769 LkmKr_III 64, de Kalwi 1770 LkmKr_III 76) village, Lkm: Martha Kalwicia de Kirdeyki 1755 LkmKr_II 48, Rossa Kowalewska de Assak 1769 LkmKr_III 69, Marianna Kalwiowna de Antaprudzie 1770 LkmKr_III 79, Stanislaus Kowalewski Mażuryszki 1778 LkmKr_III 119: personal name Kálvis; cf. kálvis ‘one who practices metal forging’. The surname Kálvis is found only in western Lithuania—in the areas around Klaipėda, Kartena, Pagėgiai, Palanga, and Šilutė (LPŽ I 902).

Kaukiškė village, Lkm: Elisabeta Kawkutowna de Lyngmiany⁸ 1763 LkmKr_III 19: personal name Kaukas; cf. kaukas ‘a household spirit bringing wealth, a kite; an old, shriveled person with matted hair; an old-fashioned superstitious person’. Other researchers likewise derive the oikonym solely from the personal name Kaukas (see Razmukaitė 1998: 52).

Mėdinos village, Lkm: Agatha Miedinowna Meirany 1776 LkmKr_III 116, Agatha Medinowna Łamiesta⁹ 1779 LkmKr_III 125: personal name *Mėdinas or similar; cf. mėdinas, -à ‘forest-dwelling, wild’. The surname *Mėdinas is not listed in LPŽ.

Pipiriškė village, Ign: Stephanum Pipiras de Pakratonie¹⁰ 1741 LkmJn 2: personal name Pipiras; cf. pipiras ‘derogatory term for a short person’. The surname Pipiras is also recorded in the vicinity of Ignalina (LPŽ II 461). Other researchers likewise regard this oikonym as anthroponymic (see Razmukaitė 1998: 54).

Prūsočiškės village, Sld: Barbara Pruszakiewiczowa in Suis bonis Drobiszki¹¹ 1748 LkmKr_II 30: personal name *Prūšokas; cf. prūšokas ‘inhabitant of former East Prussia or the Klaipėda region, German; Lutheran’, also cf. prūšokas ‘an insect of the cockroach order, the German cockroach (Blattella)’. The surname *Prūšokas is not listed in LPŽ. Other researchers also give a personal name as the base word of the oikonym, but additionally list the common noun prūšokas (see Razmukaitė 1998: 61).

Rýliškės village, Sld: Laurentium Ryliszkis de Gatakiemie¹² 1756 LkmJn 15, Andreas Ryliszkis de Gianakalnie¹³ 1756 LkmJn 16: personal names Rýliškis, Rýliškis; cf. rylà ‘one who yells, talks nonsense’. Both surnames are also widespread in this area (LPŽ II 607). The oikonym is considered to be derived from the personal name Rylà with the suffix -iškės (Razmukaitė 1998: 61), but historical data indicate that it is more likely a formation with a flexional ending.

⁸ The distance from Kaukiškė to Linkmenys is only about 4.5 km.

⁹ The distance from Medinos to Lamėstas is only about 4.5 km.

¹⁰ The distance from Pipiriškė to Pakretuonė is only about 5 km.

¹¹ The distance from Prūsočiškės to Drobiškis is only about 1 km. These villages are adjacent.

¹² The distance from Rýliškės to Gatakiemis is only about 6.5 km.

¹³ The distance from Rýliškės to Geniakalnis is only about 5 km.

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Šárkiai village Sld: Anna Szarhicia Maruszkienie de Untolksnie¹⁴ 1756 LkmKr_II 54: cf. Šarkis; compare šarka ‘a bird of the crow family with white feathers on its wings (Pica pica)’; also compare the meanings ‘figuratively, of a talkative woman; figuratively, of a lean, thin creature’. The surname Šarkis is recorded in the rather nearby areas of Utena and Vyžuonos (LPŽ II 890).

Šiliniškės village Lkm: Catarina Szylinowa de Lyngmiany¹⁵ 1758 LkmKr_II 63: cf. Šilinis; compare šilinis ‘one who lives in the pinewoods or pine forest’. The surname Šilinis is not recorded in Linkmenys district (LPŽ II 927). This village name is likewise considered anthroponymic by other researchers (see Razmukaitė 1998: 63).

Vėžiškės village Sld: Lucia Wiezowna de Antalamestie¹⁶ 1769 LkmKr_III 67, Barbara Wiezowna de Alzutany¹⁷ 1769 LkmKr_III 67: cf. Vėžys; compare vėžys ‘a ten-legged crustacean with a shell and pincers near the head (Astacus)’, also compare the meaning ‘figuratively, a stubborn person’. The surname Vėžys is recorded in the nearby districts of Kuktiškės and Utena (LPŽ II 1201).

Žvirbliškė village Lkm: Regina Zwirbliowa de Mineyszan¹⁸ 1770 LkmKr_III 77: cf. Žvirblis; compare žvirblis ‘a small bird of the finch family found around homesteads and in towns (Passer)’, also compare the meaning ‘figuratively, of a small, weak person’. The surname Žvirblis has also survived in Linkmenys district (see LPŽ II 1354).

By presenting a range of anthroponymic oikonyms, the aim is not to claim that all Lithuanian settlement names whose formation and origin can be explained in two ways are derived (formed) from personal names. On the other hand, these examples clearly show general tendencies.

CONCLUSIONS

1. Ambiguous, and therefore not entirely precise, explanations of the formation and origin of many oikonyms can be avoided by examining their attestations in historical documents.

2. Formation and origin can be determined most accurately when historical data show that a personal name with the same root or stem existed in the very settlement designated by the oikonym under study.

3. When historical personal names with the same root or stem are recorded in the same parish at the same time, but not in the settlement designated by the oikonym itself, rather in a nearby settlement, the settlement names should likewise be considered anthroponymic.

¹⁴ The distance from Šarkiai to Antalksnė is about 11.5 km.

¹⁵ The distance from Šiliniškės to Linkmenys is about 9 km.

¹⁶ The distance from Vėžiškės to Antalamestė is only about 2 km.

¹⁷ The distance from Vėžiškės to Alžutėnai is only about 6 km.

¹⁸ The distance from Žvirbliškė to Mineiškėmis is about 8.5 km.

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4. Some oikonyms whose possible base (derivational) words are identified in toponymic studies as personal names and common nouns, or only as common nouns, are in fact derived from personal names: Eglýniškė village, Vdš, Kemšiai village, Sk, Kirmėliškis village, Jdp, Prusoškiškės village, Sld, Veršiai village, Žg, Žagarė town, Jnš.

5. The historical data analyzed allow us to conclude that, where oikonyms may have either an anthroponymic or an appellative formation and origin, derivation from personal names should be preferred.

6. Accurate and well-founded studies of oikonym formation and origin are impossible without historical toponymic and anthroponymic data; these data must therefore be collected and analyzed.

ABBREVIATIONS

Ad – Adūtiškis (Švenčionys District)

Al – Alytus

avd. – personal name

Brž – Biržai

Ck – Ceikiniai (Ignalina District)

Čln – Čiulėnai (Molėtai District)

Ddsl – Didžiasalis (Ignalina District)

Dgl – Daugailiai (Utena District)

Dglš – Daugėliškis (Ignalina District)

DglšN – Naujasis Daugėliškis (Ignalina District)

Dl – Deltuva (Ukmergė District)

dv. – manor

Ign – Ignalina

Jdp – Juodupė (Rokiškis district)

Jnš – Joniškis

Jnšk – Joniškėlis (Pasvalys district)

Jon – Jonava

Jrb – Jurbarkas

v. – village

Kdn – Kėdainiai

Klm – Kelmė

Klov – Klovainiai (Pakruojis district)

Klp – Klaipėda

Kp – Kupiškis

Kri – Krukai (Joniškis district)

Krkn – Krekenava (Panevėžys district)

Kš – Kaišiadorys

Kz – Kazliškis (Rokiškis district)

Lgm – Lygumai (Pakruojis district)

Lkm – Linkmenys (Ignalina district)

Luok – Luokesà (Molėtai district)

Lzd – Lazdijai

Ml – Mielagėnai (Ignalina district)

Mlt – Molėtai

Mnd – Mindūnai (Molėtai district)

Mrj – Marijampolė

On – Onuškis (Rokiškis district)

Pbs – Pabaiskas (Ukmergė district)

Pkr – Pakruojis

Pn – Panevėžys

PnmR – Panemunis (Rokiškis district)

Prn – Prienai

Ps – Pasvalys

Pst – Paštovys (Belarus)

Rim – Rimšė (Ignalina District)

Rk – Rokiškis

Sk – Skaistgirys (Joniškis District)

Slč – Saločiai (Pasvalys District)

Sld – Saldutiškis (Utena District)

Smrg – Smurgainys (Belarus)

Sr – Sariai (Švenčionys District)

Str – Strūnaitis (Švenčionys District)

Sug – Suginčiai (Molėtai District)

Svrk – Svirkos (Švenčionys District)

Šk – Šakiai

Šl – Šiauliai

Švnč – Švenčionys

Švnčl – Švenčionėliai (Švenčionys District)

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Tl – Telšiai

Tlpk – Tulpiakiemis (Ukmergė District)

Trak – Trakai

Tvr – Tverečius (Ignalina District)

Ut – Utena

V – Vilnius

Vdn – Vidėniškiai (Molėtai District)

Vdš – Vidiškės (Ignalina District)

Vdšk – Vidiškiai (Ukmergė District)

Vrn – Varėna

vs. – single homestead

Zr – Zarasai

Žg – Žagarė (Joniškis District)

Žl – Želva (Ukmergė District)

HISTORICAL SOURCES

AdKr_I: Книга N1 о Родившихся Годущискаго РК Приходскаго Костела, съ 1655 Года по 1687. Preserved in the archive of the Adutiškis church.

AdKr_II: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Hoduciskiego Od roku 1688. Obr~a 23º do roku 1699. Augusta 23º. Saugoma Adutiškio bažnyčios archyve.

AdKr_III: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Hoduciskiego Od roku 1760. Obr~a 5º do roku 1767. Marca 5º dnia. Saugoma Adutiškio bažnyčios archyve.

AdMr: [Adutiškis church death register. From 6 April 1720 to 23 October 1792]. Preserved in the archive of the Adutiškis church.

CkKr_I: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Swięciańskiego od roku 1774. Apryla 17. do roku 1775. ocbr~a 27.– przy filii Ciekińskiej. Saugoma Ceikinių bažnyčios archyve.

CkKr_II: Baptismal Register of the Cieykinskiego Filial Church, of those baptized from the Święciany Parish, from 3 January 1790 to 1804. Ocbr~a. Preserved in the archive of the Ceikiniai church.

CkKr_III: Baptismal Register of the Cieykinskiego Filial Church, of those baptized from the Dawgieliskie Parish, from 9 January 1790 to 11 October 1804. Preserved in the archive of the Ceikiniai church.

CkKr_IV: Baptismal Register of the Cieykinskiego Filial Church, of those baptized from the Święciany Parish, from 1 January 1805 to 22 April 1812. Preserved in the archive of the Ceikinių church.

CkKr_V: Baptismal Register of the Cieykinskiego Filial Church, of those baptized from the Dawgieliskie Parish, from 1 January 1805 to 21 October 1813. Preserved in the archive of the Ceikinių church.

CkKr_VI: Baptismal Register of the Cieykinskiego Filial Church, of those baptized from the Święciany Parish, from 5 May 1812 to 31 October 1818. Preserved in the archive of the Ceikiniai church.

CkKr_VII: Baptismal Register of the Cieykinskiego Filial Church, of those baptized from the Dawgieliskie Parish, from 25 January 1814 to 19 October 1820. Preserved in the archive of the Ceikiniai church.

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CkKr_VIII: Baptismal Register of the Filial Church of Cieybiń, recording those baptized from the parishes of Święciany and Dawgieliskiey, from 5 January 1821 to 15 August 1831. Kept in the archive of Ceikiniai Church.

CkKr_IX: Baptismal Register from the Parish of Święciany at the filial church in Cieykins, recording those baptized in 1833. Compiled through 8 December 1835. Kept in the archive of Ceikiniai Church.

CkKr_X: Baptismal Register from the Parish of Dawgieliskiey at the filial church in Cieykins, recording those baptized in 1833. Compiled. Kept in the archive of Ceikiniai Church.

CkKr_XI: Baptismal Register of the Filial Church of Cieykins, Parish of Święciany, compiled in 1835. Kept in the archive of Ceikiniai Church.

CkKr_XII: Baptismal Register of the Filial Church of Cieykins, Parish of Dawgieliskiey, compiled in 1835. Kept in the archive of Ceikiniai Church.

DglJn: [Daugailiai parish marriage register, 1685–1731]. Kept in the archive of Daugailiai Church.

DglŠKr_I: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Dawgieliskiego Od roku 1706. Januar~ 6ᵒ. Do roku 1737. Obr~a 20ᵒ. LVIA F. 1329, Ap. 1, B. 1.

DglŠKr_II: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Dawgieliskiego Od roku 1764. Obr~a 10. dnia Do roku 1774. Januar~: 9 dnia. LVIA F. 1329, Ap. 1, B. 8.

DglŠKr_III: Baptismal Register of Dawgieliski Parish Church, from 16 January 1774 to 2 May 1790. LVIA F. 1329, Ap. 1, B. 10.

LkmJn: Księga Metryk Ślubnych Kościoła Parafialnego Ł yngmianskiego od roku 1740. Junii 3. dnia do Roku 1760. Novembra 9. dnia. Saugoma Linkmenų bažnyčios archyve.

LkmKr_I: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Ł yngmianskiego od Roku 1708. Januaryi 10. dnia do Roku 1740 Apryla 24. dnia. Saugoma Linkmenų bažnyčios archyve.

LkmKr_II: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Ł yngmianskiego od roku 1740. Maia 22. dnia do Roku 1760. Oktobra 24. dnia. Saugoma Linkmenų bažnyčios archyve.

LkmKr_III: Baptismal Register of the Parish Church of Ł yngmiany, from 9 November 1760 to 25 November 1790. Kept in the archive of Linkmenai Church.

MltJn: No. 1. Marriage Register of the Malaty Parish Church, from 13 January 1682 to November 1691, contains 14 numbered pages and 121 numbered entries. – G a r l i a u s k a s V i d a s. The seventeenth-century baptismal and marriage register of Molėtai Church. Vilnius: Institute of Science and Encyclopaedia Publishing, 2004, 137–154.

MltKr: No. 1. Baptismal Register of the Malaty Parish Church, from 13 January 1682 to August 1692, contains 45 numbered pages and 661 numbered entries. – G a r l i a u s k a s V i d a s. The seventeenth-century baptismal and marriage register of Molėtai Church. Vilnius: Institute of Science and Encyclopaedia Publishing, 2004, 65–136.

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OnKr: [Baptism and marriage register book of Onuškis Roman Catholic Church. 1685–1740]. LVIA F. 1299, Ap. 1, B. 12.

ŠvnčJn: Księga Metryk Ślubnych Kościoła Parafialnego Święciańskiego Od roku 1742. Julij: 13. Do roku 1748. Maia 12. dnia. Saugoma Švenčionių bažnyčios archyve.

ŠvnčKr^I: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Święciańskiego Od roku 1749. Februar: 6. Do roku 1753. Marca 8. dnia. Saugoma Švenčionių bažnyčios archyve.

ŠvnčKr^II: [Baptism register book of the parish church of Švenčionys, 1753–1759]. Preserved in the archive of Švenčionys Church.

ŠvnčKr^III: Baptism Register Book of the Parish Church of Švenčionys. From the year 1823, March 24, to the year 1827, approximately the 26th day. Preserved in the archive of Švenčionys Church.

TvrKr^I: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Twereckiego od roku 1755. Januar~: 1º do roku 1778. Apryla 1º. LVIA F. 1332, Ap. 1, B. 2.

TvrKr^II: Księga Metryk Chrzestnych Kościoła Parafialnego Twereckiego. Od roku 1778. Apryla 5º: do roku 1799 obcr~a 27º. LVIA F. 1332, Ap. 1, B. 3.

ŽgKr: [Baptism register book of Žagarė Roman Catholic Church. 1650–1654]. LVIA F. 1191, Ap. 1, B. 2.

LITERATURE AND SOURCES

Bartkutė Nerija 2008: Joniškio rajono teritorijos toponimija: daryba ir raidos polinkiai. Daktaro disertacija. Šiauliai: Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas, Šiaulių universitetas.

BRS – Belarusian–Russian Dictionary, edited by Kondrat Kondratovich Krapiva. Moscow: State Publishing House of Foreign and National Dictionaries, 1962.

Endzelytė Renata 2005: Šiaurės vidurio Lietuvos vietovardžiai. Daktaro disertacija. Kaunas: Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas.

Garliauskas Vidas 2004: XVII a. Molėtų bažnyčios krikšto ir santuokos metrikų knyga. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas.

LKŽe – Lietuvių kalbos žodynas (t. I–XX, 1941–2002): elektroninis variantas. Redaktorių kolegija: Gertrūda Naktinienė (vyr. redaktorė), Jonas Paulauskas, Rimutė Petrokienė, Vytautas Vitkauskas, Jolanta Zabarskaitė. – Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2005. Prieiga internete: www.lkz.lt.

LPŽ I–II – Dictionary of Lithuanian Surnames 1–2, ed. Aleksandras Vanagas. Vilnius: Mokslas, 1985–1989.

LVŽ I – Bilkis Laimutis, Maciejauskienė Vitalija, Razmukaitė Marija: Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names 1. Vilnius: Institute of the Lithuanian Language, 2008.

Mickienė Ilona 2001: Telšių rajono toponimų daryba. Daktaro disertacija. Kaunas: Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas.

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Razmukaitė Marija 1998: Lietuvos priesaginiai oikonimai. Daktaro disertacija. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas.

Vanagas Aleksandras 1996: Lietuvos miestų vardai. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla.

Vasmer IV – Max Vasmer. Etymological Dictionary of the Russian Language 4. Moscow: Progress, 1973.

VSV – Place Names of the Vilnius Region. Vilnius, 1945 (proofs).

Zinkevičius Zigmas 2011: Ukmergės rajono gyvenviečių vardynas. Pavadinimų kilmė. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas.

On the Duality of Wordbuilding and Origin of Certain Lithuanian Oikonyms

S U M M A R Y

Several cases can be singled out in broader studies of Lithuanian oikonymy (toponymy), in which two potential base or original words belonging to different lexical strata—appellatives and onyms, more precisely anthroponyms—are identified for a settlement name. Such words are usually: 1) physiographic terms and personal names with the same root (stem) (Šmotiškiai: pn. Šmõtas or šmõtas ‘area, parcel, plot of land’, Miškiniai: pn. Miškinis or miškas, Valākai: pn. Valākas or valākas ‘a parcel of land equal to around twenty dessiatines’; 2) plant names and personal names with the same root (stem) (Žilvičiai: pn. Žilvitis or žilvitis, Baravykai: baravykas or pn. Baravykas, Jovarai: jõvaras or pn. Jõvaras; 3) animal names and personal names with the same root (stem) (Gerviniai: gérvė or pn. Gérvė, Kurãpkiškiai: kurapkà or pn. Kurapkà; 4) personal names and personal names with the same root (stem) (Gudìnė: pn. Gùdas or etn. gùdai, gùdas, Pekoriškė: pn. Pėkorius or pėkorius ‘baker’, Totõriškė: pn. Totõrius or etn. totõrius, Degùčiai: pn. Degùtis or degùtis ‘one who makes tar and earns a living by doing so’; 5) various other common words and personal names with the same root (stem) (Degùtinė: pn. Degùtis or degùtas, Pavietavà: pavietas ‘county, country, region’ or pn. Pavìėtas.

As a result of the possible two-fold interpretation, the treatment of the word-building and origin of the oikonyms of the same type often diverges, for instance, in the case of some “animal” names, two origin possibilities are specified, where an appellative or a personal name takes a preceding position, while in other cases only the version of origin from a personal name is given; yet others are derived from appellatives exclusively. “Professional” oikonyms are treated in a similar way, for example, some are derived from personal names or personal names or appellatives, while others – from anthroponyms. Due to the afore-mentioned two-fold possibilities of world-building (base word) and origin, even the same oikonyms are interpreted differently by different researchers.

Relativity, inconsistency and hypothetical conclusions are difficult to avoid in the analysis of such oikonyms. Hence, we should look for more reliable ways of determining the base of

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their word-building and origin. Probably the most precise results on the word-building and origin of oikonyms can be obtained when the data on whether a common-root personal name is/was in the same settlement referred to by an oikonym are available.

An examination of a number of oikonyms in church books recording baptisms, marriages, and deaths in several parishes revealed personal names with the same root alongside a number of settlement names that had potentially been interpreted in two ways. These cases therefore disclose the true base (original) words of oikonyms, and their formation and origin need not be interpreted in two ways. For example, Pušýnai: Stephani Pułzynas de Pułzynu, Gaspar Pułzynas de Pułzynu, Ioannis Pułzynas de Pułzynu: pn. Pušýnas; cf. pušýnas ‘pine forest’, Garniai: Zofia Garnicia de Garnie, Martinuł Garnis de Garniow: pn. Garnýs; cf. garnýs, Kazõkai: Catharina Kozakicie de Kozaki, Christophoro Kozak de Kozaki, Stephani Kozak de Kozaki: pn. Kazõkas; cf. kazõkas, Bandõriai: Antonÿ Bondar de Bondar: pn. *Bandõrius; cf. bandõrius ‘cooper’, *Varnalizdžiai: Agatha Warnalizdowa de Warnalizdy: pn. *Varnalizdis; cf. varnálizdis, vārnalizdis ‘crow’s nest’, etc.

The formation and origin of settlement names can also be determined accurately when historical personal names with the same root are recorded at the same time in the same parish, but in another village identified by an oikonym. The villages are often close to one another; nevertheless, their occurrence in the same parish is also considered a reliable criterion. For example, Kaũkiškė: Elisabeta Kawkutowna de Lyngmiany: pn. Kaũkas; cf. kaũkas ‘a household spirit that brings wealth, otherwise called aitvaras; an over-age, thin man with tangled hair; an old-fashioned, superstitious man’, Pipìriškė: Stephanum Pipiras de Pakratonie: pn. Pipìras; cf. pipìras ‘figuratively, a short man’, Prūsoškiškės: Barbara Pruszakiewiczowa in Suis bonis Drobiszki: pn. *Prūšõkas; cf. prūšõkas ‘a resident of former East Prussia or the Klaipėda Region; a German; a Lutheran’, Šilìniškės: Catarina Szylinowa de Lyngmiany: pn. Šìlinis; cf. šìlinis ‘one who lives in a pine forest’, Vėžiškės: Lucia Wiezowna de Antalamieście, Barbara Wiezowna de Alzutany: pn. Vėžỹs; cf. vežỹs, compare the meaning of this word ‘figuratively, a stubborn person’, etc.

Certain oikonyms, for which research on toponymy has proposed personal names and common words—or common words alone—as potential base (original) words, in fact derive from personal names: Eglynìškė village Vdš, Kẽmšiai village Sk, Kirmėliškis village Jdp, Prūsoškiškės village Sld, Veršiai village Žg, Žagãrė town Jnš.

The analysed historical data lead to a conclusion that with a two-fold possibility of the word-building and origin of oikonyms – anthroponymic and appellative – priority is given to their derivation from personal names.

Accurate and well-grounded research of the word-building and origin of oikonyms is not possible without the data of historical toponymy and anthroponymy; therefore, it is essential to accumulate and analyse them.

Received on March 23, 2012.

LAIMUTIS BILKIS

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

5 P. Vileišio St., LT-10308 Vilnius, Lithuania

Email – [email protected]

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