Child labou o child wo k?
Complexi ies o socio-cul u al li e
o he Wa a u u communi y o Igunga, Tanzania
S ephano Laza o Ayo
ABSTRACT
Fo along ime he wo ld has campaigned agains child labou , bo h wi h local and global e o s.
These ini ia i es howe e end o igno e con ex ual o ces such as, speci ic socio-cul u al con ex s
and socie al in e p e a ion o child labou . Schola ship on his subjec unco e s se e al ci cum-
s ances, easons, consequences, p ocesses, and challenges o child labou among di e en com-
muni ies in A ica. Ex an li e a u e also e eals in o ma ion ega ding he complexi ies o socio-
cul u al dimension in examining child labou p ac ices. Building on he al eady exis ing e idence,
his pape unco e s sociocul u al complexi y in explaining child labou p ac ices among semi no-
madic pas o al Wa a u u communi ies in Igunga. The pape exploi s a ious in o ma ion collec ed
h ough lib a y and a chi al esea ch, pa icipan obse a ion, and o al in e iews o demons a e
how sociocul u al se up o Wa a u u challenges he mains eam app oach o he claimed child la-
bou p ac ices.
KEYWORDS:
Ta u , Da oga child, child labou , child wo k, semi-nomadic, Igunga
INTRODUCTION
The call o end child labou is s ill acing c i ical challenges ha ha e ansla ed in o
a ious unde s anding and pe cep ion o wha his p oblem is. In Tanzania o ex-
ample, despi e being in e na ionally deba ed, he phenomenon child labou appea s
o be e y o eign among he Ta u u communi y in Igunga.1 A he in e na ional and
na ional ho izons howe e , child labou is ega ded as haza dous p ac ice. The In e -
na ional Labou O ganisa ion (ILO) Con en ion No.182 on he Wo s Fo ms o Child
Labou o 1999, pa icula ly A icle 2 and 3 de ines who is achild and wha child la-
bou p ac ices a e. Pa adoxically, his unde s anding is o en no compa ible wi h
how childhood is unde s ood among di e en socie ies in A ica, Ta u u o Igunga in-
cluded. Li ing among he Ta u u, asemi nomadic Da oga communi y in cen al wes -
e n Tanzania, such dispa i y caugh my a en ion and a oused cu iosi y o ind ou on
whe he child labou , as p opaga ed by he in e na ional o ganisa ion, go e nmen s,
1 One o he se en dis ic s in he Tabo a egion-cen al wes e n Tanzania. I was inaugu-
a ed on July 20 h, 1975, a e spli ing om Nzega dis ic . I has an es ima ed popula ion
o 425,442 people. Wa a u u a e sec ion o he popula ion. Thei numbe is minimal mak-
ing hem mino i y in he dis ic . The e is no o icial s a is ics abou hei ac ual numbe
since in o ma ion abou e hnici y is no included in he da a base o he Tanzanian Bu eau
o S a is ics.
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16 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022
non-go e nmen al o ganisa ion, and ac i is s, is compa ible wi h how some pas o-
al socie ies in A ica pe cei e i . This is so, since i is e en doub ing i he e m child
labou in he amous unde s anding is known o hem, and whe he wha is com-
monly known, and qui e indigenous child wo k can be sepa a ed om child labou .
Subs an i e body o li e a u e o e s insigh s on he complexi ies o add essing child
labou in di e en communi ies in A ica and elsewhe e in he Wo ld (Bou diillon
e al., 2020; Bou dillon, 2011, 2015; De ji, 2021; Liebel, 2002, 2013; Masabo, 2021;2016;
Nieuwenhuys, 1996; Cla k-Kazak, 2009).
Essen ially, how o pin down he concep s such as child labou , and child wo k
has a ac ed ahea ed deba e among schola s (Bou dillon, 2015). The e has been dis-
ag eemen be ween schola s and ac i is s on wha cons i u e child labou e sus
child wo k. The cen al challenge dwells on he cons uc ion o childhood. Complex-
i y is also on how o es ablish aclea -cu dema ca ion be ween he wo concep s and
iden i ying wha is igh o w ong in bo h child labou and child wo k in he la ge
spec um o app op ia e childhood (Bou diillon e al., 2020; Lancy, 2015, pp.164–212).
Schola s such as Bou dillon (2015), Cla k-Kazak (2009), De ji (2021), Liebel (2002),
and Masabo (2021, 2016) ha e unco e ed signi ican a eas o con o e sy in he policy,
legal o mula ion, implemen a ion, and he concep s o child labou and child wo k.
These schola s demons a e how he wes , because o echnological de elopmen and
his o y, in luences he way childhood and child labou a e cons uc ed globally. These
schola s also demons a e how child en p o ec ion agains wo k on he g ounds o
p o ec ing hem om exploi a ion ha e in u n jeopa dize igh s o he same child
such as schooling, economic bene i s, social, psychological, cogni i e bene i s o child
de elopmen (Bou diillon e al., 2020; Bou dillon, 2015; Masabo, 2016, 2021).
Closely ela ed s udies on child labou among pas o al socie ies poin s ou ha
child labou as an ex eme p ac ice among hese communi ies. S udies by FAO (2013),
ILO (2013) and Ox am (2005) ag ee indica e ha abou 60 pe cen o child en aged
om 5 o 17 yea s a e in ol ed in haza dous child labou in he ag icul u e and li e-
s ock sec o . These schola s ecognize he uniqueness o he sociocul u al and his-
o ical o ma ion o he pas o al communi ies in A ica and elsewhe e in he wo ld.
None heless, hey emphasize on po e y s a us, lack o awa eness and conse a i e
a i udes o pas o al communi ies as he d i ing o ces o child labou p ac ices.
Thus, by ecognizing he sociocul u al and his o ical o ma ion o child en pa ici-
pa ion in daily ac i i ies, Goyal (2005) and Ox am (2005) emphasize on specialized
educa ion o pas o al communi ies as an al e na i e o he mains eam o mal edu-
ca ion. I appea s ha emphasis on educa ion, economy and u ge o uni e sali y in
pe cei ing li e (FAO, 2013; Goyal, 2005; ILO, 2013; Ox am, 2005; Shume ie & Mamo,
2019), domina e hei app oach in s udying pas o al communi ies. I is undispu ed
ha hese s udies accommoda e se e al ci cums ances, si ua ions, and easons ha
e eal he complexi y o his phenomenon in pas o al communi ies (FAO, 2013,
pp.15–18; Goyal, 2005, pp.229–262), ye ap ope unde s anding o he ideological
and cosmological wo ld which o m hese communi ies is signi ican . An emphasis
on he socio-cul u al dimension, pa icula ly belie , social sys ems, adi ions and
o he p e ail ci cums ances is signi ican among adi ional ma ginalized pas o al
and nomadic socie ies in A ica.
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STEPHANO LAzARO AyO 17
Findings and e lec ions in his esea ch pape we e d awn om ou yea s o
expe ience, s aying close and in e ac ing wi h he Ta u u communi y in Igunga dis-
ic , cen al wes e n Tanzania om 2009 o 2013. Du ing his pe iod, Iwas no in
ac ual esea ch. None heless, exposu e o his communi y aised cu iosi y o inqui e
mo e abou hei socio-cul u al ways o li e. This pe iod, he e o e, se ed as he ime
o de eloping puzzles and unanswe ed ques ions ega ding Wa a u u. Many clos-
es people we e no e y much knowledgeable abou his communi y, excep , hey
we e Wa a u u pas o alis s. Signi ican ly, his a icle bene i s om e hnohis o ical
ield wo k esea ch conduc ed in his communi y as pa o PhD p ojec , om 2020
o 2022. The puzzle which con on ed my mind was on whe he he concep child la-
bou eally exis s in he minds o he Wa a u u people. To espond o ha puzzle, his
pape o e s some insigh s on he socio-cul u al basis om which childhood is con-
s uc ed among he Ta u u pas o al communi y. The pu pose is o demons a e how
he cons uc ion o childhood and he p opaga ed igh s s ipula ed in he Con en ion
on he Righ s o he Child (CRC), he A ican Cha e on he Righ s and Wel a e o he
Child as well as na ional policies and laws con adic s wi h he socio-cul u al basis
om which childhood is concep ualized unde s ood and li ed.
This pape is o ganised in ou main sec ions. The i s sec ion deals wi h he con-
cep child, child labou and he con adic ions on how he concep child and labou
ha e been cons uc ed. Second pa o he pape co e s he socio-cul u al cons uc-
ion o achild, labou , and wo k among he Ta u u communi y. The hi d pa dis-
cusses mode nisa ion in ela ion o Wa a u u’s socio-cul u al con o e sy in he way
child labou is pe cei ed and he las pa co e s conclusion whe eby he pape s pose
challenges o esea ching cul u ally non-exis ing phenomenon among he pe cei ed
adi ional pas o al communi ies.
CHILD LABOUR AND CHILD WORK IN AFRICAN CONTEXT: AREVIEW
The concep child labou is commonly cons uc ed on biological, socio-cul u al, and
legal c i e ia. Ne e heless, he concep child labou canno be easily comp ehended
wi hou p o iding sa is ac o y de ini ion o who is achild. I is impo an o s a e
clea ly ha he concep child is cul u ally con es ed. The common c i e ia and he
mains eam in de ining achild a e age as s ipula ed by biological ac o s, law, ins i-
u ional a ilia ion, and collec i e beha iou al pa e n (Humbe , 2009, pp.14–20; ILO
Minimum Age Con en ion No.138, 1973 A icle 2&3; ILO Con en ion No . 182 Wo s
Fo ms o Child Labou , 1999 A icle 2&3). F om legal poin o iew, he colonial cus-
oma y Law in Tanganyika o ins ance, om 1910 de ined achild as ape son who is
below 14 o 15 yea s (Humbe , 2009; Sippel, 1998, p.380). A e independence, he
amended Tanganyika cus oma y law o 1961 iden i ied achild as any pe son below
eigh een yea s (Sippel, 1998). Likewise, anyone unde he age o eigh een, is e med
as achild acco ding o he ILO A icle 3(1) and A icle 1 o he UN-CRC. Childhood is
also cons uc ed as pe iod when child en de o e hei ime o schooling (UN-CRC,
A icle 28; Masabo, 2016). This, howe e , may no be uni e sal o all cul u es and
e hnic g oups in A ica because elying on ch onological age c i e ia igno e socio-
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18 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022
cul u al ac o s o one o be adul (Cla k-Kazak, 2009; Nieuwenhuys, 1996). In he
A ican con ex , and in his case, Wa a u u communi y, childhood canno be simply
cons uc ed along hese pa ame e s o ch onological age limi s.
On he con a y, biological, and socio-cul u al o adi ional A ican ou look,
achildhood is no necessa ily pe cei ed based on ch onological age c i e ia. One
may s ill be ega ded achild ega dless o biological ma u i y o a ainmen o 18
yea s o age. In mos e hnic g oups in A ica, adul hood is a ained a e bo h a ain-
men o biological ma u i y associa ed wi h i s mens ua ion o gi ls and passing
h ough cul u al i e such as ini ia ion ce emonies, and ci cumcision o boys and
gi ls (S akeman, 2004, pp.143–156; Tomikawa, 1979). I is he e o e impo an o un-
de s and he concep o who is ‘child’ in i s social cons uc ion. In his ci cums ance,
he con ex ual A ican ou look is con a y o he ILO especially in he way childhood
and child labou ha e been cons uc ed in he 20 h In e na ional Con e ence o La-
bou S a is icians o 2018. In his esolu ion, child labou is conside ed when ape -
son o 5 and 11 yea s o age pe o m o a leas 1 hou o economic wo k o 21 hou s
o unpaid household se ices pe week, and when ape son o 12 o 14 yea s o age
pe o ms p oduc i e wo k o 14 hou s o 21 hou s o unpaid household se ices pe
week. Child labou is also conside ed when ape son o 15 o 17 yea s unde akes a
leas 43 hou s ei he economic o unpaid household se ices pe week (In e na ional
Labou O ice, 2018). Fo his desc ip ion, he concep child labou gained ab oade
meaning. None heless, ealizing who is child, child labou as opposed o child wo k
in he c oss-cul u al con ex has emained complex.
Child labou in A ica is an alien concep . I de eloped and ma u ed in he colonial
con ex bu con adic ed indigenous cul u e and day o day ou ine among commu-
ni ies. In ac ual A ican con ex , i is belie ed ha child en pa icipa ion in wo k
is pa o socializa ion and accul u a ion (Liebel, 2013; Masabo, 2016; Nieuwenhuys,
1996). Child en mus wo k o be p ope ly in eg a ed in hei socie y o communi ies
and acqui e skills and a i udes owa d wo k. I is, howe e , e y impo an o sepa-
a e child wo k which is pa o socializa ion om child labou which o ces achild
o pe o m asks ha a e beyond his/he capaci y and which a e men ally, physi-
cally, socially o mo ally dange ous and ha m ul o child en; and in e e e wi h hei
schooling (ILO Con en ion No . 182, 1999,, A icle 3). Child wo k on he o he hand
is commonly no commodi ized. Fu he mo e, he econcilia ion be ween ch ono-
logical age and social age adds complexi y in ealizing bo h he concep child and
child labou . The unde lying meaning o who is a“child” and wha is “child labou ”
emained complex and in ce ain ci cums ances unde mines he socio, cul u al and
poli ical igh s o ce ain e hnic g oups who a e cul u ally dis inc om many o he
communi ies in he wo ld oday.
None heless, changes in he social, economic, and poli ical li e due o colonial
domina ion ans o med he p e-exis ing social ela ions, including ela ions
in p oduc ion. Thus, child labou de eloped as an in eg al pa o labou o ce
h oughou colonial and pos -colonial pe iods. In colonial Tanganyika, child la-
bou appea ed in peasan , se le and o ali le ex en in mining. The p ac ice was
mo e e iden du ing B i ish domina ion. Swai (1971: 111), Shi ji (1985), and Wal e s
(2016) con end ha employmen o child en labou e was clea e in colonial ag-
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STEPHANO LAzARO AyO 19
icul u e pa icula ly in he plan a ion sec o . On he o he hand, Lemelle (1986)
epo s on he use o child labou in he colonial mining sec o . Lemelle shows ha ,
child labou was obse ed in Lupa gold ield as ea ly as 1930s. Child en we e used
o sepa a e o eco e gold om sand (Lemelle, 1986). Implici ly, his demons a e
ha child labou is one among many o he phenomena e ol ed due o coa icula-
ion o modes o p oduc ion pa icula ly when p e-capi alis ela ions encoun e ed
capi alis ela ions in he con ex o colonial domina ion (Be man & Lonsdale, 1992,
pp.77–95).
Wi h he a ainmen o poli ical independence in he 1961, Tanzania ook mea-
su es o p o ec igh s o achild h ough adop ion and enac men o a ious laws. Fo
ins ance, he Adop ion o Colonial O dinance o 1955 CAP 335 in 1963, and enac men
se e al laws such as he Local Cus oma y Law Numbe 4, he Ci izenship Laws, Ac
No.24 o 1970, he Ma iage Law Ac , No.5 o 1971[CAP 5]; he Tanzanian Cons i u ion
o 1977; he Educa ion Ac Numbe 25 o 1978, and he Co po al Punishmen Regula-
ions, 1979, a e good examples. All hese laws o e ed ela ed de ini ion o who achild
is bu posed con adic ions in p o ec ing he claimed igh s. Fo ins ance, while he
Age o Majo i y (Ci izenship Laws) Ac No.24 o 1970 de ine ape son below 18 yea s
as achild, he Ma iage Law g an eedom o he same child o 15 yea s o age o
be ma ied a he pa en con enience (Masabo, 2021, pp.7–8). No wi hs anding he
ele ance o hese laws o Tanzanian majo i y, hey posed ahuge challenge o he
Wa a u u communi ies who conside ed hem as alien laws and h ea s o hei socio-
cul u al o ma ion and e hics go e ning he communi y. Na ional and in e na ional
in e en ion on child en igh s and speci ically on child labou , caused sociocul u al
con o e se and dilemma o Wa a u u communi y. To unde s and why he uni e sal-
i y app oach o child labou ques ion emained apuzzle o Wa a u u, an examina ion
and analysis o hei sociocul u al, economic, and poli ical li e in he nex sec ion
e eals unde lying easons and he ci cums ances.
CHILDHOOD AND CHILD LABOUR CONTROVERSY
AMONG THE WATATURU OF IGUNGA
Wa a u u, e hnically and linguis ically iden i ied as Da oga, is one o se e al e h-
nic g oups ound in he Igunga dis ic in he Cen al Wes e n Tanzania. The o i-
cial g oup name is Bu adiga (B ediga). None heless his name is no known among
local popula ion om which hey a e ound. Bu adiga (Wa a u u), as will be used
h oughou his pape , is one o se e al subg oups o he Da oga who sha e cul u al
ai s wi h mino dis inc ion om one g oup o ano he (I andala, 1980; Mulde , 1992;
Tomikawa, 1979; Wilson, 1952, p.1).2 The name Ta u u/Wa a u u was coined by he Su-
kuma and Nyamwezi neighbou s. Recen ly, he name is used o deno e all wes e n
2 The e is up o 12 subg oups, namely, Da o ajega, Gisamijenga, Ba abaiga, Iseimajega,
Gidang’odiga, Baju a, Bisiyeda, Salagwajega,), Ro igenga (Rudageing), B ediga (Bu adiga),
Bianjida ( he Bajud), Da agwajeega, Ghubiega, and Manga iga.
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20 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022
Da oga subg oups, mainly Ro igenga and Bu adiga ound in Igunga dis ic in Tab-
o a egion, I amba and Manyoni dis ic s in Singida egion, Mea u dis ic in Simiyu
egion, Kishapu dis ic in Shinyanga egion and Se enge i dis ic in Ma a egion
(Mhajida, 2019). In he s udy a ea Wa a u u a e mainly loca ed in Ngu u Moja,
Mbu u, Lugubu and I umba wa ds.
MaP 1:AMap o Igunga Dis ic -Ta u u Se lemen A eas. Sou ce: GIS Lib a y-Uni e si y o Da es
Salaam.
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STEPHANO LAzARO AyO 21
Thei p esence in his dis ic s e ches back o p e-colonial pe iod in Tanga nyika.3
As hin ed abo e, hey a e semi-nomadic pas o alis s. They keep mainly ca le, goa s,
and sheep (Mhajida, 2019; Mulde , 1991). Wa a u u a e adi ionalis . In his espec ,
hey exhibi unique cha ac e no only in e ms o hei d essing s yle bu he en i e
way o li e including cus oms, belie sys ems, building s yle, ood aboos, dis ibu ion
o sex and gende oles, socio-poli ical s uc u es and p inciples go e ning social co-
hesion wi h people om di e en e hnic g oups.4 They es ablish hei se lemen s in
isola ed a eas as away o a oiding in luence and sociocul u al in e e ence om o he
e hnic g oups. Wa a u u a oid o mal educa ion and mode n eligion o p o ec hei
communi y om con amina ion (Biha io á, 2016)educa ion is seen as an ins umen
o ans o ming pas o alis s in o se led a me s, labou e s, mode n li es ock p o-
duce s, and loyal ci izens. The educa ion- o -de elopmen app oaches a e accoun s
o pas o alis s’ po e y and assume ha educa ion will imp o e hei s anda d o li -
ing. Toge he wi h na ional poli ics, Ch is iani y/missiona ies played, and s ill play, an
impo an ole in in luencing pas o alis s o change hei adi ional belie , which is
ep esen ed by sending child en o schools. This pape cha s he pas and he cu en
(educa ional and do no ega d hemsel es as poo people (Li le e al., 2008, pp.587–
611)including poli icians, in e na ional celeb i ies, academics, ac i is s and p ac i io-
ne s. Despi e he onslaugh o in e es , he e is su p isingly li le ag eemen on wha
cons i u es po e y in u al A ica, how i should be assessed, and wha should be
done o alle ia e i . Based on da a om an in e disciplina y s udy o pas o alism in
no he n Kenya, his a icle examines issues o po e y among one o he con inen ’s
mos ulne able g oups, pas o alis s, and challenges he applica ion o such o hodox
p oxies as incomes/expendi u es, geog aphic emo eness, and ma ke in eg a ion. I
a gues ha cu en po e y deba es ‘homogenize’ he concep o ‘pas o alis ’ by ailing
o acknowledge he di e se li elihoods and weal h di e en ia ion ha all unde he
e m. The a icle concludes ha wha is no needed is ano he de elopmen label (s e-
eo ype. The c i e ia commonly used o measu e he le el o po e y in di e en com-
muni y, do no appea ele an o hem. Wa a u u dwell hei e alua ion o be e li e
and de elopmen a ound ca le owne ship (He sko i s, 1926; M e wa, 1978; Wilson,
1953, p.45). They in e ac wi h o he communi ies wi h limi a ion. They ea n cash om
selling hei li es ock o g ains which hey ha e ecen ly s a ed o g ow. This is o say,
hey ha e o long ime been ully in eg a ed in o global economies in mul iple ways.
Wa a u u exhibi mode ni y in hei own e ms.5 They a e desc ibed as happy and
p oud people who conse e hei adi ion. Addi ionally, hey ea much spi i ual and
ances al cu ses. Tes imony abou he Wa a u u om F . Daniel Ohman, aca holic
missiona y who se ed among hem o o e 25 yea s, poin ed ou ha :
3 Tanzania Na ional A chi es (TNA), Regional Book Wes e n P o ince (1920–1945); TNA
Singida Dis ic Book, 1921.
4 Na ional Reco d Cen e, Loca ion 5/6/01, Box No.120, File No. UU.5/113 Wa indiga,
Mang’a i and Ta u u
5 They adop and inco po a e mode n echnology such as he use o mobile phone, mobile
money ans e and anspo such as mo o cycle and esis many o he aspec s including
eligion, d essing s yle and o he ela ed u ban cul u es.
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22 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022
Wa a ulu people, aTanzanian ibe ha , unlike o he A ican e hnic g oups, esis ed
calls o Ch is iani y o cen u ies. I Ididn’ belie e Ihad some hing o o e hem,
Iwouldn’ e en y. Iadmi e hei oughness, hei p ide, and hei simple way o li e,
bu hei esis ance o change comes a ap ice. Fea is a he hea o he p oblem— hei
[sic] ea o dea h, o wi chc a , o he wo ld o e il spi i s (Ohman & Meye , 2009,
pp.23–24).
This implies ha , his o ical social o ma ion which gene a es belie s and ideologies
dic a es he day- o-day socio-cul u al and economic p ac ices o his communi y. In
his case, adi ions, cus oms, se lemen pa e ns, housing ype and s yles, d essing,
ood, social ela ions, in e ac ion, space u ilisa ion, and all o ms o social con ol
and o de , a e ap oduc o social o ma ion which o ms he exis en ial so wa e o
he communi y (Rigby, 1981, pp.97–100). Fo ins ance, o ms o social con ol, e hics
and o de a e unde he con ol o he councils o adul men, you h, ma ied women,
unma ied women as well as clan and neighbou hoods (Tomikawa, 1979, pp.8–16;
Wilson, 1953, pp.36–43). Likewise, u ilisa ion and o ganisa ion he en i onmen and
space depend on he Wa a u u’s ideological and he cosmological concep ion (Lawi,
2007, pp.69–71, 1999). In his communi y aspec s such as bi h, dea h, e ili y, land,
and he gene al en i onmen a e connec ed o Asee a, he Wa a u u’s god who p o-
ides hem wi h all blessings (Blys ad, 2000a; Ka plus & Mei , 2013; Lawi, 1999; Mul-
de e al., 1989). Religion and ideologies, explains and de ines Ta u u mode o exis-
ence including ea ing o child en and nu u ing. Like many pas o al communi ies,
Wa a u u, pa icula ly, you h a e iden i ied as ie ce people. They display he oic
endencies. This iden i ica ion is oo ed o he lilich a/Lilik a/halooda6 i ual killing
(Blys ad, 2000b, pp.75–102; Mhajida, 2019, pp.112–113; Nyoni, 2008, pp.128–129; Se-
eus, 1991; Wilson, 1953, pp.43–48). The e o e, hey a e some imes e e ed o as Ta -
u u wa io s.
While childhood in ‘mode n’ communi ies is ega ded as pe iod o ecei ing edu-
ca ion and playing, his is no he case wi h semi-pas o al Wa a u u. E hnological
esea ch conduc ed be ween 2020 and 2021 in he s udy a ea, and indings om o he
schola s e eals con o e sy on how he childhood is socially unde s ood in ela ion
o legal de ini ion o childhood. This includes he di ision o labou based on sex and
age. Mhajida (2019, pp.220–222), Biha io á (2019), and Nyoni (2008) ha e shown ha
childhood ends when one unde goes ini ia ion by ci cumcision. Tomikawa (1979) has
desc ibe s ages om which childhood was unde s ood among he Ba baig Da oga
which is also applicable among he Wa a u u o Igunga. These a e an in an o oddle
(ghameyända), small child (ghalsgechända who may be ei he son (balända) o daugh-
e (huda) and young boy (balända manaƞ) o young gi l (huda manaƞ). Commonly,
balända manaƞ and huda manaƞ a e child en o abou i e o en o wel e yea s o
6 Lilich a i ual killings in ol ed killing he lion o human o social s a us and p es ige.
Schola s poin ed ha his cus om symbolised g adua ion om you h o adul hood and
was a equi emen o ma iage. Despi e, his gene al explana ion, he e is s ill deba e
among schola s on he unde lying easons o his cus om. Due o s a e in e en ion, i -
ual killings ha e comple ely disappea ed.
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STEPHANO LAzARO AyO 23
age. The young boy and young gi l emains wi h ha social s a us ega dless o he
age un il he o she unde goes ini ia ion by ci cumcision. While in an and small child
s ages a e momen o be che ished, young boys and gi ls a e augh mino domes ic
ac i i ies including looking a e cal es nea homes ead o young boys and e ch-
ing wa e , washing domes ic u ensils, cooking, and looking a e he young ones. All
hese du ies a e pe o med as pa o nu u ing, lea ning and socialisa ion p ocess
so ha o p epa e hem o become be e membe s o hei communi y in he la e
s ages.
A e a ending ini ia ion ha is concluded by ci cumcision, young boys and gi ls
change hei social s a us o ei he balända mu jew (you h, he de , and wa io ) o
huda hau (unma ied gi l). These a e no longe ea ed as child en. They a e a you h
age eady o ma y o o be ma ied. Fo he unma ied gi ls is he ee ime, ime
o beha e, o ganise dances, pe o m domes ic du ies be o e being ma ied. Fo he
balända mu jew, his is a ime o become bo h awa io and he de . In mos cases,
hese a e you hs o hi een o six een yea s. When hey each up o abou se en een
yea s o age, hey become young men and wa io s (gha emanēda) eady o ma y.
The co e ac i i y o bo h balända mu jew and gha emanēda is he ding ca le. None he-
less, he young wa io s wi h six een yea s and abo e, gha emanēda also ake pa in
seasonal o mobile he ding ac i i ies. Seasonal mobile he ding in ol es a elling o
dis an locali y up o abou 15 o 50 kilome es looking o wa e and pas u es pa -
icula ly du ing d y seasons (Biha io á, 2017, pp.86–91). Fo ins ance, Wa a u u o
Chagana a el o as a as o Mwanzugi and Manoga Ri e du ing ex eme d y sea-
Pho o N. 1:Ayoung Ta u u boy he ding ca le as pa and pa cel o Wa a u u li elihood (Biha io á,
2017, pp.83)
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30 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022
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S ephano L.Ayo is aTanzanian PhD candida e a he Uni e si y o S .Cy il and Me hodius in
T na a. His PhD esea ch ocuses on mode nisa ion and socio-cul u al ans o ma ion among semi-
nomadic Ta u u (Da oga) people o Tanzania. A ilia ed o he Uni e si y o Da es Salaam as an As-
sis an Lec u e in he Depa men o His o y, Poli ical Science, and De elopmen S udies a he Da
es Salaam Uni e si y College o Educa ion (DUCE). A eas o esea ch: e hno-his o ies in Tanzania
(e hnology and his o ical Resea ch); socio-cul u al and poli ical his o ies o Tanzania; en i onmen-
al his o ies; and peasan economies and u al ans o ma ion.
Con ac : s [email protected]
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