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Towards a typology of focus: Subject position and microvariation at the discourse-syntax interface

Abstract

In this work I explore the different discourse-syntax interface properties of focus fronting in Standard Spanish (SS) and Southern Peninsular Spanish (SPS) including Andalusian and Extremaduran varieties. In SS it is taken for granted that in focus fronting the verb is obligatorily adjacent to the preposed constituent. I show that this is not the case in SPS, where this condition is optional. I carry out an analysis of three types of foci which involve movement to the left periphery (contrastive focus, mirative focus and quantifier fronting) and one type of topic (resumptive preposing). Discourse, syntactic, and semantic properties are taken into account to illustrate this typology. Crucially, only contrastive and mirative focus contexts allow for preverbal subjects in SPS, which are proposed to be Given Topics in this variety. On the other hand, resumptive preposing is shown to entail a case of topic fronting. I use different experiments with empirical data and judgements by native speakers to test my proposal that focus-verb (or topic-verb) adjacency is subject to microparametric variation in Spanish.

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Towards a typology of focus: Subject position and microvariation at the discourse-syntax interface

Author: Jiménez Fernández, Ángel Luis
Publisher: Elsevier
Year: 2015
DOI: 10.1016/j.amper.2015.03.001
Source: https://idus.us.es/bitstreams/8e937329-c254-4b56-bc30-f39e64f8112f/download
Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
Con en s lis s a ailable a ScienceDi ec
Ampe sand
jou nal homepage: www.else ie .com/loca e/ampe
Towa ds a ypology o ocus: Subjec posi ion and mic o a ia ion a
he discou se–syn ax in e ace
Ángel L. Jiménez-Fe nández∗
Uni e si y o Se ille, Depa amen o de Lengua Inglesa, C/ Palos de la F on e a s/n, 41004 Se illa, Spain
highligh s
•P e e bal subjec s in cons uc ions in ol ing ocus on ing a e possible in some a ie ies o Spanish.
•These p e e bal subjec s a e in e p e ed as Gi en Topics, which mo e o Spec-TP.
•F on ing ope a ions connec ed wi h ocus include Con as i e Focus and Mi a i e Focus, and Quan i ie F on ing.
•Resump i e P eposing is an ins ance o Abou ness-Shi Topic.
a icle in o
A icle his o y:
Recei ed 29 No embe 2014
Recei ed in e ised o m
15 Feb ua y 2015
Accep ed 5 Ma ch 2015
A ailable online 16 Ap il 2015
Keywo ds:
Con as i e ocus
Mi a i e ocus
Resump i e p eposing
Quan i ie on ing
P e e bal subjec s
Topics
abs ac
In his wo k I explo e he di e en discou se–syn ax in e ace p ope ies o ocus on ing in S anda d
Spanish (SS) and Sou he n Peninsula Spanish (SPS) including Andalusian and Ex emadu an a ie ies. In
SSi is aken o g an ed ha in ocus on ing he e b isobliga o ily adjacen o hep eposed cons i uen .
I show ha his is no he case in SPS, whe e his condi ion is op ional. I ca y ou an analysis o h ee ypes
o oci which in ol e mo emen o he le pe iphe y (con as i e ocus, mi a i e ocus and quan i ie
on ing) and one ype o opic ( esump i e p eposing). Discou se, syn ac ic, and seman ic p ope ies a e
aken in o accoun o illus a e his ypology. C ucially, only con as i e and mi a i e ocus con ex s allow
o p e e bal subjec s in SPS, which a e p oposed o be Gi en Topics in his a ie y. On he o he hand,
esump i ep eposing is shown oen ail acaseo opic on ing.Iuse di e en expe imen swi hempi ical
da a and judgemen s by na i e speake s o es my p oposal ha ocus- e b (o opic- e b) adjacency is
subjec o mic opa ame ic a ia ion in Spanish.
©2015 The Au ho . Published by Else ie L d.
This is an open access a icle unde he CC BY-NC-ND license
(h p://c ea i ecommons.o g/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
1. In oduc ion1
This pape explo es he discou se–syn ax in e ace p ope ies
o he di e en cons i uen s in ol ed in ocus on ing cons uc-
ions in Spanish. As is well known, one o he main ai s o o-
cus on ing is ha he V(e b) mus be adjacen o he ocused
cons i uen in his ype o language. Building on Robe s (2012)
and Bibe aue e al. (2010), I a gue ha his condi ion is subjec
∗Tel.: +34 954551546; ax: +34 954551516.
E-mail add ess: [email p o ec ed].
1Ea lie e sions o his pape ha e been p esen ed a he Wo kshop on Syn ac ic
Va ia ion a he Uni e si a Au ónoma de Ba celona and a he LAGB mee ing a
SOAS (London). I wish o hank he audience he e o commen s and eedback.
In pa icula , I would like o hank Ma a F asca elli, MaLluïsa He nanz, Ana Ojea,
Me cedes Tubino, A i z I u zun, An onio Fáb egas and Sil io C uschina o ui ul
and insigh ul discussion. The esea ch ca ied ou in his wo k has been pa ially
suppo ed by he Spanish Minis y o Economy and Compe i i eness (FFI2013-
41509-P).
o mic opa ame ic a ia ion as some a ie ies o Spanish (Sou h-
e n Peninsula Spanish, SPS), especially he Andalusian and Ex-
emadu an a ie ies, seem o ob ia e he adjacency condi ion. I
discuss he syn ax o di e en ypes o ocus (Con as i e and Mi-
a i e oci) alongside Quan i ie F on ing and Resump i e P epos-
ing, all o which c ucially hinge on he discou se in e p e a ion o
p e- o pos - e bal subjec s.
I iswidelyaccep ed ha languagessuchasSpanish(asopposed
o English, bu along wi h Ca alan and Romanian) ins an ia e an
adjacency condi ion in ocus on ing cons uc ions (Rizzi,1997;
U ibe-E xeba ia,1991;U iage eka,1995; among o he s) as he
con as in (1–2) illus a es:
S anda dly, i is assumed ha V mus be adjacen o he ocused
cons i uen (Zubiza e a, 1999: 4241; RAE-ASALE, 2009/2011),
h p://dx.doi.o g/10.1016/j.ampe .2015.03.001
2215-0390/©2015 The Au ho . Published by Else ie L d. This is an open access a icle unde he CC BY-NC-ND license (h p://c ea i ecommons.o g/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.
0/).
50 Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
which desc ibes he unaccep abili y o (2a). In mo e heo e ical
e ms, his adjacency condi ion has been explained by p oposing
mo emen o Tense o Complemen ise (he ea e , T and C espec-
i ely) – o T o he designa ed ca ego y Focus in ca og aphic anal-
yses –, a e V’s mo emen o T (Rizzi,1997;Ba bosa,2001).
Desc ip i e su eys such as he one ca ied ou by RAE-ASALE
do no ake in o accoun di e en ypes o ocus and include
all kinds o on ing wi hin a single g oup ega dless o he dis-
inc salien p ope ies a he le els o in e p e a ion and in-
ona ion. In his g oup phenomena such as he ollowing a e
con la ed: Con as i e Focus (as in (2a)), Mi a i e Focus (c . C -
uschina, 2012, inspi ed by he use o he no ion o mi a i i y by
DeLancey (1997,2001)), Resump i e P eposing (c . Cinque,1990;
Ca dinale i,2004;Leone i and Escandell, 2009), and Quan i-
ie on ing/Nega i e P eposing (c . Âmba ,1999,2003;Ba bosa,
2001;Bosque,1980;Que ,2002).Resea che sha eag eed, hough,
ha in all hese cases he adjacency condi ion applies obliga o ily.
Example (3a) illus a es Con as i e Focus, (3b) exempli ies Mi a-
i e Focus, (3c) ins an ia es Resump i e P eposing and (3d) is a
case o Quan i ie F on ing2:
S udies in gene a i e g amma ha e eme ged ha dis inguish
some o hese in o ma ion-s uc u e phenomena (Bianchi,2012;
C uschina,2012;Haegeman,2012). In Spanish, some wo ks ha e
iden i ied ypes o ocus o he han con as i e ocus (To ego,
1980; U iage eka,1988;Que ,2002;Gallego,2007;Leone i
and Escandell, 2009), ye all hese analyses ag ee ha T- o-C is
compulso y in Spanish ocus on ing.
In his wo k, I i s show ha in e p e i e and syn ac ic p op-
e ies can be used o es ablish a mo e accu a e ypology o ocus.
Based on da a om Spanish and especially i s Sou he n a ie y, I
p opose ha he adjacency condi ion is subjec o mic opa ame -
ic a ia ion in ha , depending on he ype o ocus, p e e bal sub-
jec s a e eadily ound in some a ie ies o Spanish (Andalusian,
Ex emadu an). My p oposal is c ucially g ounded in an expe i-
men ca ied ou wi h na i e speake s in which hey had o judge
he g amma icali y o on ed ocus cons uc ions. In his expe i-
men , speake s we e p esen ed wi h da a in a andomised o de ,
and hey we e gi en he con ex in which hey had o co ec ly
place he sen ences ha ollow (a ull desc ip ion o he expe i-
men is p o ided in Sec ion 3). The in o man s we e di ided in o
wo di e en g oups. The i s g oup includes a eas om no he n
SpainandMad id,whe eas hesecondg oupcomp ises he sou h.3
The wo d o de a ia ion de ec ed in he di e en discou se-
ela ed phenomena is accoun ed o in my analysis by p opos-
ing c i e ial ea u es in dedica ed ca ego ies which igge
2The examples in (3) a e jus used o p esen a ional pu poses o show a sample
o he ype o da a I discuss in his wo k. A ully de ailed desc ip ion o each ype o
on ing is gi en in Sec ion 2.
3Rega ding V-adjacency in Ca alan, Que (2002, 254–255, n.3) sugges s ha
he e may be dialec al a ia ion since o some speake s his condi ion can be
dispensed wi h (see also Valldu i, 1993).
mo emen o a gi en cons i uen o a speci ic syn ac ic (bu
discou se-linked) posi ion in he le pe iphe y. I assume a spli
Complemen ise Ph ase sys em whe e speci ic designa ed ca e-
go ies like Fo ce, Topic and Focus p ojec (Rizzi, 1997, e subseq.).
I hold ha in he ype o ocused cons uc ions s udied he e sub-
jec s may be opics, speci ically Gi en Topics – also called Familia
Topics – (in he sense o F asca elli and Hin e hölzl, 2007;Bianchi
and F asca elli, 2010;F asca elli and Jiménez-Fe nández, 2013). A
Gi en Topic en ails sha ed in o ma ion which is amilia o e e y-
body in a ele an con ex , as illus a ed in (4), a dialogue be ween
wo iends (A and B) in a es au an :
I assume, wi h Jiménez-Fe nández (2011), F asca elli and
Jiménez-Fe nández (2012), Jiménez-Fe nández and Işse e (2012)
and Jiménez-Fe nández and Miyagawa (2014), ha subjec s which
unc ion as Gi en Topics in discou se may mo e o a Tense Ph ase
(TP) in e nal posi ion in Spanish, he eby jus i ying he pa e n
Focus+Subjec +Ve b Ph ase. Mo eo e , in his ype o ocused
cons uc ion he head Focus may no igge mo emen o V in
SPS, con a y o SS. As will become clea below, his happens
wi h Con as i e Focus, Mi a i e Focus and Quan i ie F on ing.
On he o he hand, as in I alian (Ca dinale i,2004,2010;Benincà
and Pole o, 2004), in Resump i e P eposing (which is iden i ied
as a sub ype o opic on ing) V mus obliga o ily mo e o he
dedica edheadTopicin heCP a eainall a ie ieso Spanish,hence
he e is no slo o subjec s in be ween he mo ed cons i uen and
V.
I s a o wi h wo wo king hypo heses: (1) The di e en
ypes o ocus a e encoded in he lexicon as syn ac ic ea u es,
which will e eal ha CF, MF and QF a e ins ances o ocus
whe eas RP is shown o be a ype o opic. (2) Di e en ypes
o ocus (and opic) on ing may display di e en beha iou
wi h espec o he ela i e posi ion o subjec and e b bo h
ac oss languages and wi hin a single language. Wi hin Spanish, a
c ucial di e ence as ega ds Ve b- o-Focus is de ec ed be ween
SPS speake s and speake s o o he a ie ies o Spanish, hus
poin ing o a mic opa ame ic dis inc ion.
The pape is o ganised as ollows. In Sec ion 2I discuss he
na u e o he on ed ocus cons i uen . I show i s in e p e i e and
g amma ical p ope ies which I a gue demons a e ha CF, MF and
QF a e oci bu RP is an Abou ness-Shi Topic (AS-Top), he eby
alida ing my hypo hesis 1. In Sec ion 3 he me hodology used
in my empi ical app oach o he ypology o ocus is p esen ed
alongside sample examples o da a ha he in o man s had o
judge. Sec ion 4discusses he dis ibu ion o oci in SPS and SS wi h
special e e ence o he p e- o pos - e bal posi ion o subjec s,
con i ming he mic opa ame ic a ia ion sugges ed by hypo hesis
2. Sec ion 5comp ises empi ical e idence in a ou o analysing
p e- e bal subjec s as Gi en Topics (G-Tops) in SPS. I show ha
p e- e bal subjec s a e G-Tops mo ing o Spec-TP in SPS. Finally,
Sec ion 6concludes he pape and o e s some u he issues
conce ning ypes o ocus which I will ackle in my u u e esea ch.
2. The ocused cons i uen : a mul i ac o ial app oach o
di e en ypes o Focus
The e m Focus is o en used o e e o ph ases se ing wo
discou se unc ions, namely (a) o in oduce new in o ma ion,
which is known as In o ma ion Focus (IF), and (b) o in oduce a
con as wi h espec o a p e ious asse ion by denying one pa
and p oposing ano he pa . The la e is wha is ypically e e ed
Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60 51
o as Con as i e Focus (CF). Based on Kiss (1998), his dis inc ion
is exempli ied in (5) o Hunga ian.
A numbe o schola s ha e a gued in a ou o a clea -cu dis-
inc ion be ween hese discou se ca ego ies, based on mo pholog-
ical, syn ac ic, phonological and discou se ac o s (c . Kiss,1998;
Zubiza e a,1998;Nespo and Guas i, 2002;Dona i and Nespo ,
2003).C oss-linguis ice idencesuppo s he necessi y o a dis inc-
ion be ween di e en ypes o ocus, which is syn ac ically en-
coded (c . Molná ,2006;Ben ley,2007;C uschina,2012;Bianchi
and Bocci, 2012;Bianchi,2012). To illus a e, he syn ac ic posi-
ion o CF and IF end o be di e en ac oss languages. Kiss (1998)
discusses he di e en p ope ies which a e dis inguished by wo
posi ions. Hence in Hunga ian a p e e bal ocus is in e p e ed as
con as i e, as in (5a), whe eas a pos e bal ocus is assigned a
pu ely in o ma ional eading, as in (5b)4:
In Romance languages such as I alian and Spanish, i is com-
monly assumed ha he le pe iphe y is ese ed o CF and he
posi iono IFissen ence-in e nal( ypicallyoccu inginpos e bal
posi ion). This is he iew de ended by C uschina (2012) o I alian
and Spanish, as illus a ed in (6) om Zubiza e a (1998) (bold ype
indica es IF):
Thisposi ionaldi e encewo ks o S anda d Spanish.Howe e ,
again some mic opa ame ic a ia ion is de ec ed in o he dialec s
since he eply in (B′), wi h on ed IF, is comple ely na u al
in some a ie ies o Spanish. In e es ingly, Sou he n Peninsula
Spanish is one such a ie y, showing he a ailabili y o a le -
pe iphe y posi ion o pu ely IF, as shown by Jiménez-Fe nández
(in p ess), which cons i u es ano he piece o e idence suppo ing
he mic o a ia ion in SPS.
In addi ion o syn ac ic p ope ies, om an in e p e i e poin
o iew, he di e en ypes o oci di e in bo h discou se and
p osodic di e ences (C uschina,2012;F asca elli and Ramaglia,
2013). Thus, hey a e in e p e ed di e en ly a he in e aces.
S icking o he dis inc ion be ween CF and IF, Kiss (1998) claims
ha he con as i e in e p e a ion is absen in IF. These a e he
eadings co esponding o (5a) and (5b) espec i ely. In addi ion,
he p osodic p ope ies o ocus will be di e en depending on he
ype o in e p e a ion. In his connec ion, Belle i (2004: 43, no e
12) desc ibes CF as ca ying an empha ic s ess which is missing in
IF. I come back o he dis inc discou se and syn ac ic p ope ies o
ocus below ( hough I lea e aside a ho ough s udy o he p osodic
cha ac e isa ion o oci; see Bianchi e al., 2014 (in p ess), o
in ona ional e idence om I alian, and Jiménez-Fe nández, 2013
o p osodic e idence om Spanish).
Wi hin gene a i e g amma wo di e en seman ic app oaches
can be dis inguished wi h espec o he seman ic cha ac e isa ion
4As poin ed ou by an anonymous e iewe , Hunga ian exhibi s a e y speci ic
ype o con as i e ocus, namely exhaus i e ocus. The e o e, he in e p e a ion o
he ocusedDPin (5a)in ol es aha andonly aha (no hingelse). I mus becla i ied
ha Spanish CF is no always exhaus i e, and hence he co esponding sen ence in
Spanish does no en ail ha i is only a ha ha Ma y picked, as illus a ed in (i):
Fo he exhaus i e use o CF in Spanish, see Gu ié ez-González (2010).
o ocus. On he one hand, he e is he Al e na i e Seman ics
app oach (Roo h,1992;Bea e and Cla k, 2008). Unde his iew,
ocus gene a es a se o al e na i es. Fo example, o a ques ion
suchas ‘‘Wha does Ma y wan ?’’, he e is anumbe o p oposi ions
which a y in he con en p o ided by he ocused di ec objec
({Ma y wan s coke, Ma y wan s ice-c eam,...}). Any o hese
sen ences sa is y he in o ma ion eques in he ques ion and he
whole se o possible p oposi ions make up wha is known as
cong uen answe s o he ques ion.
On he o he hand, in he S uc u ed Meaning app oach (K i ka,
2006) he p oposi ion is di ided in o wo pa s, namely a ocus
(e.g., ‘ice-c eam’ in he example abo e) and a backg ound ( he
p esupposed deno a ion o he es o he clause, i.e. he p ope y
o being some hing ha Ma y wan s).
In my cha ac e isa ion o ocus, I ake in o accoun he mos
salien de ining pa ame e s o bo h app oaches. I pay a en ion o
he se o al e na i es gene a ed and also o he in o ma ion s uc-
u e pa i ion o he p oposi ion in e ms o ocus and backg ound.
When he di e en ypes o ocus a e add essed, we a e con on ed
wi h di e en seman ic ope a ions, which a e e lec ed in he syn-
ac ic de i a ion in ha , depending on he seman ic in e p e a ion,
each ype o ocus is assigned a speci ic so o discou se ea u e.
These seman ic p ope ies a e he co ne s one o he desc ip ion o
di e en ypes o ocus on ing in he sec ions which ollow. These
ea u es will cons i u e he basis o dis inguish be ween ue cases
o ocus such as CF, MF and QF and he ‘ ake’ ype o ocus ep e-
sen ed by RP, on he one hand, bu also will help us elucida e he
di e ences de ec ed among oci, on he o he hand.
2.1. Con as i e ocus
Acco ding oGussenho en(2007:91), Con as i e Focus is‘‘[...]
a cons i uen ha is a di ec ejec ion o an al e na i e, ei he
spoken by he speake himsel (‘no A, bu B’) o by he hea e [...]’’.
Con as , hus,implies emo al o in o ma ionandinse ion o new
in o ma ion, as illus a ed in (7).
As a eply o (7A), B is unde s ood as ejec ing pa o he
p e ious asse ion (con Ángela) and p oposing a new piece o
in o ma ion o ill in his gap (con Jimena). The e o e, he meaning
o (7B) is ‘I is wi h Jimena ha Susana is going on aca ion, no
wi h Angela’. No e ha , as p e iously s a ed in oo no e 4, CF in
Spanish is no necessa ily exhaus i e (as opposed o languages
such as Hunga ian). Hence he in e p e a ion in his eply is ha
Susanawen wi h Jimena and no wi h Angela, bu maybe she wen
wi h somebody else.
In e ms o he ocus-p esupposi ion a icula ion, Con as i e
Focus implies a wo-pa dissec ion and he se o al e na i es is
e y es ic ed (cons ained by he seman ic p ope ies o he e-
jec ed i em). In example (7) he se o al e na i es includes wo
membe s, namely Angela and Jimena (maybe mo e membe s can
be added o he se , hough ei he he speake is no in e es ed in
his addi ion o he/she does no know o any o he speci ic mem-
be s).
2.2. Mi a i e ocus
Inspi ed by DeLancey (1997,2001),B une i (2009) and Paoli
(2009), C uschina (2012) conside Mi a i e Focus as no me ely
52 Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
in o ma i e. I p o ides new in o ma ion and, based on he
speake ’s knowledge o wha he hea e expec s, indica es ha
such in o ma ion will be unexpec ed. Thus, unexpec edness and
su p ise wi h espec o some e en a e in ol ed in his ype o
ocus (c . Bianchi e al., 2014):
In example (8) he DP es ozos de a a ‘ h ee pieces o
cake’ has been p eposed o indica e he speake ’s su p ise and
unexpec edness.
Âmba (1999: 41) e ms a simila kind o on ing in Po -
uguese an ‘‘e alua i e cons uc ion’’, in ol ing he on ing o
an empha ic and e alua i e elemen o a dedica ed unc ional
p ojec ion (i.e., he E alua i e Ph ase) in he le pe iphe y. Âm-
ba associa es his e alua i e cons uc ion wi h an exclama i e
meaning and exclama i e in ona ion. I ake i ha in Mi a i e
Focus he speake shows he unexpec edness o i s con en o
himsel /he sel . A plausible way o es he mi a i i y o his ype
o ocus is he addi ion o an exp ession such as ‘And i doesn’ su -
p ise me’. In cases o sen ences con aining MF, he esul is p e-
dic ed o be p agma ically anomalous (Bianchi e al., in p ess). Le
us conside (9) u e ed by he same speake :
As is clea , he speake is showing his/he su p ise so i is
inc edible ha hese people ha e planned o go o he Ca ibbean.
In his con ex i is p agma ically odd adding he in o ma ion
con eyed by Pe o eso no me so p ende. In o he wo ds, in example
(9) he ad e bial al Ca ibe ‘ o he Ca ibbean’ is clea ly an ins ance
o MF.
Mi a i e Focus is no dependen on a ques ion–answe con ex .
Con as is es ablished wi h an elemen ha is pa o he sha ed
knowledge o he pa icipan s and can be seman ically cha ac-
e ised as a ‘‘p oposal o nego ia e a sha ed e alua ion’’ (Bianchi,
2012). Due o he uncons ained unexpec edness in ol ed in Mi-
a i e Focus, he se o al e na i es is e y la ge. This is o ally p e-
dic ed since in an example such as (9) al Ca ibe is jus one op ion
among many o he s.
2.3. Con as i e s. mi a i e oci: some in e p e i e and syn ac ic
di e ences
In his sec ion I discuss di e en in e p e i e and syn ac ic
p ope ies ha can be employed o disc imina e be ween CF and
MF. Acco ding o Bianchi e al. (2014), in mi a i e con ex s, he
a ge sen ence is an asse ion and he con ex o ces he mi a i e
conno a ion. This is illus a ed in (10), adap ed om Bianchi e al.
(2014), hei example (8).
On he con a y, ins ead o an asse ion he sen ence wi h CF
is a eply o a p e ious asse ion, which co ec s one piece o his
p e ious asse ion. The co ec ed pa can explici ly be men ioned
in a nega i e coda, as illus a ed in (11), also adap ed om Bianchi
e al. (2014).
No e ha MF is compa ible wi h his nega i e coda, whe eas
CF is no , as shown by he impossibili y o adding a nega i e coda
o he asse ion in (12), whe e he con ex a ou s he mi a i e
in e p e a ion ( he symbol # s ands o p agma ically anomalous):
This also p o es ha MF is no con as i e. A leas i is no as
s ongly con as i e as CF, which explains he incompa ibili y wi h
he nega i e coda.
As s a ed ea lie , ano he dis inc ion a he le el o in e p e a-
ion is he co-occu ence o MF wi h an addi ional exp ession con-
adic ing he su p ise and unexpec edness o he speake o he
p e ious asse ion, as opposed o CF. This is u he illus a ed in
(13) o MF and (14) o CF:
As clea ly illus a ed in (13), MF canno be ollowed by a
cons uc ion con eying expec edness, whe eas CF can na u ally
co-occu wi h such an exp ession. The eason is ha CF has no hing
o do wi h su p ise o unexpec edness, he eby being compa ible
wi h an exp ession exhibi ing ei he su p ise o no su p ise. I is
jus no ele an .
Le us now u n o he syn ac ic p ope ies. C uschina (2012)
and Bianchi e al. (2014) sugges wo main dis inguishing
p ope ies ha desc ibe he beha iou o CF and MF. Fi s , based on
da a om I alian, hese au ho s claim ha V-adjacency is op ional
o CF whe eas i is obliga o y o MF.
Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60 53
In he p esen a icle, he main p oposal is ha in some Spanish
dialec sV-adjacencyis simplyanop ion,and hisp ope ydoes no
disc imina e be ween CF and MF. Mo e p ecisely, we will see ha
in S anda d Spanish bo h CF and MF equi e V-adjacency he eby
blocking he in e pola ion o any adjunc . Howe e , he si ua ion is
di e en in Sou he n Peninsula Spanish, whe e nei he CF no MF
ban he occu ence o an in e ening cons i uen . Le us conside
CF in (17) in bo h a ie ies, SS and SPS:
V-adjacency is obliga o y in SS, as shown in (17). Howe e , in
SPS (especially in spon aneous speech) he si ua ion is comple ely
di e en and speake s p oduce bo h syn ac ic o de ings:
This is indica i e ha he V-Adjacency p ope y is nulli ied in
SPS and canno be used o disc imina e be ween CF and MF since
again he V-Adjacency equi emen is ob ia ed in SPS o MF, as
illus a ed in (19) and (20):
The possibili y o in e pola ing a cons i uen such as an adjunc
is easibleinSPS. In la e sec ionIwill show ha ap e e balsubjec
is also possible in his a ie y when he on ed ph ase is MF.
The second syn ac ic p ope y used by C uschina (2012) o
dis inguish be ween CF and MF is he possible occu ence o CF
in an embedded sen ence complemen o a e b o saying and he
unaccep abili y o MF in his syn ac ic con ex :
This is a good es o apply in Spanish and will help us di e en-
ia e CF om MF ega dless o he dialec al a ie y.
The ocus on ing in (24) shows ha MF is una ailable in he
embedded sen ence, whe eas (25) ells us ha CF does no exhibi
such a es ic ion. No e, inciden ally, ha he p eposed cons i uen
in (24) could be in e p e ed in con as wi h o he membe s o he
se ( o example, one bo le o h ee bo les o odka), and hence
i would be ega ded as well- o med, which poin s o he ac ha
CF is en i ely compa ible wi h embedding.
2.4. Quan i ie on ing
Leone i and Escandell (2009) sugges wo de ining p ope ies
o Quan i ie F on ing cons uc ions: (1) F on ed Quan i ie
Ph ases do no show any empha ic in ona ion, in con as wi h
o he ypes o ocus ( hough hey do no ca y ou an ac ual
examina ion o in ona ion pa e ns in eal da a); and (2) he
in e p e a ion o he on ed elemen does no in ol e a con as
wi h o he al e na i es (Que , 2002)5:
Theexamples in(26)show ha nocon as canbees ablishedin
Quan i ie F on ingbe ween he on ed cons i uen andamembe
o a discou se se due o he ac ha pola i y is he co e o he
con as and as such i is he emphasised elemen .
Two poin s a e a issue he e. Fi s , he on ed QP does no
display any con as a all wi h any possible al e na i e, he eby
discon i ming i s discou se ole as CF. Secondly, QF is an ins ance o
ocus, and as such i is incompa ible wi h ano he ocused elemen
in he same sen ence, illus a ed in (27a), and does no allow
he inse ion o he esump i e cli ic, as shown in (27b). Thus QF
canno co-occu wi h a na ow in-si u ocus, as Que (2002) poin s
ou :
In e es ingly, Leone i and Escandell (2009) ema k on he
adjacency o V and he on ed elemen as a common p ope y
o all ypes o on ing excep Cli ic Le Disloca ion, including
Quan i ie F on ing. Fo Leone i & Escandell, Quan i ie F on ing
is an ins ance o Ve um Focus F on ing,6in which he In o ma ion
S uc u e pa i ions he p oposi ion in wo pa s, ocus and
backg ound. Focus co esponds o pola i y, hence he implica ion
o nega i e and posi i e pola i y in (26a–b) espec i ely. The
al e na i es educe o wo: posi i e and nega i e. This aises he
ques ion as o why Ve um Focus (VF) and QF can co-occu in he
same sen ence i we accep ha he e is one ocus pe clause (Rizzi,
1997). This si ua ion p edic s he ung amma icali y o sen ences
5The ocus s a us o Quan i ie F on ing is qui e icky since a QP can be dislo-
ca ed o he le pe iphe y wi h he unc ion o Con as i e Focus (i) o Mi a i e
Focus (ii), o e en as a CLLD-ed opic (hence he on ed QP is in e p e ed as speci ic
and a esump i e cli ic is a ailable).
F om his pe spec i e, i may be hough ha QF should no be singled ou as a
dis inc ype o ocus, in line wi h Cinque (1990). Howe e , in my wo k I will adop
he iew pu sued by Que (2002), C uschina (2012), acco ding o which QF s ands
on i s own as a well-de ined ype o ocus, wi h i s own syn ac ic and seman ic
p ope ies. QPs a e ambiguous as o hei speci ic o non-speci ic eading (Suñe ,
2003). I ake ue QF o in ol e only non-speci ic QPs (including ba e Qs such as
nada ‘no hing’ o algo ‘some hing’).
6In line wi h Höhle (1992), I ake Ve um Focus as an ins ance o empha ic
ope a ion by which a p oposi ion is connec ed wi h he u h alue o he sen ence,
which can be pa aph ased as ‘I is ue ha /I is he case ha ...’. The e o e, an
example such as (8a) is in e p e ed as ‘I is he case ha I ha e no hing mo e o
add’ (see also Rome o and Han, 2004).

54 Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
suchas(27) since heyinclude wo oci, namelyVFandQF,con a y
o ac s:
A his poin I would like o connec he co-occu ence o VF
and QF wi h he no ion o b oad ocus o all- ocus sen ences. As
is commonly assumed, b oad ocus is in ol ed in ou -o - he-blue
sen ences since all he in o ma ion p o ided is new.
These sen ences show ha he e is no incompa ibili y be ween
b oad ocus and QF, which in ac p o es ha no all on ings a e
simple ins ances o na ow ocus (in he adi ional sense).
C uschina (2012) and Bianchi e al. (2014) ha e iden i ied a
simila pa adoxical si ua ion wi h he compa ibili y o Mi a i e
Focus and B oad Focus in Sicilian:
MF may be used in ou -o - he-blue sen ences, whe e he
answe isgi enbyanall- ocus sen ence. Hence, i seems ha in all-
ocus sen ences he e may be on ing i he cons i uen con eys
an addi ional conno a ion (su p ise o unexpec edness). In Spanish
we ind simila da a o MF:
B’s answe in (30) displays new in o ma ion, ye Spanish selec s
a DP as he mos ele an piece o in o ma ion since i is wha
exp esses he speake ’s su p ise. One o he di e ences be ween
QF and MF is ha pola i y is a ec ed only in QF ins ances.
My sugges ion is ha in all- ocus sen ences one piece o
he in o ma ion is mo e salien and i is p ecisely his piece o
in o ma ion ha is p eposed. This means ha in QF we may ha e
no na ow ocus, bu jus a acuous on ing in a sen ence in
which wha is emphasised is he u h o alsi y o he whole
p oposi ion, i.e. Ve um Focus. To pu i blun ly, his is exac ly
he connec ion be ween he pola i y o he sen ence and QF. The
in o ma ioncon eyed by hesen enceisnewandamong hepieces
o in o ma ion one o hem, ep esen ed by QF, is highligh ed. This
QF may be iewed as a ype o al uis ic mo emen (E eschik-Shi ,
2007), since he e is no eal need o on ing o exp ess ha ocus
lies on he pola i y.
2.5. Resump i e p eposing
Cinque (1990: 87) holds ha in RP ‘‘ he on ed ph ase mus
ei he di ec ly esume an iden ical ph ase in he immedia ely
p eceding discou se o be in e en ially linked o such a ph ase’’.
This is illus a ed o I alian in (31):
On he o he hand, Leone i and Escandell (2009) claim ha ,
con a y o Quan i ie F on ing, Resump i e P eposing (RP) occu s
mos ly wi h de ini e De e mine Ph ases (DPs). These linguis s
a gue ha ‘‘Resump i e P eposing shows e e y diagnos ic o wh-
mo emen : he on ed cons i uen has o be adjacen o he
e b, which igge s subjec – e b in e sion, and i is incompa ible
wi h any o he ins ance o wh-mo emen such as, o ins ance,
Focus mo emen ’’ (Leone i and Escandell,2009: 167). Again he
V adjacency condi ion is emphasised as a de ining p ope y o
Resump i e P eposing. This is shown in (32), Leone i & Escandell’s
example (4):
In addi ion, ano he p ope y o RP is ha he on ed con-
s i uen does no equi e any esump i e cli ic, he eby pa e ning
wi h ocus on ing (as opposed o CLLD). I e u n o his issue be-
low.
Leone i & Escandell g oup Resump i e P eposing and Quan-
i ie F on ing oge he . The au ho s adduce ha he wo con-
s uc ions sha e a common p ope y, ha o exp essing pola i y
ocus/Ve um ocus (Höhle,1992;K i ka,2007;Fé y,2007). The al-
e na i es would hus be mos es ic ed: posi i e o nega i e.
Howe e , in ligh o he da a om SPS shown in Sec ion 2, his
is un enable, and I s ick o he dis inc ion made by Cinque (1990)
andQue (2002).Oneo he easons o keeping o hedis inc ionis
ha , as Leone i & Escandell a gue, Resump i e P eposing in ol es
jus de ini e elemen s as in (32). Howe e , his is no a cons ain
o Quan i ie F on ing, as shown in (10).
Leone i & Escandell claim ha no ocus-backg ound pa i ion
o he sen ence is a es ed. Ins ead, he cons uc ion exhibi s a
ocus-backg ound pa i ion o he sen ence pola i y. This may be
ue o Quan i ie F on ing, as s a ed in he p e ious sec ion. Ne -
e heless, o Resump i e P eposing i is no he case ha he
whole p oposi ion is he backg ound. In his connec ion, ‘‘ he VFF
[Ve um Focus F on ing] cons uc ion is accep ed only when i s
whole p oposi ional con en is backg ound in o ma ion, i.e., has
been men ioned in he p e ious discou se’’ (Leone i and Escan-
dell, 2009: 183). This is shown in (34):
7
This ype o on ing clea ly con as s wi h ue Resump i e
P eposing cons uc ions:
7No e ha he ime o on ing illus a ed in (34) pa e ns oge he wi h VP-
P eposing in languages like English (see he gloss o (34)). I assume ha in his
ype o on ing we do ha e a ue ins ance o VFF, as opposed o RP, which I will
a gue does no exhibi any emphasis on he pola i y.
Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60 55
F om a discou se pe spec i e, his sen ence is elici ous as
a esponse o a p e ious p oposi ion such as El pa ido de
la oposición ha p opues o cambia la ley an ico upción (‘The
opposi ion pa y has p oposed o change he aud law’). Hence,
he e is no equi emen ha he whole p oposi ion is backg ound
in o ma ion.
Ano he p oblem wi h a Ve um Focus F on ing analysis o
Resump i e P eposing is ha con as s can be es ablished, he eby
indica ing ha i is no he case ha he pola i y is emphasised.
To he con a y, an explici con as wi h possible membe s o a
discou se se is a es ed in sen ences such as (36):
Finally, o p o e ha VFF is no in ol ed in RP, le us conside
he es ha Leone i & Escandell p opose o demons a e ha RP
is pola i y ocus. The au ho s claim ha sen ences wi h QF and
RP can be pa aph ased by he same sen ence wi hou on ing
bu inse ing he pola i y-inducing elemen sí (que) ‘yes ( ha )’. I
he wo cons uc ions wi h and wi hou on ing ha e he same
in e p e a ion, his demons a es ha he e sion wi h on ing
in ol es pola i y ocus. Le us s a wi h QF:
As is clea , he u h alue o bo h sen ences wi h and wi hou
he pola i y-inducing pa icle is exac ly he same, con i ming ha
QF ins an ia es Ve um Focus F on ing. Now, le us conside RP in
ligh o he ollowing pa ag aph:
In he las sen ence, he DP esas mismas cosas ‘ hose same
hings’ has been p eposed and his in ol es RP. I Leone i &
Escandell a e co ec , we p edic ha he ele an sen ence should
be pa aph asable wi h he same sen ence wi hou on ing bu
including he pola i y-inducing pa icle, con a y o ac s:
As a con inua ion o he p e ious sen ence, in his con ex
he u h alue o sen ence (39) is qui e dis inc om he
co esponding sen ence wi h on ing in (38). In o he wo ds i is
no he case ha we a e emphasising he pola i y o he sen ence
when RP is a issue. The ques ion hus a ises as o wha ype o
discou se ca ego y RP ep esen s.
Resump i e P eposing pa ially con eys [+gi en] in o ma ion,
as illus a ed in he abo e example, since i p esupposes in o ma-
ion al eady p o ided in he con ex . Thus, I will assume ha i
quali ies as a opic. Addi ionally, RP exp esses some new in o -
ma ion as well. Fo example, in (38) he p eposed DP implies ha
hose same hings a e jus simila o he ones men ioned in he
p e ious sen ence. This combina ion o gi en and new in o ma-
ion leads me o p opose, ollowing Jiménez-Fe nández and Miya-
gawa (2014), ha RP is an ins ance o Abou ness-Shi Topic in he
sense o F asca elli and Hin e hölzl (2007);Bianchi and F asca elli
(2010). This AS-Top se es he unc ion o p oposing wha he sen-
ence is abou by p o iding some addi ional in o ma ion wi h e-
spec o al eady sha ed in o ma ion.
As o he In o ma ion S uc u e pa i ion, he e is a opic-
commen di ision, and he commen includes in o ma ion ocus
( o example, el Pa ido Popula ‘ he Popula Pa y’ in example (36)
o él con los p imos León ‘he and he Leon cousins’ in (38)).
Fo easonso spaceIwill jus p o idewi h woempi icalpieces
o e idence in a ou o dealing wi h RP as opic on ing. The
Should I s ay o should I go? i s p ope y which cha ac e ises RP
is ha i in ol es he ea u e [+gi en]. Howe e , his ea u e can
also be p esen in CF, as an anonymous e iewe poin s ou o me.
In my iew, bo h CF and RP may include [+gi en] among hei
ea u es, bu hey di e in o he espec s, such as he a ailabili y o
a nega i e coda o CF. No e ha his is no a p ope y o RP in ha
a sen ence such as (38) does no accep his nega i e al e na i e:
Ano he opic-like p ope y is ha he on ed cons i uen is
always de ini e and speci ic, as opposed o any kind o ocus, which
can be ei he speci ic o non-speci ic. This means ha an inde ini e
and non-speci ic DP canno occu in RP cons uc ions. In a con ex
whe e speake A says ha he has bough an o ange shi o wea
a a pa y, Speake B can eply wi h (41b) bu ne e (41a). The
di e ence is de ini eness/speci ici y:
Mo eo e , I ha e claimed ha RP plays he discou se ole o
Abou ness-Shi Topic (AS-Top). E idence suppo ing his claim
comes he dis inc ion be ween oo and non- oo p ope ies
(Emonds, 1969). I has been claimed ha some main clause
phenomena such as Topicalisa ion can only occu in oo
en i onmen s. Bianchi and F asca elli (2010) ha e a gued ha an
AS-Top is always es ic ed o main clauses. Fu he mo e, Jiménez-
Fe nández and Miyagawa (2014) ha e shown ha Spanish AS-Tops
a e incompa ible wi h ac i e e bs like lamen a ‘ eg e ’, simply
because he embedded clause subo dina e o his ype o e bs
is no a oo -like con ex (I abs ac away om echnicali ies).
The p edic ion is ha i RP is an ins ance o AS-Top, i should be
incompa ible wi h his ype o e bs. This is bo ne ou by examples
such as (42) om Jiménez-Fe nández and Miyagawa (2014: 297),
hei (81):
The una ailabili y o RP in embedded con ex s poin s o he ac
ha RP is an AS-Top, gi en ha o he ypes o opic (ins an ia e by
CLLD) does no exhibi his es ic ion8:
8One p oblem posed by he quali ica ion o RP as opic is ha in Romance
opic on ing is linked o a esump i e cli ic (when a ailable in he language).
This is CLLD. I ha e shown ha CLLD and RP a e di e en in many espec s. I
should be no su p ise ha hey also di e in he inse ion o he esump i e cli ic.
Acco ding o an anonymous e iewe , i sounds suspicious o conside RP as a case
o opic on ing when he e is no cli ic. Howe e , i should be clea ha in o he
languages such as Po uguese, CLLD and Topicalisa ion o he English ype coexis
(c . Ba bosa, 2001), and he la e is ne e connec ed o a cli ic, despi e being a opic:
.
In he same ein, RP does no need o be linked o a esump i e cli ic o quali y as
a opic.
56 Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
Table 1
In o ma ion Focus: [+Focus]
Con as i e Focus: [+Focus] [+Con as ]
Mi a i e Focus: [+Focus] [+Unexpec edness]
Quan i ie F on ing: [+Focus] [+Pola i y] [+Con as ]
Resump i e P eposing: [+Topic] [+Abou ness] [+Shi ]
To conclude his sec ion, he mos salien discou se p ope y o
RPasanAS-Topis ha i s andsas ashi o opicwi h espec o he
p e ious sen ence ha include he esumed ma e ial. To illus a e,
le us e u n o examples such as (38). In he i s sen ence he
speake is alking abou Li uma (AS-Top), and he commen pa
men ions he ac i i ies ha some child en a e ca ying ou . The
second sen ence also has his discou se pa i ion. Howe e , by
on ing he DP esas mismas cosas, he e is a change o opic and
now hissen ence isabou hosesame hingsandno abou Li uma.
This shi ing p ope y is highligh ed in e e y ins ance o RP in he
examples discussed in his sec ion.
2.6. A ea u e-based analysis o oci
In his pape I en e ain ha ocus is encoded as a syn ac ic
ea u e [+Focus] which cha ac e ises all ypes o ocus, and
con eys pu ely new in o ma ion. The dis inc ion o ypes is
ealised by di e en combina ions o ea u es (a gene al line
pu sued by Haegeman,2010,2012;S a ke,2001;F asca elli and
Ramaglia, 2013; among o he s). Table 1 ou lines he ea u e
composi ion o he ypes o oci ha may be iden i ied in Spanish,
based on hei in e p e i e p ope ies I ha e discussed ea lie :
(44) Fea u e composi ion o ypes o oci and RP
As is clea om he able, he basic ype o ocus is In o ma ion
Focus, jus ca ying he ea u e [+Focus]; his discou se ea u e
will be common o all ypes. Con as i e Focus also con ains
he ea u e [+Con as ], accoun ing o he con as i e/co ec i e
in e p e a ion o he ocused elemen . Mi a i e Focus in ol es
some so o su p ise on he pa o he speake in line wi h
C uschina (2012), which is cap u ed in he sys em by adding
he ea u e [+Unexpec edness]. Quan i ie F on ing ca ies he
ea u e [+Pola i y], meaning ha i emphasises he pola i y o he
sen ence.
Resump i e P eposing is sepa a ed om ypes o oci because,
as I ha e a gued, i is no a ue ocus bu a opic and hence
ca ies a [+Topic] ea u e. In addi ion, Quan i ie F on ing ( hough
no RP) a ec s he pola i y o he sen ence, and as such QF
con ains he a o e-men ioned [+Pola i y] ea u e, bu RP shows
no con as a all. On he o he hand, implemen ing F asca elli’s
(2007) and F asca elli and Hin e hölzl’s (2007) p oposal, RP ca ies
a [+Abou ness] ea u e, indica ing ha i s impo is wha he
sen ence is abou , bu also a [+Shi ] ea u e, sugges ing ha he
opic is newly p oposed in he ele an sen ence.
3. Me hodology and sample da a om es s
Two es s ha e been c ea ed o a sys ema ic in e ace analysis
o ocus on ing ( o Mi a i e Focus, Con as i e Focus, Quan i ie
F on ing) and Resump i e P eposing in wo a ie ies o Eu opean
Spanish: Sou he n Peninsula Spanish (SPS, speci ically Andalusian
and Ex emadu an a ie ies) and S anda d Spanish (SS, mainly
As u ian, heSpanish o Ca alonia,BasqueSpanishand Mad ilenian
a ie ies).9As sugges ed in he RAE-ASALE (2009/2011), S anda d
Spanish is e y di icul o de ine despi e he uni ying cha ac e o
Spanish in gene al, and co esponds o he educa ed a ie y sha ed
in all dialec s. In his wo k, I concen a e on Eu opean Spanish,
lea ing Ame ican Spanish aside.
In RAE-ASALE (2009/2011), Andalusian and Ex emadu an
a ie ies a e geog aphically g ouped oge he wi h common
linguis ic p ope ies. I is wi hin his app oach ha he di ision
be ween SPS and SS should be aken. Hence, he main eason why
I concen a e on Andalusian and Ex emadu an Spanish is ha
hey sha e he linguis ic phenomenon ha I am desc ibing he e
(non-adjacency o V o Focus), which is no ound in he es o
Eu opean a ie ies o Spanish. On he o he hand, he a ie ies
ep esen ing SS ha e been chosen mo i a ed by he geog aphic
o igin o in o man s.
In he i s es all ypes o ocus discussed abo e ha e been
akenin oconside a ion and ocus on ingwi hp e e bal subjec s
was sys ema ically compa ed wi h ocus on ing wi h pos e bal
subjec s in bo h a ie ies. The second es has concen a ed on
ocus on ing wi h p e e bal subjec s in SPS, con olling he
possible con usion wi h he pos e bal subjec cons uc ions.
Due o he ac ha my goal is a ull desc ip ion o ocus on ing
in SPS, he numbe o in o man s is signi ican ly highe in SPS
(32 speake s) han in SS (24 speake s). F om a sociolinguis ic
poin o iew, in o man s ha e a high educa ion le el (BA, MA
and PhD s uden s a he Uni e si y o Se ille and p o esso s a
he Uni e si y o Se ille and o he uni e si ies in Spain). They all
ha e a good knowledge o language and linguis ics. As men ioned
ea lie , speake s ha e been classi ied as belonging o one a ie y o
ano he depending on hei geog aphical o igin.10
The s udy was di ided in o wo phases. In he i s s ep,
in o man s we e gi en a se o sen ences p eceded by a con ex
which induced a speci ic ocus eading o he p eposed cons i uen
and asked o judge hem (judgemen s could be exp essed as
*/??/OK; in o man s we e gi en a ull desc ip ion o wha hese
con en ional symbols s and o ). The es s we e p esen ed in
w i ing and in andomised o de . W i en s imulus is supposed o
be neu al in ha no audi i e coe cion wi h a speci ic in ona ion is
exe cised on speake s, who can hus eely in e p e he ele an
sen ence wi h a speci ic discou se eading. The p esen a ion o a
con ex o each sen ence also c ea ed he en i onmen o induce
a Gi en-Topic in e p e a ion o bo h p e e bal and pos e bal
subjec s.11
The examples in (45) make up samples o he da a ha
in o man s had o judge. Sen ences A cons i u e he s imulus
con ex ; ocused cons i uen s a e in caps and opics a e unde lined
o my p esen pu poses, hough in o man s did no ha e his
in o ma ion. Sen ences in 1 a e ins ances o p e e bal subjec s,
9F om mow onwa ds I will use he neu al e m ‘ ypes o on ing’ o e e o he
h ee ypes o oci and o RP, hough i should be clea ha RP is no a ype o ocus,
bu a he a ype o opic.
10 One o he ques ions in he es was ‘Wha a ie y o Spanish do you speak?’,
and in o man s had wo op ions, ei he S anda d o Sou he n. This helped me in
classi ying speake s wi hin one o hese a ie ies. The main basis o his di ision is
geog aphic, ne e sociolinguis ic. Ac ually, he sociolinguis ic ac o s cha ac e ising
my in o man s a e e y simila in bo h a ie ies.
11 As a gued in F asca elli (2007), Gi en Topics ins an ia e gi en/ amilia
in o ma ion, si in he low C-domain and can be ound in any ype o embedded
clause (Bianchi and F asca elli, 2010); his can desc ibe he p e e bal subjec s
ha I ocus on in his wo k. On he o he hand, pos e bal subjec s can also be
in e p e ed as Gi en Topics in languages like Spanish (as opposed o I alian), as
shown by F asca elli and Jiménez-Fe nández (2013). These Gi en Topics a e no
igh -disloca ed opics in Spanish; hey emain in hei o iginal posi ion, spec- P.
Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60 57
Table 2
F on ing wi h a p e e bal G-Topic.
Tes 1 F on ing wi h p e e bal Gi en Topic DP subjec (SPS)
Type o on ing CF MF RP QF
G amma icali y 56.25% (19/32) 56.25% (19/32) 50% (16/32) 40.6% (13/32)
G amma icali y 37.5% (9/24) 41.6% (10/24) 29.1% (7/24) 16.6% (4/24)
Table 3
F on ing wi h a pos e bal Gi en Topic.
Tes 1 F on ing wi h pos e bal Gi en Topic DP subjec (SPS)
Type o on ing CF MF RP QF
G amma icali y 90.6% (29/32) 87.5% (28/32) 93.7% (30/32) 90.6% (29/32)
G amma icali y 100% (24/24) 58.3% (14/24) 83.3% (20/24) 79.1% (19/24)
whe eas hose in 2 con ain pos e bal subjec s. Examples in B
a e o Con as i e Focus, examples in C a e o Mi a i e Focus,
examples in D illus a e Resump i e P eposing and examples in E
ins an ia e Quan i ie F on ing.
12
In he Appendix a he end o his a icle I include he whole se
o sen ences ha in o man s we e asked o judge. I was c ucial o
gi e he speake s mo e han one case o each ype o on ing so I
could make su e ha hei answe s we e sys ema ic.
4. S a is ical analysis o da a
In his sec ion, I discuss he esul s o he di e en es s
comple ed by na i e speake s. Fo he sake o cla i y, I use ables so
ha he esul s can easily be ollowed. The igu es in he di e en
ables a e based on he sen ences judged o be ‘OK’ only.
4.1. Tes 1: ocus on ing wi h p e e bal and pos e bal ‘subjec s’
In my i s expe imen , bo h SS and SPS speake s we e p e-
sen ed wi h he da a con aining no only pos e bal subjec s bu
12 Topicali y o he subjec is achie ed ia con ex b idging (Robe s, 2003), hence
i is weakly amilia (Robe s 1993). I can be claimed ha in he economic si ua ion
Spain is going h ough a he momen he in ol emen o he go e nmen in his
ype o e en s is expec ed. I is ac i a ed by he speake s’ knowledge abou he new
employmen laws he Spanish go e nmen is p oposing a p esen .
also p e e bal subjec s, whose in e p e a ion has been c ucially in-
duced o be ha o a Gi en Topic. The esul s a e p esen ed in wo
ables, whe e I use abb e ia ions CF o Con as i e Focus, MF o
Mi a i e Focus, RP o Resump i e P eposing and QF o Quan i ie
F on ing.Table 2 p esen s he judgemen s o SPS and SS in o man s
wi h espec o p e e bal subjec s, whe eas Table 3 comp ises he
esul s ega ding pos e bal subjec s. Figu es a e accompanied by
he numbe o speake s (in b acke s) who a ed he ele an sen-
ences as accep able:
When SPS in o man s we e aced wi h he sys ema ic compa -
ison be ween p e e bal and pos e bal subjec s, hey judged he
la e obe ullyg amma ical(app oxima ely 90%). The same esul
ob ained o SS wi h espec o F on ing wi h pos e bal subjec s,
as clea ly shown in Table 3. Howe e , igu es in Table 2 indica e
ha in he ele an discou se con ex SPS speake s ound p e e -
bal subjec s accep able (app oxima ely 50%, excep o Quan i ie
F on ing, wi h jus 40.6%). Con e sely, he SS in o man s a ed p e-
e bal subjec s in cons uc ions in ol ing F on ing qui e low.
The pa ial conclusion o be d awn a his poin is ha
SPS speake s p e e pos e bal subjec s wi h F on ing, bu he
p e e bal op ion is a leas accep able. SS speake s dubbed
he p e e bal subjec cons uc ion ung amma ical. Howe e , he
igu es a e somehow bo de line. In o de o ha e a clea e pic u e,
a second es was designed based jus on p e e bal subjec s, whose
esul s a e discussed in he nex sec ion.
4.2. Tes 2: on ing wi h a p e e bal gi en opic in SPS
So a i is clea ha SS does no include p e e bal subjec s
as an op ion in Focus F on ing, whe eas SPS speake s seem o
accep his cons uc ion, hough i s accep abili y is a he icky
wi h igu es which do no poin o ull g amma icali y. One o he
main p oblems SPS speake s ound was ha i hey we e o choose
be ween p e- and pos e bal subjec s in sen ences wi h F on ing,
hey c i ically p e e ed pos e bal subjec s. This led me o c ea e
a second es , jus o SPS speake s ( hough see below o SS),
ocusing exclusi ely on p e e bal subjec s so he in o man s could
no ela e he ele an sen ence wi h one ha ing a possible pos -
e bal subjec . The esul s a e displayed in Table 4.
When con on ed wi h F on ing wi h p e e bal subjec s alone
(wi h no explici men ion o he pos - e bal cons uc ions), SPS
speake s showed a g ea ole ance wi h espec o Resump i e
P eposing, ye we mus conside his ype o on ing jus ma ginal.
On he o he hand, g amma icali y inc eases wi h Con as i e
Focus and i achie es i s highes anking wi h Mi a i e Focus and
Quan i ie F on ing.
To ha e a ull pic u e o he con as be ween SPS and SS wi h
espec o he accep abili y o p e e bal subjec s in sen ences wi h
F on ing, I include Table 5. He e I show he low a es ob ained in
SS o p e e bal subjec s: