GRAMATINĖS KATEGORIJOS IR JŲ RAIDA

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XVIII (1978)

V. VITKAUSKAS

REFLEXIVE VERBS OF THE “P + s + V + s” TYPE IN EASTERN SAMOGITIAN DIALECTS

It has long been known in linguistics that the position of the reflexive particle in Lithuanian (and Latvian) reflexive verbs varies greatly, and that a word may sometimes even have several reflexive particles. After collecting such reflexive verbs in Samogitian dialects for a dozen or so years, many new facts have been found. Here an attempt is made to classify them by meaning and to establish cases in which several particles occur or one particle is moved from the middle of the word to the ending. The aim is to show variation, subtleties of usage, and the disappearance or more frequent use of certain forms.

I. In Eastern Samogitian dialects, a type of reflexive verb has developed that is characteristic of them alone and generally expresses a generalized action (Якучене 1968: 10). The Northern Samogitian (donininkai) dialects around Papilė, Akmenė, Vegeriai, Klikoliai, Tryškiai, Eigirdžiai, Raudėnai, Kaunatava, Ubiškė, Viešvėnai, Janapolė, etc., and the Southern Samogitians (dūnininkai) around Kuršėnai, Šaukėnai, Užventis, Vidsodis, Varpėtenai, Vaiguva, Pavendenė, Varniai, Karklėnai, etc., use verbs of the “P + V + s” type when they wish to characterize something emphatically or in a generalized way. (1) a tā·p | a tā·p mirė·s | kuo čė kįntietį nerū·kuos (Krš, Rūdėnai village); (2) kā·p važiuojė·s | pri.mietuos tuo šeina (Rdn); (3) kad á.udā·s lė.nc | tuo.ke·t.taisa nerei.k (Užv, Šunikiai village); (4) kū·n žeñuos | žėnuos | pasā·kuos (Pvn, Šlapgirės village); (5) jaunė·sne bovuos | ženuojios (Viekšniai, Žaduvenai village); (6) dabā· bapėges | veškō·n galė·s ženuotė (Žn); (7) kuōdiel tā·p siedās be dā·rba | uo darbū· gal·bes (Krš); (8) kī·k nutėi.sė·s | tī·k gā·usė·s (Krš); (9) užiedās kuo į rā·ugiejė·s (Krš); (10) kuol priprasė·s pri nau.je kā·tila “to the new mistress’s dishes” | tri·sė·s (Krš); (11) tōrė·s dabā·r pī·na (Pvn); (12) dė.rbūos dė.rbūos par vė·sa omžė·lė e prisidė·rbūos (Varn); (13) rāstu·s kuoks pamā·uoms nūmūks | pirkṭu·s (Krš); (14) ka torietomė·s | šlūgtomė·s laukūo tiuoķei šlamā· (Rdn, Girininkai village); (15) negėrbū·s darbā· tā·p lė·ngvė· | nemamī·k (Trš); (16) je torie·s | dōusė·s (Pp), etc.

The many such examples heard in Eastern Samogitian dialects, and their recent mention in linguistics (Якучене 1968: 10; LKT 95, 97, etc.), call for closer examination of the usage, formation, and meaning of these reflexive verbs.

The impersonal usage of these reflexive verbs is fairly clear (cf. LKG II 211–212). Only the third person (in all tenses and moods) is used impersonally. These verbs also have a generalizing meaning. For example, the third-person form of the verb in the first sentence, mirė·s, here expresses the inevitability of the thought and corresponds most closely to the second-person form in the Aukštaitian expression (either way, either way) you will die. Here one seems to sense a generalized agent, e.g., (2) važiuojė·s… — pri.mietuos || you go… — you scatter, (3) á.udā·s lė.nc || weave linen; (4) žeñuos… — pasā·

¹ Apie sangražinių veiksmažodžių galūnes šiose šnektose žr. Z. Zinkevičius 1966: 335–344, 361–362; apie tariamosios nuosakos 3 asm. žr. Vitkauskas 1976a: 6; apie nukeltinio kirčio atsiradimą sangražinių veiksmažodžių galūnėse žr. V. Vitkauskas 1960: 67–68; V. Grinaveckis 1972: 69, 72–73.

171

kūos || you know… — you say; (5) bovuos — žėniõjos || you were — you knew; (6) galė’s || you can; (14) toriẽtomė’s — šlūotome’s || you would have — you would sweep, etc. Aukštaitian dialect speakers, when wishing to present an action as detached from its agent, also insert some form of address (rhetorical), usually the word žmogus ‘person’: Vargsti vargsti žmogus, ir galo nėr (LKG III 743 — Ds) ‘You toil and toil, person, and there’s no end’; dierbi dierbi žmõ’gus ir nieko neusidierbi (Jd, Mišiūnai village) ‘You work and work, person, and accomplish nothing’, cf. the Samogitian “equivalent” dė.rba’s dė.rba’s ir oṣedė.rba’s šė.šes lė.ntas (Trš).

In meaning, such reflexive verbs seem to share certain features with the corresponding compound forms of the passive voice (cf. áudõ’s lėnc — linen is woven). However, the Samogitian forms are more characteristically generalizing and assertive, with the action somewhat detached from its agent. Failure to recognize this nuance of meaning has sometimes led researchers (including the author of this article) to regard these forms as passive (P. Jonikas 1939: 66; LKT 1970: 95), similar to the Russian passive expressed by reflexive verb forms. Russian reflexive verbs are closer in meaning to Lithuanian reflexive verbs with an intransitive meaning, which are probably used throughout the Lithuanian-speaking area; cf. sentences from these dialects: dvìli.n.kes “bedcover upholstery” suñ.ke’ plá.nas (Krš), skėñ.s ōugas sō žėvė (Rdn), i. tūn pli.ta gė.rā pėilis galō.ndā’s (Kaunatava), etc. The absence of generalization of the action usually distinguishes them from those discussed above. It may be supposed that reflexive verbs with an intransitive meaning even served as the basis for the use and formation of reflexive verbs with a generalizing meaning. Since these dialects in principle use reflexive verbs of the “P + s + V” formation characteristic of the standard language², the particle -s in reflexive forms with a generalizing meaning must necessarily occur at the end of the word.

a) Non-reflexive verbs used with a generalizing meaning take a single reflexive particle at the end (pattern P + V + s)

(1) paiėse’s | pasidėse’s and nuvai.se’s (Krš); (2) pasieda’s į prė’n tas dūšuli’s (Varn); (3) išėi.se’s par lėtū, suslāpė.se’s (Krš); (4) še’nc dā.kc “an old man” | jōu pavā.rkstā’s (Ub); (5) pavā.rkstā’s er acesiedā’s (Pp); (6) pėlė.ngvā rā.kta pasōkė.niejė’s | pasōkė.niejė’s er adā.rōs (Trš); (7) vai.stu parvėžies | pageriejus (Krš); (8) prisiesė’s pū.pu | ėšvė.rsė’s kūošes (Kaunatava); (9) ė pā.tis pavā.gles | ė rublieli pā.jiemes (Eig); (10) jaunì.stuo prisūn.tā’s | tuo pruōta niẽr (Krš); (11) jū.ka prī-kretā’s puo švėta (Pvn); (12) rė’nkō.ni ta sōjiedā’s kūoke ūuga | ta sōjiedā’s (Rdn); (13) pė.rā ė.lga čiesa (Pp); (14) nėšėt lėižu.vis | ė paklā.ušas nereikė.nt (Rdn); (15) kā.(p) pasė.nctā’s | nebė.tmenā’s (Vidsodis); (16) par tēik lā.ika pa-mė.ršōs (Žr); (17) suvi.nuosė’s | uždėse’s un viršaus džiėkis ir užrišes (Krš); (18) kā.p užmin.gā’s į perkūnėjes nejūn.tā’s (Krš, Dirvonenai); (19) ka padarītōmė’s tā.p | bū.to dėdė.lė gerā (Všv); (20) jė.žlī.nuotī’s | vėsė šuoktū.ės džauksma (Vieks-naliai, Žaduvenai village), etc.

A few isolated examples of such forms have also been recorded farther west of this area, and they are even known from older written sources. For example: daugiesu daug kęn ir nudirbus (M. Valanč ŽW 103); uo dėivė keik tūn mē.tu pā.rle.dūos (Jdr); pavā.rkstā’s še’nc grė.tā (Jdr); muša vios kūoki pā.ukšti | t’k tuos [medžiojimo] gerūoves bō.va (Šv); par tris vā.karus e pa-dė.rpses Ms; je dėdėlė nuories | atė.šes Ms; padā.rous kā.p | ė negerā Vvr; cf. also a sentence recorded by M. Untulis in Šatės in 1943: Mūsa darbā kojoms nuspardomi, nepavargstas; in addition, LKŽ IV 158 gives another sentence from the Šatės dialect: Išginus bandą iš visos (= all day), praalkstas. Such reflexive verbs, noted in the western Samogitian dialects and subdialects mentioned above, are very rare; compare the few examples already mentioned from the Pagramantis dialect and the expression heard in 1965 near Girdiškė (Šilalė district): pasė.nstas | kas iš tuo škrā.bala biė (Póžerė village). The fact that the phenomenon peters out without an isogloss may also indicate that it once had a wider area, but for various reasons the use of such reflexive verbs has faded in the southern and northern western Samogitian dialects.

² Except for formations with the particles te-, be-, ne-, where the particle s(i) is usually pronounced at the end; see Z. Zinkevičius 1966: 334.

172

b) The verb takes two reflexive particles (the pattern “P+s+V+s”) when a generalized meaning is imparted to a reflexive verb by its origin. E.g.: (1) su-siverš [spragalgėlei] nebi-pakulsė's (Krš); (2) prasistūmsė's ži:ma šė:p tā:p su_tum pāletūku (Krš); (3) ri:meti kad acėkela:s | tā:p viešė | gražė | tā:p kvėp (Eig); (4) pašė.dedā's kā:rtā's er osemė-rštā's (Trš); (5) šo žmuoni:ms pašėsnekėtę sosėti:n-kā's (Kaunatavā); (6) kuokė čė sveikata | pasival.kubė's nuo trioba | į gerā (Krš; LKŽ III 67); (7) vaivori:nūsi nu gai.lu apsigerā's (Krš); (8) vi.ns kita pasilākukā's į nesusipi:kstā's (Šauk); (9) bātu didelė gerā | ka susima:l.tus (Krš), etc.

These examples clearly convey generalization, a distancing from the action, and forms corresponding to the Aukštaitian construction with the second-person singular of the verb. Cf.: (1) susi-veršės... — nebi-pakūlsė's || susiverš — nebepakūlsi; (2) prasistūmsė's || prasistūmsi [žmogus]; (3) ri:meti acėkela:s || rytmetį atsikeli, etc., etc. The utterances here have a clear impersonal meaning.

Such instances of use also occur west of the dialects under consideration. E.g.: kā:rc pašėšlūrnejęs | kā:p kā:lna nāgė:l (Šv); sosė.sokas er esenėšuojes (Jdr), etc. Sometimes they are also heard in neighboring Western Aukštaitian dialects³: tām kārtui prasistūmes | ir gerā (Sk); us pinigus tai nusiperkas (Žg).

II. However, Eastern Samogitian dialects use many reflexive verbs of the “P+s+V+s” derivational type that do not have a generalized meaning.

a) A large group of reflexive verbs has two reflexive particles when a completed action is to be especially emphasized. E.g.: išsijemė ons ton plū:nēksna | žūr.t | žūr (Varn); šeimė:t ons sošėmėties dė.rptė (Pp); nu:sėvėdies į sklė:pā.blu pė:rktė (Vidsodis); pasėriemēs on ro:nkę u nasosėdžėties (Pvn); nu brūolu acėskī-ries ir išsistāties (Vārputėnai); kas sāva išižadā's | tas ne žmuogus (Krš), etc. In these cases, the reflexive forms no longer have an impersonal meaning. Consequently, two reflexive particles can also occur with forms of other persons and with infinitives. E.g.: vākara's susimėsmuos pušīnėti | paju:kūti | negė:rsma lū:b (Šauk); pu:n.čekums vīlnu prasivėrpu's | nuo tā:p kita nieka (Krš); ar fiėse pac eševe:rd's | a valgė:kliuo mi:nti (Rdn); nuoru ūgu prasivīrti's (Krš); a velniu nuori | ka usikabinėji:s visa lai.kā (Krš). Cf. also the sentence from the Western Samogitian dialects: sosemālsi's | esevė.rsī's (Vn), etc. This phenomenon is even more frequent in the speech of younger dialect speakers (35–50 years old) than among older or oldest speakers. Here are two characteristic conversations: a) a tas būva vielė:k užvil.kis (75-year-old woman) || jė:m ir užvilkā's | nuo tā:p ānuo „berno“ neniōru (25-year-old girl) (Vārputėnai); b) šnekīniejėmuos | ka dau:k su mā:šinums užimās (70-year-old woman) || užimūšā's dau:g | nuo ar bėje | lėk su vieje's (35-year-old woman, daughter) (Krš). The greater frequency of use at present may perhaps indicate the spread of this phenomenon. In any case, here the reflexive particle only slightly highlights or emphasizes the action.

b) Reflexive verbs with an inherent meaning quite often have two reflexive particles. E.g.: esetārā's kas | nuors pašėsk (Rdn); tīrpi tā:rukus | prisirū: kies truobā (Dirvōnėnai); šeimė:t tā:p gė:rs pašā:rs sošėvėžės (Vgr); on dojė:nes vē:rd | ne pū:c ese pāišuos | ne pāc nu:sepāišuos (Pvn); gālo apruodi.tė | kas pase dā:ries (Vidsodis); pšė.nėšies juomārks “all the market-goers got very angry” | vėšė pašō.ta dōutė (Ub); pšė.plakies žē:me | blūoks li:tōs (Vidsodis), etc. In this case, no particular emphasis is felt at all. The reflexive particle is probably added formally according to the pattern “P+s+V+s,” which had a motivated function in describing the verbs with generalized meaning discussed above, whereas here it is difficult to discern any distinctive function. Younger dialect speakers also use two reflexive particles here more often than older speakers. This may point to the phenomenon spreading later, or even to its formation on the basis of a particular model. In general, a linguistic phenomenon or even a linguistic unit, as it develops, sometimes tends to spread to other or similar linguistic features. As they diminish, draw closer to Western Aukštaitian dialects, and lose some of their distinctive features, Eastern Samogitian dialects sometimes begin to extend one of their phenomena even without a motivated meaning, thereby seemingly invigorating their vitality; compare the analogous disappearance of this-

³ Information provided by A. Jonait y tė.

173

same tendency in these dialects for nouns to shift from the i-stem to the e-stem (Vitkauskas 1976 b: 80–2)⁴, and the newly adopted and widely used suffix -ikė for forming girls’ surnames⁵. Probably all our present-day dialects have phenomena of this kind; investigating them is very important. For this reason, the spread of the seemingly unmotivated or weakly motivated occurrence of two reflexive particles in reflexive verbs with an inherent meaning has been discussed here in somewhat greater detail.

The phenomenon described here is connected with the varying position of the reflexive particle in Baltic languages in general⁶. When some Baltic-language dialects began forming prefixed reflexive verbs according to the pattern “P + V + s” (the Latvian Central dialects and the present-day standard language; earlier, the Central Lithuanian dialects, as M. Daukša’s writings show, and perhaps also Samogitian), conditions arose for dialects to interpret their existing (or acquired) derivational tendency in different ways and to make new use of it. As a result, the structure of reflexive verbs began to vary, and conditions emerged for differentiating meanings⁷. In this respect, Western Samogitian dialects developed transitive verbs (cf. the difference between pasemė•stė “to perish, disappear” and pamėštėis [pim.ngus] (Krt), pasėnė•rte i• vọ.ṇḍeni and panė•rtėis vã•ka i• ọ.pe (Krt), etc.). In eastern Samogitia, the reflexive-verb pattern “P+V+s” (as well as the non-prefixed “V+s”) was spontaneously adapted specifically to express the meaning of generalization, although forms of the “P+V+s” pattern without a generalized meaning, characteristic of Western dialects, are also sometimes found here: pamė•skis vã•ka on ė•žės ė prū•ni•k (Pvn), tēvi ešmėšės ež dė•rba oš ti.ngiejema (Všv), and especially the very frequent form pasū•skis (Pvn, Varn, Všv, Lk, Ub, Kaunatava), pasūškis (Krš), used to express a conclusion or make a connection: pasū•skis | tiek ōudega ōžvė•rtes (Janāpolė – Viržuvėnai), pasūškės | ri•škė•s | tava valė (Krš), etc. The aforementioned “P+V+s” and “P+s+V+s” patterns were also adapted to emphasize a completed action and, apparently later, to form verbs denoting an inherent action. The tendency of Baltic dialects to have one and the same pattern for prefixed and non-prefixed reflexive verbs (Й. Казлаускас 1966: 145), as the facts presented here show, is used by dialects to distinguish word meanings. Now, under the influence of various analogies or even social factors, the dialectal pattern for prefixed reflexive verbs is spreading even without any clear motivation.

LITERATŪRA

Aleksandravičius J. Kretingos tarmės veiksmažodis. – „Vilniaus valstybinio pedagoginio instituto Mokslo darbai“, 1959, t. VIII. Endzelīns J. Latviešu valodas gramatika. Rīga, 1951. Grinaveckis V. Žemaičių tarmių istorija. V., 1972. Jonikas P. Pagramančio tarmė. K., 1939. Kardelytė J. Gervėčių tarmė. V., 1975. Rudzīte M. Latviešu dialektoloģija. Rīga, 1964. Vitkauskas V. Kuršėnų tarmės kirtis ir priegaidė. – „Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai“, 1960, t. III. Vitkauskas V. Šiaurės rytų dunininkų šnektų žodynas. V., 1976 a. Vitkauskas V. Į kamieno veržimasis į e kamieną. – „Kalbotyra“, 1976 b, t. XXVII(1). Zinkevičius Z. Lietuvių dialektologija. V., 1966. Казлаускас И. О месте возвратной морфемы и ее ударения в литовском языке. – „Baltistica“, 1966, t. I. Якулене А. История возвратных глаголов в литовском и других балтийских языках (автореферат канд. диссертации). В., 1968.

⁴ Apie latvių šnektų analogišką reiškinį žr. M. Rudzīte 1964: 337–9.

⁵ Bemaž iki 1940 metų šios priesagos dariniai turėjo niekinamąją reikšmę, o dabar to nebesuvokiama.

⁶ Apie sangrąžinių veiksmažodžių darybos istoriją žr. J. Endzelīns 1951: 908–16; Казлаускас И. 1966: 143–9.

⁷ Apie sangrąžinių veiksmažodžių darybą tarmėse išsamiau žr. Z. Zinkevičius 1966: 333–4; plg. dar J. Kardelytė 1975: 78–80. Vakarų žemaičių sangrąžiniai veiksmažodžiai nagrinėjami J. Aleksandravičiaus (J. Aleksandravičius 1959: 108–118).

174

В. ВИТКАУСКАС

ВОЗВРАТНЫЕ ГЛАГОЛЫ ТИПА „[P]+[s]+V+s“ В ВОСТОЧНО-ЖЕМАЙТСКИХ ГОВОРАХ

Резюме

В диалектах балтийских языков у возвратной частицы нет постоянного места. В восточно-жемайтских говорах имеются модели возвратных глаголов „V+s“ для выражения обобщенного, несколько отдаленного от субъекта действия: kuòdiél tã:p siedá:s be dárba (Куршенай) „почему так хочется сидеть без работы“; tòre:s dàbàr pi'na (Павандене) „имеется теперь молоко“.

В этом случае возвратная частица приставочных глаголов не переносится в середину (модель „P+V+s“): jauni'stuo prišùn.tá:s | tuõ pruõta niër (Куршенай) „в молодости перебесится, ума-то нет“; prisiesé:s pù.pu | éšvė.rsé:s küõses (Каунава, Тяльшяйский р-он) „бывало, насеешь бобов, наваришь каши“.

Могут быть и две возвратные частицы (модель „P+s+V+s“), напр.: pasè.dedá:s kãr-tã:s er òžmė'rštá:s (Тришкяй) „положит(ся) иногда и забывается“: vi'nc kìta pasilá'uká:s ìr nesù-sìpi'kstá:s (Шаукенай) „один другого дождутся и не ссорятся“. Безличное значение этих оборотов не вызывает сомнения.

Иногда две возвратные частицы употребляются и для других целей: а) для подчеркивания и более яркого выражения совершенного действия: pasèriemés on rò'nku er nasosėdaužės (Павандене) „на руки уперся и не ударился“; в) для выражения произвольного действия: šėimė't tã'p gė'rs pašà'rs sošėvėžies (Вягяряй) „в этом году такие хорошие корма были свезены“.

В этих случаях количество образований с двумя возвратными частицами возрастает в речи младших представителей говора — это явление даже расширяется. Его истоки следует искать в склонности балтийских диалектов обобщить употребление частицы -si возвратных глаголов в конце слова, т.е. создать один словообразовательный тип для всех возвратных глаголов. В восточно-жемайтских говорах эта тенденция используется для различения значений.

V. VITKAUSKAS

REFLEXIVE VERBS OF THE “[P]+[s]+V+s“ TYPE IN EASTERN DIALECTS OF ŽEMAČIAI

Summary

In the dialects of Baltic languages the place of the reflexive particle often varies. Eastern dialects of Žemaičiai have formed the ”V+s“ model to express the action which is generalized and slightly abstract: kuòdiél tã:p siedá:s be dárba (Kuršėnai) (why does one feel like sitting), tòre:s dàbà'r pi'na (Pãvandėnė) (there is much milk now). In that case the reflexive particle of verbs with a prefix is not drawn into the middle of the word (the ”P+V+s“ model): jauni'stuo prišùn.tá:s | tuõ pruõta niër (Kuršėnai) (one sows one’s wild oats when young, no common sense at all), prisiesé's pù.pu | éšvė.rsé's küõses (Kaunatava) (he who sows beans cooks porridge), etc. Here there can be two reflexive particles (the ”P+s+V+s“ model), e.g.: pasè.dedá:s kãr-tã:s er ošemė'rštá:s (Tryškiai) (one puts something somewhere and forgets), vi'nc kìta pasilá'uká:s ìr nesù-sìpi'kstá's (Šaukėnai) (one waits for the other and doesn’t get angry). Here the usage is definitely impersonal.

Sometimes two reflexive particles are used for other purposes: a) to emphasize an accomplished action: pasèriemés on rò'nku er nasošėdaužės (Pãvandėnė) (one leans upon one’s hand and doesn’t hurt oneself), kas sàva išžádė's | tas ne žmùogus (Kuršėnai) (he who renounces ones own blood is not a man); b) to express a spontaneous action which goes on by itself: šėimė't tã'p gė'rs pašà'rs sošėvėžies (Vegėriai) (this year such a good forage was brought together). In these cases the number of combinations with two reflexive particles increases in the speech of representatives of the younger generation — the fact tends to spread.

The roots of this phenomenon lie in the tendency of Baltic dialects to generalize the reflexive particle -si in the end, to form one type of building for all reflexive verbs. Eastern dialects of Žemaičiai have used this tendency for specific ends — to distinguish the meanings of words.