ACTA LINGUISTICA LITHUANICA

X L I V (2 0 0 1), 4 1 – 5 4

Johann Richter

and the Lithuanian Language Seminar in Halle^*

VINCENTAS DROTVINAS

Vilniaus pedagoginis universitetas

The article deals with the circumstances of the foundation of the Lithuanian Seminary at the University of Halle and the activities of the first teacher at this seminar, Johann Richter (1727–1728). On the basis of materials from the archives of the Martin-Luther-Universität Halle Wittenberg, new facts from Richter’s biography are established, e.g., with regard to the place where he was awarded his MA degree (University of Wittenberg).

The Lithuanian Language Seminar, which operated in the Faculty of Theology at the University of Halle from 1727 to 1740, was the second center of Lithuanian studies in Germany, alongside the University of Königsberg. Lithuanian was taught in Halle, and the first “Lithuanian-German and German-Lithuanian Dictionary” in Prussia was published there (1730). Franz Specht was the first to write about the Halle Seminar (Specht 1935), while Eduard Winter provided the most extensive overview of the seminar’s history (Winter 1954). In the context of the history of Lithuanian linguistics and culture, the seminar has been discussed by Gertruda Bense, Vaclovas Biržiška, Kostas Korsakas, Leonas Gineitis, Jurgis Lebedys, Jonas Palionis, Domas Kaunas, Zigmas Zinkevičius, and others. Among more recent studies, the publications of Christiane Schiller (Schiller 1994, 1994a) and of the author of this article (Drotvinas 1998, 1998a) deserve mention. However, the history of the seminar has still not been comprehensively investigated.

In this article, we will examine in somewhat greater detail the circumstances surrounding the establishment of the Lithuanian Language Seminar in Halle and its working conditions, and highlight some aspects of the life, studies, and work of Johann Richter, the seminar’s first lecturer.

As we know, the Great Plague and famine of 1709–1711 devastated Prussia, particularly Lithuania Minor: about 40% of villages and towns were left empty. King Friedrich I of Prussia took steps to revive economically and culturally the kingdom’s northern region, inhabited by Lithuanians. Under the Retablissement (restoration) plan, in his 1718 rescript the king ordered the establishment of Lithuanian Language Seminars in Königsberg and Halle. This is connected with Königs-

^* The material used in this article was found in the archive of Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg during my research stay at the Interdisciplinary Centre for Pietism Studies of the University of Halle-Wittenberg and the Francke Foundations in 2000. I sincerely thank the leadership of the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung (Köln) and Prof. Dr. Udo Sträter, Executive Director of the Centre for Pietism Studies, for the scholarship and the working conditions provided. – In the article, material is used that was found in the archive of Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg during my research stay at the Interdisciplinary Centre for Pietism Studies of the University of Halle-Wittenberg and the Francke Foundations in 2000. For the scholarship and good working conditions, I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung Köln and the Executive Director of the Interdisciplinary Centre for Pietism Studies, Prof. Dr. Udo Sträter.

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the university professor, the inspector of schools in East Prussia, Johann Heinrich Lysius (1670–1731), whose reform was intended to improve the training of clergy and catechesis in Lithuania Minor. The seminar began operating in Königsberg in 1723, and in Halle somewhat later, only in 1727.

What was Halle like in the early eighteenth century, and why was the Lithuanian Language Seminar established in this particular city? What was the political and cultural atmosphere in Halle during the first decades of the eighteenth century, and what academic system prevailed at the University of Halle when Richter and the first “targeted” students from Lithuania Minor arrived?

Halle (in Middle High German dialect, hal “salt mine”) is first mentioned in 806, when Charlemagne founded a fortress to protect salt merchants. Halle grew and flourished through salt mining and trade in salt; in the Middle Ages it belonged to the Hanseatic League, and from 1680 it was ruled by the Brandenburg-Prussian electors. By the end of the seventeenth century, Halle had become a university and garrison town, governed from Berlin and Potsdam.

In 1694, Frederick III of Brandenburg established a reform university in Halle as a counterweight to the strictly Lutheran universities of Wittenberg and Leipzig, and it was associated with the emergence and development of Pietism. Pietism arose in the second half of the seventeenth century as a religious movement directed against Protestantism’s excessive rationalism, which disregarded believers’ mystical and emotional needs and the intimate nature of faith (Arnašius 1994: 53). The German theologian Friedrich Jakob Spener (1635–1705), who founded Collegia pietatis (“College of Piety”) in Frankfurt am Main in 1670, is considered the originator of Pietist ideology.

Spenerio mokinys ir pasekėjas buvo vokiečių teologas Augustas Hermannas Francke (1663–1727), savo mokytojo pažiūras skelbęs Leipcige bei Erfurte ir už tai atleistas iš kunigo pareigų. Būdamas Hallės priemiesčio Glauchos parapijos kunigu, plėtojo socialinę jaunimo rūpybą ir ugdymą, 1695 m. įsteigė mokyklą varguomenės vaikams ir našlaičių (Waisenhaus, gr. Orphanotrophium), iš jų vėliau išaugo Francke’s fondo institucijos (Franckesche Stiftungen) kaip universiteto struktūrinis priedas. Besikuriančiame Hallės universitete 1691 m. Francke pradėjo dėstyti graikų ir rytų kalbas, buvo glaudus humanistinio mokymo Waisenhauso mokyklose šalininkas, planavo įsteigti specialų filologinį seminarą klasikinėms kalboms studijuoti. Be jo, Halėje dėstė žymus vokiečių filologas klasikas Joachim­as Lange, kurio graikų kalbos gramatika, vadinamoji Waisenhauso gramatika, 1705–1821 m. buvo išleista 57 kartus, o lotynų kalbos gramatika per maždaug tą patį laikotarpį sulaukė 60 leidimų (Martens 1989: 167–168). Hallės universitetą garsino žymiausi to meto autoritetai. Iš jų minėtinas juristas, prigimtinės teisės propaguotojas Christianas Thomasius (1655–1728), bene pirmasis Leipcige (ir visoje Vokietijoje) 1687 m. pradėjęs paskaitas skaityti vokiškai, leidęs mokslinį žurnalą Mėnesinės naujienos (Monatliche Nachrichten). Thomasius įteisino vokiečių kalbą kaip universiteto paskaitų kalbą ir kaip priemonę mokslinei publicistikai (nors nenuneigė ir lotynų kalbos, kuria dar buvo rašomos disertacijos). Filosofas Christianas Wolffas (1679–1754), Gotfriedo Wilhelmo Leibnitzo pasekėjas, buvo vadinamas antruoju Vokietijos mokytoju (Praeceptor Germaniae), dėl savo pažangių pažiūrų 1723 m. ištremtas iš Prūsijos, 1740 m. pakviestas atgal į Hal­lę (Käthe, 1998: 19). Visi jie drauge su teologais Joachimu Justu Breithauptu ir Pauliumi Antonu atsisakė senojo universitetų idealo (Dramblio kaulo bokštas) ir grindė universitetų reformą principu „Mokslas turi tarnauti gyvenimui“. Todėl jie laikomi pirmųjų modernių-

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the founders of German universities. In the eighteenth century, the University of Halle was called the Athens of the Saale (German Saal-Athen, after the name of the river flowing through the city, Saale).

Francke himself was the most prominent Pietist theologian in Halle. In him, strict penitential discipline was combined with an original system of teaching and education. Francke was a pioneer of educational institutions that later spread throughout Germany and abroad. It was no coincidence that the Pietist Faculty of Theology at the University of Halle was charged by King Frederick I with training Pietist preachers for parishes in Prussia, especially those in Lithuania Minor. This is attested by an entry in Francke’s diary from 1718: “The King sent a rescript stating that people (Schulleute) are to be trained here in Halle, who could be schoolmasters in Lithuania and later preachers” (Winter 1954: 44).

Although the King urged Francke to get the seminar in Halle underway more quickly, everything proceeded less rapidly than desired. Initially, the plan was to establish a seminar for 7–8 theology students who would study Lithuanian and later become preachers in Lithuania Minor (Schiller 1994: 205)¹. The rescript’s instruction to establish a “small seminar” in Halle was first implemented in the autumn of 1725, when the first nine theology students arrived in Halle from East Prussia. This is noted in the King’s rescript of November 17, 1725. On this basis, Winter tends to regard this date as the beginning of the Lithuanian Language Seminar (Winter 1954: 47) and disagrees with Specht’s view that the seminar began operating in 1727. However, the first seminar students were not yet taught Lithuanian, since no instructor had been found by then. Therefore, in rescripts dated May 2 and 26 and July 12, 1727, the King again stressed how important it was to him that Lithuanian language teachers be found.

Unfortunately, the search for suitable people took considerably longer. In order to fulfill this commitment, Francke, the leader of the Pietists in Halle, approached his like-minded associates in Lithuania Minor, asking them to propose candidates for the Lithuanian Language Seminar, which was about to open. The dean of Klaipėda (Erzpriester) Johann Arnold Pauli² responded to Francke’s request. In a letter to Francke dated January 26, 1727, he recommended two candidates—Johann Richter and Friedrich Wilhelm Haack—and noted that the two were collecting Lithuanian words from printed Lutheran texts and compiling a dictionary (Winter 1954: 48; Drotvinas 1998a: 84)³.

Richter is mentioned further in royal decrees. Documents from the royal chancery in Berlin tell us that Richter’s candidacy was approved. Pleased that a Lithuanian language expert suitable for work at the future Halle seminar had been found, the King, in 1727,

¹ “… you would gladly have a small Seminarium established in Halle with precisely 7–8 subjects…” (Schiller 1994: 205).

² Johannas Arnoldas Pauli (1682–1741) gimė Johannisburge, 1698 m. studijavo teologiją Karaliaučiaus universitete, 1703 m. buvo pradžios mokyklos vedėjas, nuo 1708 m. visos Rusijos evangelikų karo kapelionas ir Peterburgo liuteronų parapijos kunigas inspektorius. Grįžęs į Vokietiją, 1712 m. Frankfurto prie Oderio universitete gavo teologijos daktaro laipsnį, buvo pakviestas į Karaliaučiaus universitetą ekstraordinarių profesorių. Šios vietos atsisakė ir buvo paskirtas Klaipėdos superintend entu (Krollmann 1967: 492). Paulis buvo vienas iš Heinriko Lysijaus redaguoto katekizmo lietuviško vertimo tikrintojų, pritaręs jam 1719 m. spalio 1 d. Domėjosi prūsų kilmės istorija, išspausdino straipsnį Kurzer Entwurf einer Weitläufigen Ausführung einiger Sätze von der alten Preussischen Sprache, Königsberg, 1754 („Kai kurių plačiai išdėstytų teiginių apie senąją prūsų kalbą metmenys“), žr. Biržiška (1963: 34).

³ The contents of the letter show that this is Pauli’s reply to Francke’s letter. Unfortunately, no earlier letters by the latter that would reveal the beginning of their correspondence have yet been discovered.

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In the rescript of September 8, he informed Francke: “I am pleased that a theology student named Richter, who is proficient in Lithuanian, has decided to teach others this language”⁴. That Specht was indeed right is confirmed by the words of the king’s rescript of November 27, 1727: “I am truly pleased that a beginning has been made with the Lithuanian language seminar”⁵.

When the Lithuanian language seminar⁶ began operating, Francke’s foundation had 3,000 pupils, teachers, and tutors. In 1727, 256 theologians, 245 law students, and 44 medical students—a total of 549 students—studied at the University of Halle. Over the decade 1731–1742, more students studied at Halle than at any other German university (Dreyhaupt 1755: 147). The library, which began with eight books in six languages acquired through monetary donations, already held 18,000 purchased and donated books by 1721, and special premises were built for it in 1728 (Storz 1992). Around that time, a printing press, a bookshop, a Bible publishing center, a pharmacy, and other institutions began operating. However, conditions for students’ studies were far from ideal: there was a shortage of theology lecturers, and lectures in theology and philosophy were given in a single room in the library of St. Mary’s Church (now Marienbibliothek); many lectures took place in professors’ apartments, and only later did the university receive premises from the magistrate for general events and ceremonies (the so-called Waage); see Hertzberg (1891). Francke himself, it is true, also supported foreigners (Czechs, Slovaks, Hungarians), helping them form groups of translators of sorts to translate the Bible and other religious texts into their national languages. Various student associations, given grand-sounding names—at least in our eyes—were devoted to more in-depth study of the Bible and theology in general.

Information about Johann Richter’s life, his years of study, and his linguistic and pedagogical activities is rather sparse and brief. Richter⁷ was born in 1704 in Klaipėda, into the family of a merchant from Lübeck. Thus, from an early age he may have learned some Lithuanian in Klaipėda, where he also received his elementary education. On September 14, 1722, he matriculated at the University of Königsberg, where he studied theology and most likely strengthened his knowledge of Lithuanian at the Lithuanian language seminar there. His studies in Königsberg may have lasted two or three years. We do not know what he did until he was invited to Halle⁸. The aforementioned letter from Pauli to Francke states that his father allowed his son to continue his theological studies in Germany.

⁴ “Next, I am pleased that a student of theology named Richter, who is proficient in the Lithuanian language, has resolved to teach others there in this language” (Winter 1954: 48).

⁵ “I am indeed very pleased that a beginning has been made with the Lithuanian seminar” (Winter 1954: 49).

⁶ In Halle’s archival documents, the seminar is referred to in various ways: Seminarium Lithuanicum, Littauisches Seminar, Seminarium Theologicum Lithuanicum, Collegium Lithuanicum, Institutum Lithuanicum.

⁷ In Lithuanian historiography, Johann (Jonas) Richter is called Richter II (to distinguish him from Johann Richter, also known as Rikovius); see Biržiška (1963: 66).

⁸ In a letter to Francke, Pauli writes about the shortage of pastors in Lithuanian parishes, noting that three pastors had died within a few years. The situation is particularly difficult on the Curonian Spit, where 55 families live in a narrow strip between the sea and the lagoon; bringing them a pastor requires traveling 24 miles back and forth. Although a pastor had been promised after the Reformation, the parishioners had not received one in a century and a half. He also writes about the poor material circumstances of pastors, in which nine other poor people have to support one poor pastor. Because of the shortage of pastors, this small flock of Christ often goes four weeks or more without hearing the word of God and may easily become wild; it needs better pastoral care (Winter 1954: 202).

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We learn about Richter’s studies at the University of Halle from the matriculation record: 15 September 1727: Joh. Richter Memela Bonuss dd Theol. (see Fig. 1). The entry is in the applicant’s own hand, minimal and not very informative. A second matriculation date is also given—18 May 1728 (Winter 1954: 48)⁹. In Halle, Richter not only studied theology but was also the first lecturer of the Lithuanian Language Seminar. Unfortunately, we have very little information about the teaching of Lithuanian in the seminar. Lithuanian lessons, probably following the example of the Königsberg seminar and held for two hours a week, required textbooks, as did any translation of a text or preparation for a Lithuanian sermon. Richter could already use at least three Lithuanian grammars by Daniel Klein and Sapūnas–Schultz that had appeared by then. They were supplied to the Halle seminar, as we learn from letters to Francke, by Georg Friedrich Rogall (1701–1733), a professor at the University of Königsberg and a Pietist theologian. Obtaining a Lithuanian dictionary proved more difficult: no printed dictionary had yet appeared in Prussia. For this reason, Rogall most likely sent a manuscript Lithuanian–German dictionary from Königsberg, which Richter copied out. This is attested by an anonymous manuscript Lithuanian–German dictionary now kept in the library of the Francke Foundations, on whose last (300th) page Richter’s hand records the date on which he completed the copy: A. MDCCXXVIII die 18. Junij. To this day, many uncritically regard the dictionary as Richter’s work (a topic for a separate article).

FIG. 1. JOHANN RICHTER’S MATRICULATION RECORD

As for Lithuanian religious books, Richter did not arrive in Halle empty-handed. He brought and donated three books to the seminar: Jonas Bretkūnas’s Postilė (1591), Jonas Rėza’s Psalterą Dowido (1625), and the New Testament (1727). All these books are dedicated to the Lithuanian Language Seminar and bear Richter’s inscriptions: In usum Seminarii Lithuani consecravit Joh: Richter Memela Boruss (see Figs. 2, 3). These dedication texts are valuable in several respects: they are early-

⁹ This date is taken from the minutes book of the convention of the Faculty of Theology at the University of Halle.

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2 PAV. JOHANNO RICHTERIO DEDIKUOTA JONO BRETKŪNO POSTILĖ (1591)

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3 PAV. JOHANNO RICHTERIO DEDIKUOTAS JONO RĖZOS PSALTERAS DOWIDO (1625)

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authentic signatures by Richter from his Halle period. As we know, the aforementioned dictionary manuscript bears no author’s (or copyist’s) name. Comparing Richter’s autograph with the handwriting in the dictionary, we can clearly see that it was copied out by Richter. Finally, it is important to emphasize that the books Richter donated to the Lithuanian Language Seminar were the first Lithuanian publications in Halle. Richter may therefore rightly be regarded as the founder of the Lithuanian studies collections in the library of the Francke Foundations¹⁰.

On 20 March 1728, Francke gave Rogall a detailed account of the activities of the Lithuanian Language Seminar and the conduct of its members. Writing about Richter and his colleague Haack, he says that Mr Richter and Mr Haack, who teach Lithuanian, likewise stay within proper bounds and take opportunities to improve themselves spiritually. He adds of Richter that Paulis, seeking to strengthen the latter’s resolve to study, gave him two ducats for Lithuanian institutions (Winter 1954: 48).

It is also stated that on 30 April 1728 Richter received the degree of magister artium at the University of Halle (actually Wittenberg; see below) and left Halle in August of the same year. In a letter to Rogall dated 3 September, Francke wrote that many Prussians had accompanied Mr Richter and Mr Schraube, who departed on Wednesday. Upon returning to Lithuania Minor, Richter was ordained on 13 December 1728 and received the parish at Katyčiai; from 1736 he was assistant to the Lithuanian pastor of St James’s Church in Klaipėda and later deacon of the German parish church, as well as pastor of the Curonian Spit (Nehrungspfarrer); see Moeller (1968: 94). From 1744 until his death on 14 November 1754, he served as pastor of the Lithuanian parish in Klaipėda. He maintained his ties with Halle. In letters from Klaipėda dated 1736–1738, he wrote about religious matters and also about the construction of a school using funds received from the king, among other things¹¹. He did not engage in Lithuanian studies.

That is probably all we know about Richter, the first lecturer of the Lithuanian Language Seminar in Halle¹². Understandably, the Lithuanian Language Seminar itself, which in fact operated for barely more than a decade (1727–1740), was only a brief episode in the life of the University of Halle’s Faculty of Theology as a whole; it is even less likely that much can be found about Richter, who worked there for just over a year.

In recent years, having taken a closer interest in the history of Halle, I have found material that helps shed greater light on the university’s academic life during the years the Lithuanian Language Seminar was active. In the archives of the University of Halle and the Francke Foundations, I was able to find some new information about Richter’s studies in the Faculty of Theology. On this basis, I will try to explain one or two aspects of Richter’s life in Halle.

The internal regulations of the Faculty of Theology, based on Francke’s teaching and educational methods, governed the studies and training of future pastors. Pietism proclaimed that every-

¹⁰ The books in Lithuanian donated by Richter and later acquired by the Seminar were first surveyed by Franz Specht (Specht 1935: 49); Gertruda Bense later revised their list in an as-yet-unpublished bibliographic description, which has been of great use to Lithuanian studies scholars.

¹¹ Franckesche Stiftungen archive, C 467: letters 8, 11, 12.

¹² Albertas Juška states that the first teachers at the Seminar were A. Pottas and J. Richteris (Juška 1997: 573), but no student—and still less any teacher—with that surname could be found in the Halle archives. The only person known is August Friedrich Pott (1802–1887), who was a professor at the University of Halle from 1833 and took an interest in the Baltic languages.

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the human capacity to experience and know God personally, the personal attainment of Christianity (“die Erringung des persönlichen Christentums”) and devotion to God (“die persönliche Hingabe an Gott”). The general principle of education—de cultura animi—is to prepare pupils for useful practical activity through instruction, the cultivation of the mind, and vocational education. These requirements are set out in Francke’s special guidelines: “30 Rules for Preserving Conscience and Good Conduct in Conversation or Society”; “Regulations to Be Observed by Students Receiving Free Meals at the Orphanage in Glaucha, Halle”; “The Academic Wisdom of a Christian Student of Theology, Set Out in Useful Rules, with an Appendix on the Image of a Student of Theology”¹³. In his Universal Project (1704), Francke also maintained that universities should become true nurseries and gardens of God, where everything would be cultivated, perfected, and made fruitful. These guidelines emphasize that theology students must strive to prepare themselves well for pastoral care and church service; therefore, they should not show off with their clothes, turn night into day and day into night, but should divide their time wisely, devoting the morning hours to work and allowing the body enough nighttime rest to preserve its health, and so on. The spirit of Pietist piety demanded withdrawal from the world. The theater, circus performances, and other mass entertainments were officially banned throughout the city of Halle. This meant that students were required to abstain from all forms of entertainment; in general, they were to regard theater, dancing, and tobacco smoking as dangerous frivolity, and not to admire music, art, or creativity that served earthly love (Kawerau 1888: 90–97; Hertzberg 1891: 104; Martens 1989: 186).

To provide material support for poor students, most of whom had come from farther afield, the so-called royal, or Prussian Lithuanian, “table” (Preußisch-littauischer Freytisch) was established—that is, a scholarship for free meals (lunch). The first such table was established in 1704 for ten students. For a time there were as many as 13 tables; later, ten remained. In 1718 there were 8 tables, each serving 12 students. The number of students receiving free meals depended on voluntary collections and revenues from the domains (the table for the Faculty of Theology was funded by the Prussian administration of the domains). Applications for free meals were considered at a meeting of the ephors (supervisors); vacant places were filled by drawing lots, but students who studied poorly or behaved improperly were not admitted. In the event of illness, the table funds were not used; three pfennigs were deducted for each week a student was ill. Initially, students could use the table for three years; later, as the number of applicants grew, the period was reduced to two and even one year. Each table was assigned a senior (Senior), chosen from among students who were successful in their studies and entirely trustworthy. The tables were monitored by an inspector, who held conferences with the seniors every Monday. All the tables were administered by the board of supervisors (Collegium Ephphorum), consisting of four professors (one from each faculty), the bursar, who managed all the finances, and the inspector. Students also received meals at the orphanage.

13 „30 Regeln zur Bewahrung des Gewissens und guter Ordnung in der Conversation oder Gesellschaft“, Halle, 1689; „Ordnung so unter denen Studiosis die in dem Waysen=Hause zu Glaucha an Halle des Freyen Kost genießen, zu beobachten ist“, Halle, 1699; „Akademische KLUGHEIT eines christlichen Studiosi Theologiae in einigen nutzlichen Regeln […] Idea Studii Theologiae, oder Abbildung eines Studiosi der Theologie […]“ ertheilet von August Hermann Francke, Halle, in Verlegung des Waysenhauses, 1712.

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The first list of members of the Prussian Lithuanian table was written on January 2, 1728. After the senior, Straube, it lists Richter, Haack, and others, altogether 11 members of the Lithuanian Language Seminar¹⁴ (Drehyaupt 1755: 17).

New information is provided by the records of the Faculty of Theology at the University of Halle, the so-called minute books of the Faculty of Theology’s convocation¹⁵, which contain information about students’ academic progress and conduct (Juntke 1960: 7). These are the minutes of meetings chaired by the dean of the faculty and attended by several professors or lecturers of theology (some meeting minutes are signed by the dean and one of the professors).

The convocation minute book clearly reveals the social differentiation among Halle students. They differed in age, social status, education, and views on their studies and life in general. Some were studying for the first time and were the youngest (16–18 years old), while for others, who were 24 or even about 30, these were not their first studies. Students lived variously: some at the orphanage, some in rented rooms in the city. Their economic circumstances also varied: some were supported by their parents, while others supplemented their income by teaching at various schools in Halle, and so on. All this shaped the students’ everyday behavior.

The contents of the minutes show what was discussed at the meetings. First, the student’s first and last name are recorded, usually along with their place of origin and age, as well as how long they have been studying in Halle. Their place of residence (the landlord’s name) and the name of their roommate (students usually lived in pairs) are also noted. In individual cases, the minutes then mention requests or complaints concerning poverty, as well as other requests or recommendations from persons of higher standing. This can be seen in the following example: Christoph Liebe, a Prussian Lithuanian, in Halle for 3 years, having also studied in Königsberg for 5 and a half years, a member of the local seminar, lives and teaches at the orphanage, 27 years old, sets a good example, requests a certificate (Testimonium), as he wants to take up the post of Lithuanian preacher in Žiliai. Since, as the record goes on to say, Prof. Francke recommends him, he will be certified (entry of March 28, 1732). The minutes most often mention examinations taken (and passed). Entries usually conclude with traditional, succinct assessments, a kind of certification: bonae mentis, bonae indolis, Excitatur ex acedia, promittit optima. Quod est factum, est per Schedulam, and so on.

As the dates of the meetings show, they were held irregularly, probably as needed. In the spring semester of 1728, meetings were held at least several times. At one meeting, two or three, or even a dozen or more students might be reviewed. Their conduct is assessed in the following terms: Videt ur bonae notas, aber blöde; nondum satis notus; bishier weiß man nichts gutes von ihm; Animi non mali, sed scrupulosi. There are quite a few entries in the minutes about student conduct that ran counter to the student regulations¹⁶. Some students openly spoke out against theological studies. On August 10, 1728, a certain Gericke publicly declared that he did not wish to remain in the faculty; before the dean’s convocation he appeared dressed in red and very insolently announced that he had no

¹⁴ “[…] the members who were selected for the time being on account of their good conduct: Mr. Straube, as senior, Mr. Richter, Mr. Haack, Mr. Haffenstein, Mr. Schöneich, Mr. Wolff, Mr. Preuss, Mr. Biermann, Mr. Grüneberg, Mr. Gerich, Mr. Ebenteder.”

¹⁵ Archive of the Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg, Rep: 27 B. 4. Vol. 3 No. 1202 (covering the period November 21, 1721–July 14, 1730).

¹⁶ Christian Friedrich Spener is accused of not spending the night at home for three nights over Christmas, but of walking around the Straw Courtyard (Schlafrock) in a dressing gown (Strohhof). He should apparently be spoken to, as should his roommate (Crusius), about whom Spener said that he too, in his dressing gown and with tobacco

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no desire whatsoever to study theology. Students arriving from Prussian Lithuania did no better. For example, in the entry of June 30, 1730, we read that Johannas Gottliebas Perkūnas wrote godless letters, was very insolent, had been reprimanded for poor conduct, and so on. Thus life went on as usual, and the university authorities had to make considerable efforts to dissuade students, especially theology students, from the temptations of life.

Richter’s surname appears four times in the aforementioned convent register books:

1) – Entry of December 9, 1727: Johannes Richteris, Memel-Boruss., must go to the cell for an offense; he lives with Frau Gumbrachtin (?)¹⁷, see below;

2) We find Richter’s surname in the aforementioned list of participants in the Lithuanian Language Seminar’s Freytisch, dated January 2, 1728. Listed here are students chosen for the Prussian “table” on account of their good conduct. Thus, through his conduct and authority, Richter was the first member of the Freytisch;

3) – Entry of May 26, 1728: Johannes Richter, a Prussian from Klaipėda, lives with Mr. Horn, a bookbinder. [Passed] moral [scil. theology], Hist. def. et Symb. [the name of the subject is unclear – V. D.] according to the Book of Isaiah. Teaches Lithuanian¹⁸;

4) – August 27, 1728: Joh. Richteris, Memela Borussus. One year here. Returning to Prussia. Gives promise; has improved lately. Was the first lecturer in the Lithuanian Language Seminar¹⁹.

It remains unclear what significance the cell punishment had for Richter’s fate and what the words bonae spei in Richter’s assessment mean. “Has improved completely lately” (which means that previously not everything was bonae spei?). Here we should return to the entry of December 9, 1727, stating that Richter was punished with confinement for improper conduct. The entry does not specify what offense the student and seminar instructor Richter committed. It has so far proved impossible to determine whether Richter was indeed confined, and for how many days. The university statute (chap. 12) states that the Faculty of Law supervises student conduct, maintains contact with the vice-rector and deans, has authority to hear civil cases involving up to 20 thalers, and to try offenses punishable by confinement (Dreyhaupt 1755: 23). There is a known case of students being caught smoking a forbidden pipe after going out in the evening (entry of February 6, 1728). It is known of Joh. Andr. Jaeger from Magdeburg that he was walking around town by himself and conversing with women (mit Weibes Volck conversire). Three days earlier, Mr. D. Lange had himself looked for him in vain at lunchtime, at 12 o’clock. His conduct was to be investigated further (entry of February 6, 1728). This was done on February 20. Johannas Konradas Rolandas, aged 21, who had been in Halle for six months, was warned for failing to observe the rules, going out after lunch with a gun, and so on. The registers also reveal the love affairs of some students. One such student was Christianas Gottliebas Gauke, who lived with his landlady Ehrbachin and was warned on November 7, 1727, for often talking with the maid. He denied it, saying that the girl no longer lived in Halle. He seems frivolous. On the morning of November 11, a maid (die Magd) was found in his bed. He explained that this had happened in his absence, and the record states: quod incredibile. Since he had brought the girl in against his landlady’s wishes, she did not want to keep him. On December 19, Gauke again wished to use the Freytisch. But he was accused of having appeared at the dueling ground. He denied it and [appeared before] the academic court, where he spoke insolently. He was advised to withdraw for a quarter of a year so that he could improve. On May 11, Gauke took examinations (physics, exegesis, polemics), and so had improved.

¹⁷ “On December 9, 1727: 3. Joh. Richter, Memel-Boruss. was soon thereafter put in carcerem for misbehavior; lodged with Frau Gumbrachtin (?)”.

¹⁸ “Johannes Richter, Memela Prussus, lodged with Mr. Horn, bookbinder. Morale, Hist def. et Symb. in Iesaiam. Instructs in Lithuanian.”

¹⁹ “Joh. Richter, Memela Borussus. One year here. Returning to Prussia. Bonae spei; has been doing well lately. Was the first lecturer in the Seminario Lithuanico.”

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During the meeting of the estates of Lower Saxony, several people were arrested and placed in the lockup for a few days (Kertscher 1996: 4). Thus, without knowing the nature and circumstances of Richter’s offense, or the severity of the punishment, it is difficult to say anything more precise about the consequences of this decision. It may be assumed that it had no direct effect, at least in the months immediately following: as mentioned, on January 2, 1728, in the list of members of the Freytisch Richter is listed first after the senior member, which means that in practice, through his conduct and authority, he was the foremost user of the “table.”

The date and place where Richter obtained his degree of magister artium have also not been definitively established. Winter notes that the royal rescript of September 8, 1727, mentioned above, refers to Richter as a master, and he is likewise so titled in Pauli’s letter to Francke (Winter 1954: 48). If this were so, Richter could have obtained his master’s degree only at the University of Königsberg. However, judging from archival documents, Richter was nowhere called a master in Halle. Vaclovas Biržiška claims that Richter received the degree of magister artium in Halle (Biržiška 1963: 66). This seems plausible, but no documents supporting this claim have been found in the archives of the University of Halle. On the contrary, Richter’s surname appears in the degree register of the Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Wittenberg, from which it is clear that on April 30, 1728, Georg Wilhelm Kirchmaier, professor of Greek, awarded master’s degrees to 23 people, including Richter: XI. Jo. Richterus, Memela Borussus²⁰. Georg Wilhelm Kirchmaier (1673–1759), son of Georg Gaspar Kirchmaier (1635–1700), professor of Greek and eloquence at the University of Wittenberg, succeeded his father as professor of Greek after his death. His chief linguistic concern was to purify the language of the New Testament of Hebraisms (Friedensburg 1917: 592). Having worked in Wittenberg for nearly 60 years, Kirchmaier had many students. It is known that in 1742 Kirchmaier donated 2,000 programs, dissertation theses, and pamphlets to the library of the University of Wittenberg (Programme, Disputationen und Flugschriften), see Friedensburg (1917: 536, n. 4). More precise information, such as the dissertation’s subject and content, its supervisor, opponents, and so forth, has yet to be found in the archives of the University of Wittenberg.

The question of why Richter’s studies and pedagogical career in Halle ended so unexpectedly remains unanswered. Why did Richter, who had distinguished himself as the first instructor of the Lithuanian Language Seminar, have to leave the Seminar barely into its first year of operation and say farewell to Halle altogether? Winter merely states that Richter left Halle to work in his homeland (Winter 1954: 54). Given his theological education (having studied at two universities) and his age (24), Richter could have been appointed as a pastor. Given the shortage of pastors, this apparently determined Richter’s return to Lithuania Minor. On the other hand, there was a candidate to lead the Seminar—Haack.

* * *

Such were the first working years of the Lithuanian Language Seminar in Halle under Richter’s direction. It is unclear how Richter’s life and the work of the Lithuanian Language

²⁰ “A.C. MDCCXXVIII PRIDIE KAL. MAII ORDINIS PHILOS. QVINTVM DECANO GEORG. G’IL. KIRCHMAIE-RO CONSILIARIV REGIO ET GRAEC. LIT. P. P. SAPIENTIAE ATQ. INGENVARVM ARTIUM MAGISTRI RITE CREATI SVNT TRES ET VIGINTI“. – Archives of the University of Halle, Rep. 1, XXXV, 1, Bd. 4 (1714–1812), cf. also Juntke (1960: 376).

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Seminar might have developed if Richter had remained in Halle longer and served as its director and instructor. There is no doubt that Richter, the Seminar’s first teacher, had creative plans and undertook to prepare and publish Lithuanian pietist literature and teaching materials for the Lithuanian language, but in one year he did not have time to accomplish anything concrete. We might suppose that Richter began translating the publication Dawadnas Mokslas apie duszios Iszganima, which appeared in 1729, but that Haack and his students completed it.

Pirmuoju Seminaro laikotarpiu (1727–1732) jame dirbo du vedėjai ir docentai – Richteris (1727–1728) ir Friedrichas Wilhelmas Haackas (1728–1732). Jų veiklos rezultatus susumavo Augustas Gotliebas Francke Haacko žodyno (Halle, 1730) pratarmėje (Vorbericht) nurodęs, kad baigė studijas ir jau kunigauja 13 asmenų, o dar 10 studijuoja. Išleista pirmoji Hallėje lietuviška knyga – A. J. Freylinghauseno Ordnung des Heyls (Dawadnas Mokslas apie duszios Iszganimą, 1729), ir svarbiausia – pats žodynas. Galima manyti, kad Richteris buvo pradininkas tų darbų, kuriuos nudirbo jo įpėdinis, antrasis seminaro docentas Haackas. Čia ir yra Richterio indėlis.

LITERATŪRA

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Vincentas Drotvinas

Gauta 2001 05 30

Vilniaus pedagoginis universitetas

Ševčenkos g. 31, 2009 Vilnius, Lietuva

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