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Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
Con en s lis s a ailable a ScienceDi ec
Ampe sand
jou nal homepage: www.else ie .com/loca e/ampe
Towa ds a ypology o ocus: Subjec posi ion and mic o a ia ion a
he discou se–syn ax in e ace
Ángel L. Jiménez-Fe nández∗
Uni e si y o Se ille, Depa amen o de Lengua Inglesa, C/ Palos de la F on e a s/n, 41004 Se illa, Spain
highligh s
•P e e bal subjec s in cons uc ions in ol ing ocus on ing a e possible in some a ie ies o Spanish.
•These p e e bal subjec s a e in e p e ed as Gi en Topics, which mo e o Spec-TP.
•F on ing ope a ions connec ed wi h ocus include Con as i e Focus and Mi a i e Focus, and Quan i ie F on ing.
•Resump i e P eposing is an ins ance o Abou ness-Shi Topic.
a icle in o
A icle his o y:
Recei ed 29 No embe 2014
Recei ed in e ised o m
15 Feb ua y 2015
Accep ed 5 Ma ch 2015
A ailable online 16 Ap il 2015
Keywo ds:
Con as i e ocus
Mi a i e ocus
Resump i e p eposing
Quan i ie on ing
P e e bal subjec s
Topics
abs ac
In his wo k I explo e he di e en discou se–syn ax in e ace p ope ies o ocus on ing in S anda d
Spanish (SS) and Sou he n Peninsula Spanish (SPS) including Andalusian and Ex emadu an a ie ies. In
SSi is aken o g an ed ha in ocus on ing he e b isobliga o ily adjacen o hep eposed cons i uen .
I show ha his is no he case in SPS, whe e his condi ion is op ional. I ca y ou an analysis o h ee ypes
o oci which in ol e mo emen o he le pe iphe y (con as i e ocus, mi a i e ocus and quan i ie
on ing) and one ype o opic ( esump i e p eposing). Discou se, syn ac ic, and seman ic p ope ies a e
aken in o accoun o illus a e his ypology. C ucially, only con as i e and mi a i e ocus con ex s allow
o p e e bal subjec s in SPS, which a e p oposed o be Gi en Topics in his a ie y. On he o he hand,
esump i ep eposing is shown oen ail acaseo opic on ing.Iuse di e en expe imen swi hempi ical
da a and judgemen s by na i e speake s o es my p oposal ha ocus- e b (o opic- e b) adjacency is
subjec o mic opa ame ic a ia ion in Spanish.
©2015 The Au ho . Published by Else ie L d.
This is an open access a icle unde he CC BY-NC-ND license
(h p://c ea i ecommons.o g/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
1. In oduc ion1
This pape explo es he discou se–syn ax in e ace p ope ies
o he di e en cons i uen s in ol ed in ocus on ing cons uc-
ions in Spanish. As is well known, one o he main ai s o o-
cus on ing is ha he V(e b) mus be adjacen o he ocused
cons i uen in his ype o language. Building on Robe s (2012)
and Bibe aue e al. (2010), I a gue ha his condi ion is subjec
∗Tel.: +34 954551546; ax: +34 954551516.
E-mail add ess: [email p o ec ed].
1Ea lie e sions o his pape ha e been p esen ed a he Wo kshop on Syn ac ic
Va ia ion a he Uni e si a Au ónoma de Ba celona and a he LAGB mee ing a
SOAS (London). I wish o hank he audience he e o commen s and eedback.
In pa icula , I would like o hank Ma a F asca elli, MaLluïsa He nanz, Ana Ojea,
Me cedes Tubino, A i z I u zun, An onio Fáb egas and Sil io C uschina o ui ul
and insigh ul discussion. The esea ch ca ied ou in his wo k has been pa ially
suppo ed by he Spanish Minis y o Economy and Compe i i eness (FFI2013-
41509-P).
o mic opa ame ic a ia ion as some a ie ies o Spanish (Sou h-
e n Peninsula Spanish, SPS), especially he Andalusian and Ex-
emadu an a ie ies, seem o ob ia e he adjacency condi ion. I
discuss he syn ax o di e en ypes o ocus (Con as i e and Mi-
a i e oci) alongside Quan i ie F on ing and Resump i e P epos-
ing, all o which c ucially hinge on he discou se in e p e a ion o
p e- o pos - e bal subjec s.
I iswidelyaccep ed ha languagessuchasSpanish(asopposed
o English, bu along wi h Ca alan and Romanian) ins an ia e an
adjacency condi ion in ocus on ing cons uc ions (Rizzi,1997;
U ibe-E xeba ia,1991;U iage eka,1995; among o he s) as he
con as in (1–2) illus a es:
S anda dly, i is assumed ha V mus be adjacen o he ocused
cons i uen (Zubiza e a, 1999: 4241; RAE-ASALE, 2009/2011),
h p://dx.doi.o g/10.1016/j.ampe .2015.03.001
2215-0390/©2015 The Au ho . Published by Else ie L d. This is an open access a icle unde he CC BY-NC-ND license (h p://c ea i ecommons.o g/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.
0/).
50 Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
which desc ibes he unaccep abili y o (2a). In mo e heo e ical
e ms, his adjacency condi ion has been explained by p oposing
mo emen o Tense o Complemen ise (he ea e , T and C espec-
i ely) – o T o he designa ed ca ego y Focus in ca og aphic anal-
yses –, a e V’s mo emen o T (Rizzi,1997;Ba bosa,2001).
Desc ip i e su eys such as he one ca ied ou by RAE-ASALE
do no ake in o accoun di e en ypes o ocus and include
all kinds o on ing wi hin a single g oup ega dless o he dis-
inc salien p ope ies a he le els o in e p e a ion and in-
ona ion. In his g oup phenomena such as he ollowing a e
con la ed: Con as i e Focus (as in (2a)), Mi a i e Focus (c . C -
uschina, 2012, inspi ed by he use o he no ion o mi a i i y by
DeLancey (1997,2001)), Resump i e P eposing (c . Cinque,1990;
Ca dinale i,2004;Leone i and Escandell, 2009), and Quan i-
ie on ing/Nega i e P eposing (c . Âmba ,1999,2003;Ba bosa,
2001;Bosque,1980;Que ,2002).Resea che sha eag eed, hough,
ha in all hese cases he adjacency condi ion applies obliga o ily.
Example (3a) illus a es Con as i e Focus, (3b) exempli ies Mi a-
i e Focus, (3c) ins an ia es Resump i e P eposing and (3d) is a
case o Quan i ie F on ing2:
S udies in gene a i e g amma ha e eme ged ha dis inguish
some o hese in o ma ion-s uc u e phenomena (Bianchi,2012;
C uschina,2012;Haegeman,2012). In Spanish, some wo ks ha e
iden i ied ypes o ocus o he han con as i e ocus (To ego,
1980; U iage eka,1988;Que ,2002;Gallego,2007;Leone i
and Escandell, 2009), ye all hese analyses ag ee ha T- o-C is
compulso y in Spanish ocus on ing.
In his wo k, I i s show ha in e p e i e and syn ac ic p op-
e ies can be used o es ablish a mo e accu a e ypology o ocus.
Based on da a om Spanish and especially i s Sou he n a ie y, I
p opose ha he adjacency condi ion is subjec o mic opa ame -
ic a ia ion in ha , depending on he ype o ocus, p e e bal sub-
jec s a e eadily ound in some a ie ies o Spanish (Andalusian,
Ex emadu an). My p oposal is c ucially g ounded in an expe i-
men ca ied ou wi h na i e speake s in which hey had o judge
he g amma icali y o on ed ocus cons uc ions. In his expe i-
men , speake s we e p esen ed wi h da a in a andomised o de ,
and hey we e gi en he con ex in which hey had o co ec ly
place he sen ences ha ollow (a ull desc ip ion o he expe i-
men is p o ided in Sec ion 3). The in o man s we e di ided in o
wo di e en g oups. The i s g oup includes a eas om no he n
SpainandMad id,whe eas hesecondg oupcomp ises he sou h.3
The wo d o de a ia ion de ec ed in he di e en discou se-
ela ed phenomena is accoun ed o in my analysis by p opos-
ing c i e ial ea u es in dedica ed ca ego ies which igge
2The examples in (3) a e jus used o p esen a ional pu poses o show a sample
o he ype o da a I discuss in his wo k. A ully de ailed desc ip ion o each ype o
on ing is gi en in Sec ion 2.
3Rega ding V-adjacency in Ca alan, Que (2002, 254–255, n.3) sugges s ha
he e may be dialec al a ia ion since o some speake s his condi ion can be
dispensed wi h (see also Valldu i, 1993).
mo emen o a gi en cons i uen o a speci ic syn ac ic (bu
discou se-linked) posi ion in he le pe iphe y. I assume a spli
Complemen ise Ph ase sys em whe e speci ic designa ed ca e-
go ies like Fo ce, Topic and Focus p ojec (Rizzi, 1997, e subseq.).
I hold ha in he ype o ocused cons uc ions s udied he e sub-
jec s may be opics, speci ically Gi en Topics – also called Familia
Topics – (in he sense o F asca elli and Hin e hölzl, 2007;Bianchi
and F asca elli, 2010;F asca elli and Jiménez-Fe nández, 2013). A
Gi en Topic en ails sha ed in o ma ion which is amilia o e e y-
body in a ele an con ex , as illus a ed in (4), a dialogue be ween
wo iends (A and B) in a es au an :
I assume, wi h Jiménez-Fe nández (2011), F asca elli and
Jiménez-Fe nández (2012), Jiménez-Fe nández and Işse e (2012)
and Jiménez-Fe nández and Miyagawa (2014), ha subjec s which
unc ion as Gi en Topics in discou se may mo e o a Tense Ph ase
(TP) in e nal posi ion in Spanish, he eby jus i ying he pa e n
Focus+Subjec +Ve b Ph ase. Mo eo e , in his ype o ocused
cons uc ion he head Focus may no igge mo emen o V in
SPS, con a y o SS. As will become clea below, his happens
wi h Con as i e Focus, Mi a i e Focus and Quan i ie F on ing.
On he o he hand, as in I alian (Ca dinale i,2004,2010;Benincà
and Pole o, 2004), in Resump i e P eposing (which is iden i ied
as a sub ype o opic on ing) V mus obliga o ily mo e o he
dedica edheadTopicin heCP a eainall a ie ieso Spanish,hence
he e is no slo o subjec s in be ween he mo ed cons i uen and
V.
I s a o wi h wo wo king hypo heses: (1) The di e en
ypes o ocus a e encoded in he lexicon as syn ac ic ea u es,
which will e eal ha CF, MF and QF a e ins ances o ocus
whe eas RP is shown o be a ype o opic. (2) Di e en ypes
o ocus (and opic) on ing may display di e en beha iou
wi h espec o he ela i e posi ion o subjec and e b bo h
ac oss languages and wi hin a single language. Wi hin Spanish, a
c ucial di e ence as ega ds Ve b- o-Focus is de ec ed be ween
SPS speake s and speake s o o he a ie ies o Spanish, hus
poin ing o a mic opa ame ic dis inc ion.
The pape is o ganised as ollows. In Sec ion 2I discuss he
na u e o he on ed ocus cons i uen . I show i s in e p e i e and
g amma ical p ope ies which I a gue demons a e ha CF, MF and
QF a e oci bu RP is an Abou ness-Shi Topic (AS-Top), he eby
alida ing my hypo hesis 1. In Sec ion 3 he me hodology used
in my empi ical app oach o he ypology o ocus is p esen ed
alongside sample examples o da a ha he in o man s had o
judge. Sec ion 4discusses he dis ibu ion o oci in SPS and SS wi h
special e e ence o he p e- o pos - e bal posi ion o subjec s,
con i ming he mic opa ame ic a ia ion sugges ed by hypo hesis
2. Sec ion 5comp ises empi ical e idence in a ou o analysing
p e- e bal subjec s as Gi en Topics (G-Tops) in SPS. I show ha
p e- e bal subjec s a e G-Tops mo ing o Spec-TP in SPS. Finally,
Sec ion 6concludes he pape and o e s some u he issues
conce ning ypes o ocus which I will ackle in my u u e esea ch.
2. The ocused cons i uen : a mul i ac o ial app oach o
di e en ypes o Focus
The e m Focus is o en used o e e o ph ases se ing wo
discou se unc ions, namely (a) o in oduce new in o ma ion,
which is known as In o ma ion Focus (IF), and (b) o in oduce a
con as wi h espec o a p e ious asse ion by denying one pa
and p oposing ano he pa . The la e is wha is ypically e e ed
Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60 51
o as Con as i e Focus (CF). Based on Kiss (1998), his dis inc ion
is exempli ied in (5) o Hunga ian.
A numbe o schola s ha e a gued in a ou o a clea -cu dis-
inc ion be ween hese discou se ca ego ies, based on mo pholog-
ical, syn ac ic, phonological and discou se ac o s (c . Kiss,1998;
Zubiza e a,1998;Nespo and Guas i, 2002;Dona i and Nespo ,
2003).C oss-linguis ice idencesuppo s he necessi y o a dis inc-
ion be ween di e en ypes o ocus, which is syn ac ically en-
coded (c . Molná ,2006;Ben ley,2007;C uschina,2012;Bianchi
and Bocci, 2012;Bianchi,2012). To illus a e, he syn ac ic posi-
ion o CF and IF end o be di e en ac oss languages. Kiss (1998)
discusses he di e en p ope ies which a e dis inguished by wo
posi ions. Hence in Hunga ian a p e e bal ocus is in e p e ed as
con as i e, as in (5a), whe eas a pos e bal ocus is assigned a
pu ely in o ma ional eading, as in (5b)4:
In Romance languages such as I alian and Spanish, i is com-
monly assumed ha he le pe iphe y is ese ed o CF and he
posi iono IFissen ence-in e nal( ypicallyoccu inginpos e bal
posi ion). This is he iew de ended by C uschina (2012) o I alian
and Spanish, as illus a ed in (6) om Zubiza e a (1998) (bold ype
indica es IF):
Thisposi ionaldi e encewo ks o S anda d Spanish.Howe e ,
again some mic opa ame ic a ia ion is de ec ed in o he dialec s
since he eply in (B′), wi h on ed IF, is comple ely na u al
in some a ie ies o Spanish. In e es ingly, Sou he n Peninsula
Spanish is one such a ie y, showing he a ailabili y o a le -
pe iphe y posi ion o pu ely IF, as shown by Jiménez-Fe nández
(in p ess), which cons i u es ano he piece o e idence suppo ing
he mic o a ia ion in SPS.
In addi ion o syn ac ic p ope ies, om an in e p e i e poin
o iew, he di e en ypes o oci di e in bo h discou se and
p osodic di e ences (C uschina,2012;F asca elli and Ramaglia,
2013). Thus, hey a e in e p e ed di e en ly a he in e aces.
S icking o he dis inc ion be ween CF and IF, Kiss (1998) claims
ha he con as i e in e p e a ion is absen in IF. These a e he
eadings co esponding o (5a) and (5b) espec i ely. In addi ion,
he p osodic p ope ies o ocus will be di e en depending on he
ype o in e p e a ion. In his connec ion, Belle i (2004: 43, no e
12) desc ibes CF as ca ying an empha ic s ess which is missing in
IF. I come back o he dis inc discou se and syn ac ic p ope ies o
ocus below ( hough I lea e aside a ho ough s udy o he p osodic
cha ac e isa ion o oci; see Bianchi e al., 2014 (in p ess), o
in ona ional e idence om I alian, and Jiménez-Fe nández, 2013
o p osodic e idence om Spanish).
Wi hin gene a i e g amma wo di e en seman ic app oaches
can be dis inguished wi h espec o he seman ic cha ac e isa ion
4As poin ed ou by an anonymous e iewe , Hunga ian exhibi s a e y speci ic
ype o con as i e ocus, namely exhaus i e ocus. The e o e, he in e p e a ion o
he ocusedDPin (5a)in ol es aha andonly aha (no hingelse). I mus becla i ied
ha Spanish CF is no always exhaus i e, and hence he co esponding sen ence in
Spanish does no en ail ha i is only a ha ha Ma y picked, as illus a ed in (i):
Fo he exhaus i e use o CF in Spanish, see Gu ié ez-González (2010).
o ocus. On he one hand, he e is he Al e na i e Seman ics
app oach (Roo h,1992;Bea e and Cla k, 2008). Unde his iew,
ocus gene a es a se o al e na i es. Fo example, o a ques ion
suchas ‘‘Wha does Ma y wan ?’’, he e is anumbe o p oposi ions
which a y in he con en p o ided by he ocused di ec objec
({Ma y wan s coke, Ma y wan s ice-c eam,...}). Any o hese
sen ences sa is y he in o ma ion eques in he ques ion and he
whole se o possible p oposi ions make up wha is known as
cong uen answe s o he ques ion.
On he o he hand, in he S uc u ed Meaning app oach (K i ka,
2006) he p oposi ion is di ided in o wo pa s, namely a ocus
(e.g., ‘ice-c eam’ in he example abo e) and a backg ound ( he
p esupposed deno a ion o he es o he clause, i.e. he p ope y
o being some hing ha Ma y wan s).
In my cha ac e isa ion o ocus, I ake in o accoun he mos
salien de ining pa ame e s o bo h app oaches. I pay a en ion o
he se o al e na i es gene a ed and also o he in o ma ion s uc-
u e pa i ion o he p oposi ion in e ms o ocus and backg ound.
When he di e en ypes o ocus a e add essed, we a e con on ed
wi h di e en seman ic ope a ions, which a e e lec ed in he syn-
ac ic de i a ion in ha , depending on he seman ic in e p e a ion,
each ype o ocus is assigned a speci ic so o discou se ea u e.
These seman ic p ope ies a e he co ne s one o he desc ip ion o
di e en ypes o ocus on ing in he sec ions which ollow. These
ea u es will cons i u e he basis o dis inguish be ween ue cases
o ocus such as CF, MF and QF and he ‘ ake’ ype o ocus ep e-
sen ed by RP, on he one hand, bu also will help us elucida e he
di e ences de ec ed among oci, on he o he hand.
2.1. Con as i e ocus
Acco ding oGussenho en(2007:91), Con as i e Focus is‘‘[...]
a cons i uen ha is a di ec ejec ion o an al e na i e, ei he
spoken by he speake himsel (‘no A, bu B’) o by he hea e [...]’’.
Con as , hus,implies emo al o in o ma ionandinse ion o new
in o ma ion, as illus a ed in (7).
As a eply o (7A), B is unde s ood as ejec ing pa o he
p e ious asse ion (con Ángela) and p oposing a new piece o
in o ma ion o ill in his gap (con Jimena). The e o e, he meaning
o (7B) is ‘I is wi h Jimena ha Susana is going on aca ion, no
wi h Angela’. No e ha , as p e iously s a ed in oo no e 4, CF in
Spanish is no necessa ily exhaus i e (as opposed o languages
such as Hunga ian). Hence he in e p e a ion in his eply is ha
Susanawen wi h Jimena and no wi h Angela, bu maybe she wen
wi h somebody else.
In e ms o he ocus-p esupposi ion a icula ion, Con as i e
Focus implies a wo-pa dissec ion and he se o al e na i es is
e y es ic ed (cons ained by he seman ic p ope ies o he e-
jec ed i em). In example (7) he se o al e na i es includes wo
membe s, namely Angela and Jimena (maybe mo e membe s can
be added o he se , hough ei he he speake is no in e es ed in
his addi ion o he/she does no know o any o he speci ic mem-
be s).
2.2. Mi a i e ocus
Inspi ed by DeLancey (1997,2001),B une i (2009) and Paoli
(2009), C uschina (2012) conside Mi a i e Focus as no me ely
52 Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
in o ma i e. I p o ides new in o ma ion and, based on he
speake ’s knowledge o wha he hea e expec s, indica es ha
such in o ma ion will be unexpec ed. Thus, unexpec edness and
su p ise wi h espec o some e en a e in ol ed in his ype o
ocus (c . Bianchi e al., 2014):
In example (8) he DP es ozos de a a ‘ h ee pieces o
cake’ has been p eposed o indica e he speake ’s su p ise and
unexpec edness.
Âmba (1999: 41) e ms a simila kind o on ing in Po -
uguese an ‘‘e alua i e cons uc ion’’, in ol ing he on ing o
an empha ic and e alua i e elemen o a dedica ed unc ional
p ojec ion (i.e., he E alua i e Ph ase) in he le pe iphe y. Âm-
ba associa es his e alua i e cons uc ion wi h an exclama i e
meaning and exclama i e in ona ion. I ake i ha in Mi a i e
Focus he speake shows he unexpec edness o i s con en o
himsel /he sel . A plausible way o es he mi a i i y o his ype
o ocus is he addi ion o an exp ession such as ‘And i doesn’ su -
p ise me’. In cases o sen ences con aining MF, he esul is p e-
dic ed o be p agma ically anomalous (Bianchi e al., in p ess). Le
us conside (9) u e ed by he same speake :
As is clea , he speake is showing his/he su p ise so i is
inc edible ha hese people ha e planned o go o he Ca ibbean.
In his con ex i is p agma ically odd adding he in o ma ion
con eyed by Pe o eso no me so p ende. In o he wo ds, in example
(9) he ad e bial al Ca ibe ‘ o he Ca ibbean’ is clea ly an ins ance
o MF.
Mi a i e Focus is no dependen on a ques ion–answe con ex .
Con as is es ablished wi h an elemen ha is pa o he sha ed
knowledge o he pa icipan s and can be seman ically cha ac-
e ised as a ‘‘p oposal o nego ia e a sha ed e alua ion’’ (Bianchi,
2012). Due o he uncons ained unexpec edness in ol ed in Mi-
a i e Focus, he se o al e na i es is e y la ge. This is o ally p e-
dic ed since in an example such as (9) al Ca ibe is jus one op ion
among many o he s.
2.3. Con as i e s. mi a i e oci: some in e p e i e and syn ac ic
di e ences
In his sec ion I discuss di e en in e p e i e and syn ac ic
p ope ies ha can be employed o disc imina e be ween CF and
MF. Acco ding o Bianchi e al. (2014), in mi a i e con ex s, he
a ge sen ence is an asse ion and he con ex o ces he mi a i e
conno a ion. This is illus a ed in (10), adap ed om Bianchi e al.
(2014), hei example (8).
On he con a y, ins ead o an asse ion he sen ence wi h CF
is a eply o a p e ious asse ion, which co ec s one piece o his
p e ious asse ion. The co ec ed pa can explici ly be men ioned
in a nega i e coda, as illus a ed in (11), also adap ed om Bianchi
e al. (2014).
No e ha MF is compa ible wi h his nega i e coda, whe eas
CF is no , as shown by he impossibili y o adding a nega i e coda
o he asse ion in (12), whe e he con ex a ou s he mi a i e
in e p e a ion ( he symbol # s ands o p agma ically anomalous):
This also p o es ha MF is no con as i e. A leas i is no as
s ongly con as i e as CF, which explains he incompa ibili y wi h
he nega i e coda.
As s a ed ea lie , ano he dis inc ion a he le el o in e p e a-
ion is he co-occu ence o MF wi h an addi ional exp ession con-
adic ing he su p ise and unexpec edness o he speake o he
p e ious asse ion, as opposed o CF. This is u he illus a ed in
(13) o MF and (14) o CF:
As clea ly illus a ed in (13), MF canno be ollowed by a
cons uc ion con eying expec edness, whe eas CF can na u ally
co-occu wi h such an exp ession. The eason is ha CF has no hing
o do wi h su p ise o unexpec edness, he eby being compa ible
wi h an exp ession exhibi ing ei he su p ise o no su p ise. I is
jus no ele an .
Le us now u n o he syn ac ic p ope ies. C uschina (2012)
and Bianchi e al. (2014) sugges wo main dis inguishing
p ope ies ha desc ibe he beha iou o CF and MF. Fi s , based on
da a om I alian, hese au ho s claim ha V-adjacency is op ional
o CF whe eas i is obliga o y o MF.
Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60 53
In he p esen a icle, he main p oposal is ha in some Spanish
dialec sV-adjacencyis simplyanop ion,and hisp ope ydoes no
disc imina e be ween CF and MF. Mo e p ecisely, we will see ha
in S anda d Spanish bo h CF and MF equi e V-adjacency he eby
blocking he in e pola ion o any adjunc . Howe e , he si ua ion is
di e en in Sou he n Peninsula Spanish, whe e nei he CF no MF
ban he occu ence o an in e ening cons i uen . Le us conside
CF in (17) in bo h a ie ies, SS and SPS:
V-adjacency is obliga o y in SS, as shown in (17). Howe e , in
SPS (especially in spon aneous speech) he si ua ion is comple ely
di e en and speake s p oduce bo h syn ac ic o de ings:
This is indica i e ha he V-Adjacency p ope y is nulli ied in
SPS and canno be used o disc imina e be ween CF and MF since
again he V-Adjacency equi emen is ob ia ed in SPS o MF, as
illus a ed in (19) and (20):
The possibili y o in e pola ing a cons i uen such as an adjunc
is easibleinSPS. In la e sec ionIwill show ha ap e e balsubjec
is also possible in his a ie y when he on ed ph ase is MF.
The second syn ac ic p ope y used by C uschina (2012) o
dis inguish be ween CF and MF is he possible occu ence o CF
in an embedded sen ence complemen o a e b o saying and he
unaccep abili y o MF in his syn ac ic con ex :
This is a good es o apply in Spanish and will help us di e en-
ia e CF om MF ega dless o he dialec al a ie y.
The ocus on ing in (24) shows ha MF is una ailable in he
embedded sen ence, whe eas (25) ells us ha CF does no exhibi
such a es ic ion. No e, inciden ally, ha he p eposed cons i uen
in (24) could be in e p e ed in con as wi h o he membe s o he
se ( o example, one bo le o h ee bo les o odka), and hence
i would be ega ded as well- o med, which poin s o he ac ha
CF is en i ely compa ible wi h embedding.
2.4. Quan i ie on ing
Leone i and Escandell (2009) sugges wo de ining p ope ies
o Quan i ie F on ing cons uc ions: (1) F on ed Quan i ie
Ph ases do no show any empha ic in ona ion, in con as wi h
o he ypes o ocus ( hough hey do no ca y ou an ac ual
examina ion o in ona ion pa e ns in eal da a); and (2) he
in e p e a ion o he on ed elemen does no in ol e a con as
wi h o he al e na i es (Que , 2002)5:
Theexamples in(26)show ha nocon as canbees ablishedin
Quan i ie F on ingbe ween he on ed cons i uen andamembe
o a discou se se due o he ac ha pola i y is he co e o he
con as and as such i is he emphasised elemen .
Two poin s a e a issue he e. Fi s , he on ed QP does no
display any con as a all wi h any possible al e na i e, he eby
discon i ming i s discou se ole as CF. Secondly, QF is an ins ance o
ocus, and as such i is incompa ible wi h ano he ocused elemen
in he same sen ence, illus a ed in (27a), and does no allow
he inse ion o he esump i e cli ic, as shown in (27b). Thus QF
canno co-occu wi h a na ow in-si u ocus, as Que (2002) poin s
ou :
In e es ingly, Leone i and Escandell (2009) ema k on he
adjacency o V and he on ed elemen as a common p ope y
o all ypes o on ing excep Cli ic Le Disloca ion, including
Quan i ie F on ing. Fo Leone i & Escandell, Quan i ie F on ing
is an ins ance o Ve um Focus F on ing,6in which he In o ma ion
S uc u e pa i ions he p oposi ion in wo pa s, ocus and
backg ound. Focus co esponds o pola i y, hence he implica ion
o nega i e and posi i e pola i y in (26a–b) espec i ely. The
al e na i es educe o wo: posi i e and nega i e. This aises he
ques ion as o why Ve um Focus (VF) and QF can co-occu in he
same sen ence i we accep ha he e is one ocus pe clause (Rizzi,
1997). This si ua ion p edic s he ung amma icali y o sen ences
5The ocus s a us o Quan i ie F on ing is qui e icky since a QP can be dislo-
ca ed o he le pe iphe y wi h he unc ion o Con as i e Focus (i) o Mi a i e
Focus (ii), o e en as a CLLD-ed opic (hence he on ed QP is in e p e ed as speci ic
and a esump i e cli ic is a ailable).
F om his pe spec i e, i may be hough ha QF should no be singled ou as a
dis inc ype o ocus, in line wi h Cinque (1990). Howe e , in my wo k I will adop
he iew pu sued by Que (2002), C uschina (2012), acco ding o which QF s ands
on i s own as a well-de ined ype o ocus, wi h i s own syn ac ic and seman ic
p ope ies. QPs a e ambiguous as o hei speci ic o non-speci ic eading (Suñe ,
2003). I ake ue QF o in ol e only non-speci ic QPs (including ba e Qs such as
nada ‘no hing’ o algo ‘some hing’).
6In line wi h Höhle (1992), I ake Ve um Focus as an ins ance o empha ic
ope a ion by which a p oposi ion is connec ed wi h he u h alue o he sen ence,
which can be pa aph ased as ‘I is ue ha /I is he case ha ...’. The e o e, an
example such as (8a) is in e p e ed as ‘I is he case ha I ha e no hing mo e o
add’ (see also Rome o and Han, 2004).
54 Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
suchas(27) since heyinclude wo oci, namelyVFandQF,con a y
o ac s:
A his poin I would like o connec he co-occu ence o VF
and QF wi h he no ion o b oad ocus o all- ocus sen ences. As
is commonly assumed, b oad ocus is in ol ed in ou -o - he-blue
sen ences since all he in o ma ion p o ided is new.
These sen ences show ha he e is no incompa ibili y be ween
b oad ocus and QF, which in ac p o es ha no all on ings a e
simple ins ances o na ow ocus (in he adi ional sense).
C uschina (2012) and Bianchi e al. (2014) ha e iden i ied a
simila pa adoxical si ua ion wi h he compa ibili y o Mi a i e
Focus and B oad Focus in Sicilian:
MF may be used in ou -o - he-blue sen ences, whe e he
answe isgi enbyanall- ocus sen ence. Hence, i seems ha in all-
ocus sen ences he e may be on ing i he cons i uen con eys
an addi ional conno a ion (su p ise o unexpec edness). In Spanish
we ind simila da a o MF:
B’s answe in (30) displays new in o ma ion, ye Spanish selec s
a DP as he mos ele an piece o in o ma ion since i is wha
exp esses he speake ’s su p ise. One o he di e ences be ween
QF and MF is ha pola i y is a ec ed only in QF ins ances.
My sugges ion is ha in all- ocus sen ences one piece o
he in o ma ion is mo e salien and i is p ecisely his piece o
in o ma ion ha is p eposed. This means ha in QF we may ha e
no na ow ocus, bu jus a acuous on ing in a sen ence in
which wha is emphasised is he u h o alsi y o he whole
p oposi ion, i.e. Ve um Focus. To pu i blun ly, his is exac ly
he connec ion be ween he pola i y o he sen ence and QF. The
in o ma ioncon eyed by hesen enceisnewandamong hepieces
o in o ma ion one o hem, ep esen ed by QF, is highligh ed. This
QF may be iewed as a ype o al uis ic mo emen (E eschik-Shi ,
2007), since he e is no eal need o on ing o exp ess ha ocus
lies on he pola i y.
2.5. Resump i e p eposing
Cinque (1990: 87) holds ha in RP ‘‘ he on ed ph ase mus
ei he di ec ly esume an iden ical ph ase in he immedia ely
p eceding discou se o be in e en ially linked o such a ph ase’’.
This is illus a ed o I alian in (31):
On he o he hand, Leone i and Escandell (2009) claim ha ,
con a y o Quan i ie F on ing, Resump i e P eposing (RP) occu s
mos ly wi h de ini e De e mine Ph ases (DPs). These linguis s
a gue ha ‘‘Resump i e P eposing shows e e y diagnos ic o wh-
mo emen : he on ed cons i uen has o be adjacen o he
e b, which igge s subjec – e b in e sion, and i is incompa ible
wi h any o he ins ance o wh-mo emen such as, o ins ance,
Focus mo emen ’’ (Leone i and Escandell,2009: 167). Again he
V adjacency condi ion is emphasised as a de ining p ope y o
Resump i e P eposing. This is shown in (32), Leone i & Escandell’s
example (4):
In addi ion, ano he p ope y o RP is ha he on ed con-
s i uen does no equi e any esump i e cli ic, he eby pa e ning
wi h ocus on ing (as opposed o CLLD). I e u n o his issue be-
low.
Leone i & Escandell g oup Resump i e P eposing and Quan-
i ie F on ing oge he . The au ho s adduce ha he wo con-
s uc ions sha e a common p ope y, ha o exp essing pola i y
ocus/Ve um ocus (Höhle,1992;K i ka,2007;Fé y,2007). The al-
e na i es would hus be mos es ic ed: posi i e o nega i e.
Howe e , in ligh o he da a om SPS shown in Sec ion 2, his
is un enable, and I s ick o he dis inc ion made by Cinque (1990)
andQue (2002).Oneo he easons o keeping o hedis inc ionis
ha , as Leone i & Escandell a gue, Resump i e P eposing in ol es
jus de ini e elemen s as in (32). Howe e , his is no a cons ain
o Quan i ie F on ing, as shown in (10).
Leone i & Escandell claim ha no ocus-backg ound pa i ion
o he sen ence is a es ed. Ins ead, he cons uc ion exhibi s a
ocus-backg ound pa i ion o he sen ence pola i y. This may be
ue o Quan i ie F on ing, as s a ed in he p e ious sec ion. Ne -
e heless, o Resump i e P eposing i is no he case ha he
whole p oposi ion is he backg ound. In his connec ion, ‘‘ he VFF
[Ve um Focus F on ing] cons uc ion is accep ed only when i s
whole p oposi ional con en is backg ound in o ma ion, i.e., has
been men ioned in he p e ious discou se’’ (Leone i and Escan-
dell, 2009: 183). This is shown in (34):
7
This ype o on ing clea ly con as s wi h ue Resump i e
P eposing cons uc ions:
7No e ha he ime o on ing illus a ed in (34) pa e ns oge he wi h VP-
P eposing in languages like English (see he gloss o (34)). I assume ha in his
ype o on ing we do ha e a ue ins ance o VFF, as opposed o RP, which I will
a gue does no exhibi any emphasis on he pola i y.
Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60 55
F om a discou se pe spec i e, his sen ence is elici ous as
a esponse o a p e ious p oposi ion such as El pa ido de
la oposición ha p opues o cambia la ley an ico upción (‘The
opposi ion pa y has p oposed o change he aud law’). Hence,
he e is no equi emen ha he whole p oposi ion is backg ound
in o ma ion.
Ano he p oblem wi h a Ve um Focus F on ing analysis o
Resump i e P eposing is ha con as s can be es ablished, he eby
indica ing ha i is no he case ha he pola i y is emphasised.
To he con a y, an explici con as wi h possible membe s o a
discou se se is a es ed in sen ences such as (36):
Finally, o p o e ha VFF is no in ol ed in RP, le us conside
he es ha Leone i & Escandell p opose o demons a e ha RP
is pola i y ocus. The au ho s claim ha sen ences wi h QF and
RP can be pa aph ased by he same sen ence wi hou on ing
bu inse ing he pola i y-inducing elemen sí (que) ‘yes ( ha )’. I
he wo cons uc ions wi h and wi hou on ing ha e he same
in e p e a ion, his demons a es ha he e sion wi h on ing
in ol es pola i y ocus. Le us s a wi h QF:
As is clea , he u h alue o bo h sen ences wi h and wi hou
he pola i y-inducing pa icle is exac ly he same, con i ming ha
QF ins an ia es Ve um Focus F on ing. Now, le us conside RP in
ligh o he ollowing pa ag aph:
In he las sen ence, he DP esas mismas cosas ‘ hose same
hings’ has been p eposed and his in ol es RP. I Leone i &
Escandell a e co ec , we p edic ha he ele an sen ence should
be pa aph asable wi h he same sen ence wi hou on ing bu
including he pola i y-inducing pa icle, con a y o ac s:
As a con inua ion o he p e ious sen ence, in his con ex
he u h alue o sen ence (39) is qui e dis inc om he
co esponding sen ence wi h on ing in (38). In o he wo ds i is
no he case ha we a e emphasising he pola i y o he sen ence
when RP is a issue. The ques ion hus a ises as o wha ype o
discou se ca ego y RP ep esen s.
Resump i e P eposing pa ially con eys [+gi en] in o ma ion,
as illus a ed in he abo e example, since i p esupposes in o ma-
ion al eady p o ided in he con ex . Thus, I will assume ha i
quali ies as a opic. Addi ionally, RP exp esses some new in o -
ma ion as well. Fo example, in (38) he p eposed DP implies ha
hose same hings a e jus simila o he ones men ioned in he
p e ious sen ence. This combina ion o gi en and new in o ma-
ion leads me o p opose, ollowing Jiménez-Fe nández and Miya-
gawa (2014), ha RP is an ins ance o Abou ness-Shi Topic in he
sense o F asca elli and Hin e hölzl (2007);Bianchi and F asca elli
(2010). This AS-Top se es he unc ion o p oposing wha he sen-
ence is abou by p o iding some addi ional in o ma ion wi h e-
spec o al eady sha ed in o ma ion.
As o he In o ma ion S uc u e pa i ion, he e is a opic-
commen di ision, and he commen includes in o ma ion ocus
( o example, el Pa ido Popula ‘ he Popula Pa y’ in example (36)
o él con los p imos León ‘he and he Leon cousins’ in (38)).
Fo easonso spaceIwill jus p o idewi h woempi icalpieces
o e idence in a ou o dealing wi h RP as opic on ing. The
Should I s ay o should I go? i s p ope y which cha ac e ises RP
is ha i in ol es he ea u e [+gi en]. Howe e , his ea u e can
also be p esen in CF, as an anonymous e iewe poin s ou o me.
In my iew, bo h CF and RP may include [+gi en] among hei
ea u es, bu hey di e in o he espec s, such as he a ailabili y o
a nega i e coda o CF. No e ha his is no a p ope y o RP in ha
a sen ence such as (38) does no accep his nega i e al e na i e:
Ano he opic-like p ope y is ha he on ed cons i uen is
always de ini e and speci ic, as opposed o any kind o ocus, which
can be ei he speci ic o non-speci ic. This means ha an inde ini e
and non-speci ic DP canno occu in RP cons uc ions. In a con ex
whe e speake A says ha he has bough an o ange shi o wea
a a pa y, Speake B can eply wi h (41b) bu ne e (41a). The
di e ence is de ini eness/speci ici y:
Mo eo e , I ha e claimed ha RP plays he discou se ole o
Abou ness-Shi Topic (AS-Top). E idence suppo ing his claim
comes he dis inc ion be ween oo and non- oo p ope ies
(Emonds, 1969). I has been claimed ha some main clause
phenomena such as Topicalisa ion can only occu in oo
en i onmen s. Bianchi and F asca elli (2010) ha e a gued ha an
AS-Top is always es ic ed o main clauses. Fu he mo e, Jiménez-
Fe nández and Miyagawa (2014) ha e shown ha Spanish AS-Tops
a e incompa ible wi h ac i e e bs like lamen a ‘ eg e ’, simply
because he embedded clause subo dina e o his ype o e bs
is no a oo -like con ex (I abs ac away om echnicali ies).
The p edic ion is ha i RP is an ins ance o AS-Top, i should be
incompa ible wi h his ype o e bs. This is bo ne ou by examples
such as (42) om Jiménez-Fe nández and Miyagawa (2014: 297),
hei (81):
The una ailabili y o RP in embedded con ex s poin s o he ac
ha RP is an AS-Top, gi en ha o he ypes o opic (ins an ia e by
CLLD) does no exhibi his es ic ion8:
8One p oblem posed by he quali ica ion o RP as opic is ha in Romance
opic on ing is linked o a esump i e cli ic (when a ailable in he language).
This is CLLD. I ha e shown ha CLLD and RP a e di e en in many espec s. I
should be no su p ise ha hey also di e in he inse ion o he esump i e cli ic.
Acco ding o an anonymous e iewe , i sounds suspicious o conside RP as a case
o opic on ing when he e is no cli ic. Howe e , i should be clea ha in o he
languages such as Po uguese, CLLD and Topicalisa ion o he English ype coexis
(c . Ba bosa, 2001), and he la e is ne e connec ed o a cli ic, despi e being a opic:
.
In he same ein, RP does no need o be linked o a esump i e cli ic o quali y as
a opic.
56 Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60
Table 1
In o ma ion Focus: [+Focus]
Con as i e Focus: [+Focus] [+Con as ]
Mi a i e Focus: [+Focus] [+Unexpec edness]
Quan i ie F on ing: [+Focus] [+Pola i y] [+Con as ]
Resump i e P eposing: [+Topic] [+Abou ness] [+Shi ]
To conclude his sec ion, he mos salien discou se p ope y o
RPasanAS-Topis ha i s andsas ashi o opicwi h espec o he
p e ious sen ence ha include he esumed ma e ial. To illus a e,
le us e u n o examples such as (38). In he i s sen ence he
speake is alking abou Li uma (AS-Top), and he commen pa
men ions he ac i i ies ha some child en a e ca ying ou . The
second sen ence also has his discou se pa i ion. Howe e , by
on ing he DP esas mismas cosas, he e is a change o opic and
now hissen ence isabou hosesame hingsandno abou Li uma.
This shi ing p ope y is highligh ed in e e y ins ance o RP in he
examples discussed in his sec ion.
2.6. A ea u e-based analysis o oci
In his pape I en e ain ha ocus is encoded as a syn ac ic
ea u e [+Focus] which cha ac e ises all ypes o ocus, and
con eys pu ely new in o ma ion. The dis inc ion o ypes is
ealised by di e en combina ions o ea u es (a gene al line
pu sued by Haegeman,2010,2012;S a ke,2001;F asca elli and
Ramaglia, 2013; among o he s). Table 1 ou lines he ea u e
composi ion o he ypes o oci ha may be iden i ied in Spanish,
based on hei in e p e i e p ope ies I ha e discussed ea lie :
(44) Fea u e composi ion o ypes o oci and RP
As is clea om he able, he basic ype o ocus is In o ma ion
Focus, jus ca ying he ea u e [+Focus]; his discou se ea u e
will be common o all ypes. Con as i e Focus also con ains
he ea u e [+Con as ], accoun ing o he con as i e/co ec i e
in e p e a ion o he ocused elemen . Mi a i e Focus in ol es
some so o su p ise on he pa o he speake in line wi h
C uschina (2012), which is cap u ed in he sys em by adding
he ea u e [+Unexpec edness]. Quan i ie F on ing ca ies he
ea u e [+Pola i y], meaning ha i emphasises he pola i y o he
sen ence.
Resump i e P eposing is sepa a ed om ypes o oci because,
as I ha e a gued, i is no a ue ocus bu a opic and hence
ca ies a [+Topic] ea u e. In addi ion, Quan i ie F on ing ( hough
no RP) a ec s he pola i y o he sen ence, and as such QF
con ains he a o e-men ioned [+Pola i y] ea u e, bu RP shows
no con as a all. On he o he hand, implemen ing F asca elli’s
(2007) and F asca elli and Hin e hölzl’s (2007) p oposal, RP ca ies
a [+Abou ness] ea u e, indica ing ha i s impo is wha he
sen ence is abou , bu also a [+Shi ] ea u e, sugges ing ha he
opic is newly p oposed in he ele an sen ence.
3. Me hodology and sample da a om es s
Two es s ha e been c ea ed o a sys ema ic in e ace analysis
o ocus on ing ( o Mi a i e Focus, Con as i e Focus, Quan i ie
F on ing) and Resump i e P eposing in wo a ie ies o Eu opean
Spanish: Sou he n Peninsula Spanish (SPS, speci ically Andalusian
and Ex emadu an a ie ies) and S anda d Spanish (SS, mainly
As u ian, heSpanish o Ca alonia,BasqueSpanishand Mad ilenian
a ie ies).9As sugges ed in he RAE-ASALE (2009/2011), S anda d
Spanish is e y di icul o de ine despi e he uni ying cha ac e o
Spanish in gene al, and co esponds o he educa ed a ie y sha ed
in all dialec s. In his wo k, I concen a e on Eu opean Spanish,
lea ing Ame ican Spanish aside.
In RAE-ASALE (2009/2011), Andalusian and Ex emadu an
a ie ies a e geog aphically g ouped oge he wi h common
linguis ic p ope ies. I is wi hin his app oach ha he di ision
be ween SPS and SS should be aken. Hence, he main eason why
I concen a e on Andalusian and Ex emadu an Spanish is ha
hey sha e he linguis ic phenomenon ha I am desc ibing he e
(non-adjacency o V o Focus), which is no ound in he es o
Eu opean a ie ies o Spanish. On he o he hand, he a ie ies
ep esen ing SS ha e been chosen mo i a ed by he geog aphic
o igin o in o man s.
In he i s es all ypes o ocus discussed abo e ha e been
akenin oconside a ion and ocus on ingwi hp e e bal subjec s
was sys ema ically compa ed wi h ocus on ing wi h pos e bal
subjec s in bo h a ie ies. The second es has concen a ed on
ocus on ing wi h p e e bal subjec s in SPS, con olling he
possible con usion wi h he pos e bal subjec cons uc ions.
Due o he ac ha my goal is a ull desc ip ion o ocus on ing
in SPS, he numbe o in o man s is signi ican ly highe in SPS
(32 speake s) han in SS (24 speake s). F om a sociolinguis ic
poin o iew, in o man s ha e a high educa ion le el (BA, MA
and PhD s uden s a he Uni e si y o Se ille and p o esso s a
he Uni e si y o Se ille and o he uni e si ies in Spain). They all
ha e a good knowledge o language and linguis ics. As men ioned
ea lie , speake s ha e been classi ied as belonging o one a ie y o
ano he depending on hei geog aphical o igin.10
The s udy was di ided in o wo phases. In he i s s ep,
in o man s we e gi en a se o sen ences p eceded by a con ex
which induced a speci ic ocus eading o he p eposed cons i uen
and asked o judge hem (judgemen s could be exp essed as
*/??/OK; in o man s we e gi en a ull desc ip ion o wha hese
con en ional symbols s and o ). The es s we e p esen ed in
w i ing and in andomised o de . W i en s imulus is supposed o
be neu al in ha no audi i e coe cion wi h a speci ic in ona ion is
exe cised on speake s, who can hus eely in e p e he ele an
sen ence wi h a speci ic discou se eading. The p esen a ion o a
con ex o each sen ence also c ea ed he en i onmen o induce
a Gi en-Topic in e p e a ion o bo h p e e bal and pos e bal
subjec s.11
The examples in (45) make up samples o he da a ha
in o man s had o judge. Sen ences A cons i u e he s imulus
con ex ; ocused cons i uen s a e in caps and opics a e unde lined
o my p esen pu poses, hough in o man s did no ha e his
in o ma ion. Sen ences in 1 a e ins ances o p e e bal subjec s,
9F om mow onwa ds I will use he neu al e m ‘ ypes o on ing’ o e e o he
h ee ypes o oci and o RP, hough i should be clea ha RP is no a ype o ocus,
bu a he a ype o opic.
10 One o he ques ions in he es was ‘Wha a ie y o Spanish do you speak?’,
and in o man s had wo op ions, ei he S anda d o Sou he n. This helped me in
classi ying speake s wi hin one o hese a ie ies. The main basis o his di ision is
geog aphic, ne e sociolinguis ic. Ac ually, he sociolinguis ic ac o s cha ac e ising
my in o man s a e e y simila in bo h a ie ies.
11 As a gued in F asca elli (2007), Gi en Topics ins an ia e gi en/ amilia
in o ma ion, si in he low C-domain and can be ound in any ype o embedded
clause (Bianchi and F asca elli, 2010); his can desc ibe he p e e bal subjec s
ha I ocus on in his wo k. On he o he hand, pos e bal subjec s can also be
in e p e ed as Gi en Topics in languages like Spanish (as opposed o I alian), as
shown by F asca elli and Jiménez-Fe nández (2013). These Gi en Topics a e no
igh -disloca ed opics in Spanish; hey emain in hei o iginal posi ion, spec- P.
Á.L. Jiménez-Fe nández / Ampe sand 2 (2015) 49–60 57
Table 2
F on ing wi h a p e e bal G-Topic.
Tes 1 F on ing wi h p e e bal Gi en Topic DP subjec (SPS)
Type o on ing CF MF RP QF
G amma icali y 56.25% (19/32) 56.25% (19/32) 50% (16/32) 40.6% (13/32)
G amma icali y 37.5% (9/24) 41.6% (10/24) 29.1% (7/24) 16.6% (4/24)
Table 3
F on ing wi h a pos e bal Gi en Topic.
Tes 1 F on ing wi h pos e bal Gi en Topic DP subjec (SPS)
Type o on ing CF MF RP QF
G amma icali y 90.6% (29/32) 87.5% (28/32) 93.7% (30/32) 90.6% (29/32)
G amma icali y 100% (24/24) 58.3% (14/24) 83.3% (20/24) 79.1% (19/24)
whe eas hose in 2 con ain pos e bal subjec s. Examples in B
a e o Con as i e Focus, examples in C a e o Mi a i e Focus,
examples in D illus a e Resump i e P eposing and examples in E
ins an ia e Quan i ie F on ing.
12
In he Appendix a he end o his a icle I include he whole se
o sen ences ha in o man s we e asked o judge. I was c ucial o
gi e he speake s mo e han one case o each ype o on ing so I
could make su e ha hei answe s we e sys ema ic.
4. S a is ical analysis o da a
In his sec ion, I discuss he esul s o he di e en es s
comple ed by na i e speake s. Fo he sake o cla i y, I use ables so
ha he esul s can easily be ollowed. The igu es in he di e en
ables a e based on he sen ences judged o be ‘OK’ only.
4.1. Tes 1: ocus on ing wi h p e e bal and pos e bal ‘subjec s’
In my i s expe imen , bo h SS and SPS speake s we e p e-
sen ed wi h he da a con aining no only pos e bal subjec s bu
12 Topicali y o he subjec is achie ed ia con ex b idging (Robe s, 2003), hence
i is weakly amilia (Robe s 1993). I can be claimed ha in he economic si ua ion
Spain is going h ough a he momen he in ol emen o he go e nmen in his
ype o e en s is expec ed. I is ac i a ed by he speake s’ knowledge abou he new
employmen laws he Spanish go e nmen is p oposing a p esen .
also p e e bal subjec s, whose in e p e a ion has been c ucially in-
duced o be ha o a Gi en Topic. The esul s a e p esen ed in wo
ables, whe e I use abb e ia ions CF o Con as i e Focus, MF o
Mi a i e Focus, RP o Resump i e P eposing and QF o Quan i ie
F on ing.Table 2 p esen s he judgemen s o SPS and SS in o man s
wi h espec o p e e bal subjec s, whe eas Table 3 comp ises he
esul s ega ding pos e bal subjec s. Figu es a e accompanied by
he numbe o speake s (in b acke s) who a ed he ele an sen-
ences as accep able:
When SPS in o man s we e aced wi h he sys ema ic compa -
ison be ween p e e bal and pos e bal subjec s, hey judged he
la e obe ullyg amma ical(app oxima ely 90%). The same esul
ob ained o SS wi h espec o F on ing wi h pos e bal subjec s,
as clea ly shown in Table 3. Howe e , igu es in Table 2 indica e
ha in he ele an discou se con ex SPS speake s ound p e e -
bal subjec s accep able (app oxima ely 50%, excep o Quan i ie
F on ing, wi h jus 40.6%). Con e sely, he SS in o man s a ed p e-
e bal subjec s in cons uc ions in ol ing F on ing qui e low.
The pa ial conclusion o be d awn a his poin is ha
SPS speake s p e e pos e bal subjec s wi h F on ing, bu he
p e e bal op ion is a leas accep able. SS speake s dubbed
he p e e bal subjec cons uc ion ung amma ical. Howe e , he
igu es a e somehow bo de line. In o de o ha e a clea e pic u e,
a second es was designed based jus on p e e bal subjec s, whose
esul s a e discussed in he nex sec ion.
4.2. Tes 2: on ing wi h a p e e bal gi en opic in SPS
So a i is clea ha SS does no include p e e bal subjec s
as an op ion in Focus F on ing, whe eas SPS speake s seem o
accep his cons uc ion, hough i s accep abili y is a he icky
wi h igu es which do no poin o ull g amma icali y. One o he
main p oblems SPS speake s ound was ha i hey we e o choose
be ween p e- and pos e bal subjec s in sen ences wi h F on ing,
hey c i ically p e e ed pos e bal subjec s. This led me o c ea e
a second es , jus o SPS speake s ( hough see below o SS),
ocusing exclusi ely on p e e bal subjec s so he in o man s could
no ela e he ele an sen ence wi h one ha ing a possible pos -
e bal subjec . The esul s a e displayed in Table 4.
When con on ed wi h F on ing wi h p e e bal subjec s alone
(wi h no explici men ion o he pos - e bal cons uc ions), SPS
speake s showed a g ea ole ance wi h espec o Resump i e
P eposing, ye we mus conside his ype o on ing jus ma ginal.
On he o he hand, g amma icali y inc eases wi h Con as i e
Focus and i achie es i s highes anking wi h Mi a i e Focus and
Quan i ie F on ing.
To ha e a ull pic u e o he con as be ween SPS and SS wi h
espec o he accep abili y o p e e bal subjec s in sen ences wi h
F on ing, I include Table 5. He e I show he low a es ob ained in
SS o p e e bal subjec s: