Child labour or child work? Complexities of socio-cultural life of the Wataturu community of Igunga, Tanzania

Child labou o child wo k? Complexi ies o socio-cul u al li e o he Wa a u u communi y o Igunga, Tanzania S ephano Laza o Ayo ABSTRACT Fo along ime he wo ld has campaigned agains child labou , bo h wi h local and global e o s. These ini ia i es howe e end o igno e con ex ual o ces such as, speci ic socio-cul u al con ex s and socie al in e p e a ion o child labou . Schola ship on his subjec unco e s se e al ci cum- s ances, easons, consequences, p ocesses, and challenges o child labou among di e en com- muni ies in A ica. Ex an li e a u e also e eals in o ma ion ega ding he complexi ies o socio- cul u al dimension in examining child labou p ac ices. Building on he al eady exis ing e idence, his pape unco e s sociocul u al complexi y in explaining child labou p ac ices among semi no- madic pas o al Wa a u u communi ies in Igunga. The pape exploi s a ious in o ma ion collec ed h ough lib a y and a chi al esea ch, pa icipan obse a ion, and o al in e iews o demons a e how sociocul u al se up o Wa a u u challenges he mains eam app oach o he claimed child la- bou p ac ices. KEYWORDS: Ta u , Da oga child, child labou , child wo k, semi-nomadic, Igunga INTRODUCTION The call o end child labou is s ill acing c i ical challenges ha ha e ansla ed in o a ious unde s anding and pe cep ion o wha his p oblem is. In Tanzania o ex- ample, despi e being in e na ionally deba ed, he phenomenon child labou appea s o be e y o eign among he Ta u u communi y in Igunga.1 A he in e na ional and na ional ho izons howe e , child labou is ega ded as haza dous p ac ice. The In e - na ional Labou O ganisa ion (ILO) Con en ion No.182 on he Wo s Fo ms o Child Labou o 1999, pa icula ly A icle 2 and 3 de ines who is achild and wha child la- bou p ac ices a e. Pa adoxically, his unde s anding is o en no compa ible wi h how childhood is unde s ood among di e en socie ies in A ica, Ta u u o Igunga in- cluded. Li ing among he Ta u u, asemi nomadic Da oga communi y in cen al wes - e n Tanzania, such dispa i y caugh my a en ion and a oused cu iosi y o ind ou on whe he child labou , as p opaga ed by he in e na ional o ganisa ion, go e nmen s, 1 One o he se en dis ic s in he Tabo a egion-cen al wes e n Tanzania. I was inaugu- a ed on July 20 h, 1975, a e spli ing om Nzega dis ic . I has an es ima ed popula ion o 425,442 people. Wa a u u a e sec ion o he popula ion. Thei numbe is minimal mak- ing hem mino i y in he dis ic . The e is no o icial s a is ics abou hei ac ual numbe since in o ma ion abou e hnici y is no included in he da a base o he Tanzanian Bu eau o S a is ics. OPEN ACCESS 16 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022 non-go e nmen al o ganisa ion, and ac i is s, is compa ible wi h how some pas o- al socie ies in A ica pe cei e i . This is so, since i is e en doub ing i he e m child labou in he amous unde s anding is known o hem, and whe he wha is com- monly known, and qui e indigenous child wo k can be sepa a ed om child labou . Subs an i e body o li e a u e o e s insigh s on he complexi ies o add essing child labou in di e en communi ies in A ica and elsewhe e in he Wo ld (Bou diillon e al., 2020; Bou dillon, 2011, 2015; De ji, 2021; Liebel, 2002, 2013; Masabo, 2021;2016; Nieuwenhuys, 1996; Cla k-Kazak, 2009). Essen ially, how o pin down he concep s such as child labou , and child wo k has a ac ed ahea ed deba e among schola s (Bou dillon, 2015). The e has been dis- ag eemen be ween schola s and ac i is s on wha cons i u e child labou e sus child wo k. The cen al challenge dwells on he cons uc ion o childhood. Complex- i y is also on how o es ablish aclea -cu dema ca ion be ween he wo concep s and iden i ying wha is igh o w ong in bo h child labou and child wo k in he la ge spec um o app op ia e childhood (Bou diillon e al., 2020; Lancy, 2015, pp.164–212). Schola s such as Bou dillon (2015), Cla k-Kazak (2009), De ji (2021), Liebel (2002), and Masabo (2021, 2016) ha e unco e ed signi ican a eas o con o e sy in he policy, legal o mula ion, implemen a ion, and he concep s o child labou and child wo k. These schola s demons a e how he wes , because o echnological de elopmen and his o y, in luences he way childhood and child labou a e cons uc ed globally. These schola s also demons a e how child en p o ec ion agains wo k on he g ounds o p o ec ing hem om exploi a ion ha e in u n jeopa dize igh s o he same child such as schooling, economic bene i s, social, psychological, cogni i e bene i s o child de elopmen (Bou diillon e al., 2020; Bou dillon, 2015; Masabo, 2016, 2021). Closely ela ed s udies on child labou among pas o al socie ies poin s ou ha child labou as an ex eme p ac ice among hese communi ies. S udies by FAO (2013), ILO (2013) and Ox am (2005) ag ee indica e ha abou 60 pe cen o child en aged om 5 o 17 yea s a e in ol ed in haza dous child labou in he ag icul u e and li e- s ock sec o . These schola s ecognize he uniqueness o he sociocul u al and his- o ical o ma ion o he pas o al communi ies in A ica and elsewhe e in he wo ld. None heless, hey emphasize on po e y s a us, lack o awa eness and conse a i e a i udes o pas o al communi ies as he d i ing o ces o child labou p ac ices. Thus, by ecognizing he sociocul u al and his o ical o ma ion o child en pa ici- pa ion in daily ac i i ies, Goyal (2005) and Ox am (2005) emphasize on specialized educa ion o pas o al communi ies as an al e na i e o he mains eam o mal edu- ca ion. I appea s ha emphasis on educa ion, economy and u ge o uni e sali y in pe cei ing li e (FAO, 2013; Goyal, 2005; ILO, 2013; Ox am, 2005; Shume ie & Mamo, 2019), domina e hei app oach in s udying pas o al communi ies. I is undispu ed ha hese s udies accommoda e se e al ci cums ances, si ua ions, and easons ha e eal he complexi y o his phenomenon in pas o al communi ies (FAO, 2013, pp.15–18; Goyal, 2005, pp.229–262), ye ap ope unde s anding o he ideological and cosmological wo ld which o m hese communi ies is signi ican . An emphasis on he socio-cul u al dimension, pa icula ly belie , social sys ems, adi ions and o he p e ail ci cums ances is signi ican among adi ional ma ginalized pas o al and nomadic socie ies in A ica. OPEN ACCESS STEPHANO LAzARO AyO 17 Findings and e lec ions in his esea ch pape we e d awn om ou yea s o expe ience, s aying close and in e ac ing wi h he Ta u u communi y in Igunga dis- ic , cen al wes e n Tanzania om 2009 o 2013. Du ing his pe iod, Iwas no in ac ual esea ch. None heless, exposu e o his communi y aised cu iosi y o inqui e mo e abou hei socio-cul u al ways o li e. This pe iod, he e o e, se ed as he ime o de eloping puzzles and unanswe ed ques ions ega ding Wa a u u. Many clos- es people we e no e y much knowledgeable abou his communi y, excep , hey we e Wa a u u pas o alis s. Signi ican ly, his a icle bene i s om e hnohis o ical ield wo k esea ch conduc ed in his communi y as pa o PhD p ojec , om 2020 o 2022. The puzzle which con on ed my mind was on whe he he concep child la- bou eally exis s in he minds o he Wa a u u people. To espond o ha puzzle, his pape o e s some insigh s on he socio-cul u al basis om which childhood is con- s uc ed among he Ta u u pas o al communi y. The pu pose is o demons a e how he cons uc ion o childhood and he p opaga ed igh s s ipula ed in he Con en ion on he Righ s o he Child (CRC), he A ican Cha e on he Righ s and Wel a e o he Child as well as na ional policies and laws con adic s wi h he socio-cul u al basis om which childhood is concep ualized unde s ood and li ed. This pape is o ganised in ou main sec ions. The i s sec ion deals wi h he con- cep child, child labou and he con adic ions on how he concep child and labou ha e been cons uc ed. Second pa o he pape co e s he socio-cul u al cons uc- ion o achild, labou , and wo k among he Ta u u communi y. The hi d pa dis- cusses mode nisa ion in ela ion o Wa a u u’s socio-cul u al con o e sy in he way child labou is pe cei ed and he las pa co e s conclusion whe eby he pape s pose challenges o esea ching cul u ally non-exis ing phenomenon among he pe cei ed adi ional pas o al communi ies. CHILD LABOUR AND CHILD WORK IN AFRICAN CONTEXT: AREVIEW The concep child labou is commonly cons uc ed on biological, socio-cul u al, and legal c i e ia. Ne e heless, he concep child labou canno be easily comp ehended wi hou p o iding sa is ac o y de ini ion o who is achild. I is impo an o s a e clea ly ha he concep child is cul u ally con es ed. The common c i e ia and he mains eam in de ining achild a e age as s ipula ed by biological ac o s, law, ins i- u ional a ilia ion, and collec i e beha iou al pa e n (Humbe , 2009, pp.14–20; ILO Minimum Age Con en ion No.138, 1973 A icle 2&3; ILO Con en ion No . 182 Wo s Fo ms o Child Labou , 1999 A icle 2&3). F om legal poin o iew, he colonial cus- oma y Law in Tanganyika o ins ance, om 1910 de ined achild as ape son who is below 14 o 15 yea s (Humbe , 2009; Sippel, 1998, p.380). A e independence, he amended Tanganyika cus oma y law o 1961 iden i ied achild as any pe son below eigh een yea s (Sippel, 1998). Likewise, anyone unde he age o eigh een, is e med as achild acco ding o he ILO A icle 3(1) and A icle 1 o he UN-CRC. Childhood is also cons uc ed as pe iod when child en de o e hei ime o schooling (UN-CRC, A icle 28; Masabo, 2016). This, howe e , may no be uni e sal o all cul u es and e hnic g oups in A ica because elying on ch onological age c i e ia igno e socio- OPEN ACCESS 18 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022 cul u al ac o s o one o be adul (Cla k-Kazak, 2009; Nieuwenhuys, 1996). In he A ican con ex , and in his case, Wa a u u communi y, childhood canno be simply cons uc ed along hese pa ame e s o ch onological age limi s. On he con a y, biological, and socio-cul u al o adi ional A ican ou look, achildhood is no necessa ily pe cei ed based on ch onological age c i e ia. One may s ill be ega ded achild ega dless o biological ma u i y o a ainmen o 18 yea s o age. In mos e hnic g oups in A ica, adul hood is a ained a e bo h a ain- men o biological ma u i y associa ed wi h i s mens ua ion o gi ls and passing h ough cul u al i e such as ini ia ion ce emonies, and ci cumcision o boys and gi ls (S akeman, 2004, pp.143–156; Tomikawa, 1979). I is he e o e impo an o un- de s and he concep o who is ‘child’ in i s social cons uc ion. In his ci cums ance, he con ex ual A ican ou look is con a y o he ILO especially in he way childhood and child labou ha e been cons uc ed in he 20 h In e na ional Con e ence o La- bou S a is icians o 2018. In his esolu ion, child labou is conside ed when ape - son o 5 and 11 yea s o age pe o m o a leas 1 hou o economic wo k o 21 hou s o unpaid household se ices pe week, and when ape son o 12 o 14 yea s o age pe o ms p oduc i e wo k o 14 hou s o 21 hou s o unpaid household se ices pe week. Child labou is also conside ed when ape son o 15 o 17 yea s unde akes a leas 43 hou s ei he economic o unpaid household se ices pe week (In e na ional Labou O ice, 2018). Fo his desc ip ion, he concep child labou gained ab oade meaning. None heless, ealizing who is child, child labou as opposed o child wo k in he c oss-cul u al con ex has emained complex. Child labou in A ica is an alien concep . I de eloped and ma u ed in he colonial con ex bu con adic ed indigenous cul u e and day o day ou ine among commu- ni ies. In ac ual A ican con ex , i is belie ed ha child en pa icipa ion in wo k is pa o socializa ion and accul u a ion (Liebel, 2013; Masabo, 2016; Nieuwenhuys, 1996). Child en mus wo k o be p ope ly in eg a ed in hei socie y o communi ies and acqui e skills and a i udes owa d wo k. I is, howe e , e y impo an o sepa- a e child wo k which is pa o socializa ion om child labou which o ces achild o pe o m asks ha a e beyond his/he capaci y and which a e men ally, physi- cally, socially o mo ally dange ous and ha m ul o child en; and in e e e wi h hei schooling (ILO Con en ion No . 182, 1999,, A icle 3). Child wo k on he o he hand is commonly no commodi ized. Fu he mo e, he econcilia ion be ween ch ono- logical age and social age adds complexi y in ealizing bo h he concep child and child labou . The unde lying meaning o who is a“child” and wha is “child labou ” emained complex and in ce ain ci cums ances unde mines he socio, cul u al and poli ical igh s o ce ain e hnic g oups who a e cul u ally dis inc om many o he communi ies in he wo ld oday. None heless, changes in he social, economic, and poli ical li e due o colonial domina ion ans o med he p e-exis ing social ela ions, including ela ions in p oduc ion. Thus, child labou de eloped as an in eg al pa o labou o ce h oughou colonial and pos -colonial pe iods. In colonial Tanganyika, child la- bou appea ed in peasan , se le and o ali le ex en in mining. The p ac ice was mo e e iden du ing B i ish domina ion. Swai (1971: 111), Shi ji (1985), and Wal e s (2016) con end ha employmen o child en labou e was clea e in colonial ag- OPEN ACCESS STEPHANO LAzARO AyO 19 icul u e pa icula ly in he plan a ion sec o . On he o he hand, Lemelle (1986) epo s on he use o child labou in he colonial mining sec o . Lemelle shows ha , child labou was obse ed in Lupa gold ield as ea ly as 1930s. Child en we e used o sepa a e o eco e gold om sand (Lemelle, 1986). Implici ly, his demons a e ha child labou is one among many o he phenomena e ol ed due o coa icula- ion o modes o p oduc ion pa icula ly when p e-capi alis ela ions encoun e ed capi alis ela ions in he con ex o colonial domina ion (Be man & Lonsdale, 1992, pp.77–95). Wi h he a ainmen o poli ical independence in he 1961, Tanzania ook mea- su es o p o ec igh s o achild h ough adop ion and enac men o a ious laws. Fo ins ance, he Adop ion o Colonial O dinance o 1955 CAP 335 in 1963, and enac men se e al laws such as he Local Cus oma y Law Numbe 4, he Ci izenship Laws, Ac No.24 o 1970, he Ma iage Law Ac , No.5 o 1971[CAP 5]; he Tanzanian Cons i u ion o 1977; he Educa ion Ac Numbe 25 o 1978, and he Co po al Punishmen Regula- ions, 1979, a e good examples. All hese laws o e ed ela ed de ini ion o who achild is bu posed con adic ions in p o ec ing he claimed igh s. Fo ins ance, while he Age o Majo i y (Ci izenship Laws) Ac No.24 o 1970 de ine ape son below 18 yea s as achild, he Ma iage Law g an eedom o he same child o 15 yea s o age o be ma ied a he pa en con enience (Masabo, 2021, pp.7–8). No wi hs anding he ele ance o hese laws o Tanzanian majo i y, hey posed ahuge challenge o he Wa a u u communi ies who conside ed hem as alien laws and h ea s o hei socio- cul u al o ma ion and e hics go e ning he communi y. Na ional and in e na ional in e en ion on child en igh s and speci ically on child labou , caused sociocul u al con o e se and dilemma o Wa a u u communi y. To unde s and why he uni e sal- i y app oach o child labou ques ion emained apuzzle o Wa a u u, an examina ion and analysis o hei sociocul u al, economic, and poli ical li e in he nex sec ion e eals unde lying easons and he ci cums ances. CHILDHOOD AND CHILD LABOUR CONTROVERSY AMONG THE WATATURU OF IGUNGA Wa a u u, e hnically and linguis ically iden i ied as Da oga, is one o se e al e h- nic g oups ound in he Igunga dis ic in he Cen al Wes e n Tanzania. The o i- cial g oup name is Bu adiga (B ediga). None heless his name is no known among local popula ion om which hey a e ound. Bu adiga (Wa a u u), as will be used h oughou his pape , is one o se e al subg oups o he Da oga who sha e cul u al ai s wi h mino dis inc ion om one g oup o ano he (I andala, 1980; Mulde , 1992; Tomikawa, 1979; Wilson, 1952, p.1).2 The name Ta u u/Wa a u u was coined by he Su- kuma and Nyamwezi neighbou s. Recen ly, he name is used o deno e all wes e n 2 The e is up o 12 subg oups, namely, Da o ajega, Gisamijenga, Ba abaiga, Iseimajega, Gidang’odiga, Baju a, Bisiyeda, Salagwajega,), Ro igenga (Rudageing), B ediga (Bu adiga), Bianjida ( he Bajud), Da agwajeega, Ghubiega, and Manga iga. OPEN ACCESS 20 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022 Da oga subg oups, mainly Ro igenga and Bu adiga ound in Igunga dis ic in Tab- o a egion, I amba and Manyoni dis ic s in Singida egion, Mea u dis ic in Simiyu egion, Kishapu dis ic in Shinyanga egion and Se enge i dis ic in Ma a egion (Mhajida, 2019). In he s udy a ea Wa a u u a e mainly loca ed in Ngu u Moja, Mbu u, Lugubu and I umba wa ds. MaP 1:AMap o Igunga Dis ic -Ta u u Se lemen A eas. Sou ce: GIS Lib a y-Uni e si y o Da es Salaam. OPEN ACCESS STEPHANO LAzARO AyO 21 Thei p esence in his dis ic s e ches back o p e-colonial pe iod in Tanga nyika.3 As hin ed abo e, hey a e semi-nomadic pas o alis s. They keep mainly ca le, goa s, and sheep (Mhajida, 2019; Mulde , 1991). Wa a u u a e adi ionalis . In his espec , hey exhibi unique cha ac e no only in e ms o hei d essing s yle bu he en i e way o li e including cus oms, belie sys ems, building s yle, ood aboos, dis ibu ion o sex and gende oles, socio-poli ical s uc u es and p inciples go e ning social co- hesion wi h people om di e en e hnic g oups.4 They es ablish hei se lemen s in isola ed a eas as away o a oiding in luence and sociocul u al in e e ence om o he e hnic g oups. Wa a u u a oid o mal educa ion and mode n eligion o p o ec hei communi y om con amina ion (Biha io á, 2016)educa ion is seen as an ins umen o ans o ming pas o alis s in o se led a me s, labou e s, mode n li es ock p o- duce s, and loyal ci izens. The educa ion- o -de elopmen app oaches a e accoun s o pas o alis s’ po e y and assume ha educa ion will imp o e hei s anda d o li - ing. Toge he wi h na ional poli ics, Ch is iani y/missiona ies played, and s ill play, an impo an ole in in luencing pas o alis s o change hei adi ional belie , which is ep esen ed by sending child en o schools. This pape cha s he pas and he cu en (educa ional and do no ega d hemsel es as poo people (Li le e al., 2008, pp.587– 611)including poli icians, in e na ional celeb i ies, academics, ac i is s and p ac i io- ne s. Despi e he onslaugh o in e es , he e is su p isingly li le ag eemen on wha cons i u es po e y in u al A ica, how i should be assessed, and wha should be done o alle ia e i . Based on da a om an in e disciplina y s udy o pas o alism in no he n Kenya, his a icle examines issues o po e y among one o he con inen ’s mos ulne able g oups, pas o alis s, and challenges he applica ion o such o hodox p oxies as incomes/expendi u es, geog aphic emo eness, and ma ke in eg a ion. I a gues ha cu en po e y deba es ‘homogenize’ he concep o ‘pas o alis ’ by ailing o acknowledge he di e se li elihoods and weal h di e en ia ion ha all unde he e m. The a icle concludes ha wha is no needed is ano he de elopmen label (s e- eo ype. The c i e ia commonly used o measu e he le el o po e y in di e en com- muni y, do no appea ele an o hem. Wa a u u dwell hei e alua ion o be e li e and de elopmen a ound ca le owne ship (He sko i s, 1926; M e wa, 1978; Wilson, 1953, p.45). They in e ac wi h o he communi ies wi h limi a ion. They ea n cash om selling hei li es ock o g ains which hey ha e ecen ly s a ed o g ow. This is o say, hey ha e o long ime been ully in eg a ed in o global economies in mul iple ways. Wa a u u exhibi mode ni y in hei own e ms.5 They a e desc ibed as happy and p oud people who conse e hei adi ion. Addi ionally, hey ea much spi i ual and ances al cu ses. Tes imony abou he Wa a u u om F . Daniel Ohman, aca holic missiona y who se ed among hem o o e 25 yea s, poin ed ou ha : 3 Tanzania Na ional A chi es (TNA), Regional Book Wes e n P o ince (1920–1945); TNA Singida Dis ic Book, 1921. 4 Na ional Reco d Cen e, Loca ion 5/6/01, Box No.120, File No. UU.5/113 Wa indiga, Mang’a i and Ta u u 5 They adop and inco po a e mode n echnology such as he use o mobile phone, mobile money ans e and anspo such as mo o cycle and esis many o he aspec s including eligion, d essing s yle and o he ela ed u ban cul u es. OPEN ACCESS 22 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022 Wa a ulu people, aTanzanian ibe ha , unlike o he A ican e hnic g oups, esis ed calls o Ch is iani y o cen u ies. I Ididn’ belie e Ihad some hing o o e hem, Iwouldn’ e en y. Iadmi e hei oughness, hei p ide, and hei simple way o li e, bu hei esis ance o change comes a ap ice. Fea is a he hea o he p oblem— hei [sic] ea o dea h, o wi chc a , o he wo ld o e il spi i s (Ohman & Meye , 2009, pp.23–24). This implies ha , his o ical social o ma ion which gene a es belie s and ideologies dic a es he day- o-day socio-cul u al and economic p ac ices o his communi y. In his case, adi ions, cus oms, se lemen pa e ns, housing ype and s yles, d essing, ood, social ela ions, in e ac ion, space u ilisa ion, and all o ms o social con ol and o de , a e ap oduc o social o ma ion which o ms he exis en ial so wa e o he communi y (Rigby, 1981, pp.97–100). Fo ins ance, o ms o social con ol, e hics and o de a e unde he con ol o he councils o adul men, you h, ma ied women, unma ied women as well as clan and neighbou hoods (Tomikawa, 1979, pp.8–16; Wilson, 1953, pp.36–43). Likewise, u ilisa ion and o ganisa ion he en i onmen and space depend on he Wa a u u’s ideological and he cosmological concep ion (Lawi, 2007, pp.69–71, 1999). In his communi y aspec s such as bi h, dea h, e ili y, land, and he gene al en i onmen a e connec ed o Asee a, he Wa a u u’s god who p o- ides hem wi h all blessings (Blys ad, 2000a; Ka plus & Mei , 2013; Lawi, 1999; Mul- de e al., 1989). Religion and ideologies, explains and de ines Ta u u mode o exis- ence including ea ing o child en and nu u ing. Like many pas o al communi ies, Wa a u u, pa icula ly, you h a e iden i ied as ie ce people. They display he oic endencies. This iden i ica ion is oo ed o he lilich a/Lilik a/halooda6 i ual killing (Blys ad, 2000b, pp.75–102; Mhajida, 2019, pp.112–113; Nyoni, 2008, pp.128–129; Se- eus, 1991; Wilson, 1953, pp.43–48). The e o e, hey a e some imes e e ed o as Ta - u u wa io s. While childhood in ‘mode n’ communi ies is ega ded as pe iod o ecei ing edu- ca ion and playing, his is no he case wi h semi-pas o al Wa a u u. E hnological esea ch conduc ed be ween 2020 and 2021 in he s udy a ea, and indings om o he schola s e eals con o e sy on how he childhood is socially unde s ood in ela ion o legal de ini ion o childhood. This includes he di ision o labou based on sex and age. Mhajida (2019, pp.220–222), Biha io á (2019), and Nyoni (2008) ha e shown ha childhood ends when one unde goes ini ia ion by ci cumcision. Tomikawa (1979) has desc ibe s ages om which childhood was unde s ood among he Ba baig Da oga which is also applicable among he Wa a u u o Igunga. These a e an in an o oddle (ghameyända), small child (ghalsgechända who may be ei he son (balända) o daugh- e (huda) and young boy (balända manaƞ) o young gi l (huda manaƞ). Commonly, balända manaƞ and huda manaƞ a e child en o abou i e o en o wel e yea s o 6 Lilich a i ual killings in ol ed killing he lion o human o social s a us and p es ige. Schola s poin ed ha his cus om symbolised g adua ion om you h o adul hood and was a equi emen o ma iage. Despi e, his gene al explana ion, he e is s ill deba e among schola s on he unde lying easons o his cus om. Due o s a e in e en ion, i - ual killings ha e comple ely disappea ed. OPEN ACCESS STEPHANO LAzARO AyO 23 age. The young boy and young gi l emains wi h ha social s a us ega dless o he age un il he o she unde goes ini ia ion by ci cumcision. While in an and small child s ages a e momen o be che ished, young boys and gi ls a e augh mino domes ic ac i i ies including looking a e cal es nea homes ead o young boys and e ch- ing wa e , washing domes ic u ensils, cooking, and looking a e he young ones. All hese du ies a e pe o med as pa o nu u ing, lea ning and socialisa ion p ocess so ha o p epa e hem o become be e membe s o hei communi y in he la e s ages. A e a ending ini ia ion ha is concluded by ci cumcision, young boys and gi ls change hei social s a us o ei he balända mu jew (you h, he de , and wa io ) o huda hau (unma ied gi l). These a e no longe ea ed as child en. They a e a you h age eady o ma y o o be ma ied. Fo he unma ied gi ls is he ee ime, ime o beha e, o ganise dances, pe o m domes ic du ies be o e being ma ied. Fo he balända mu jew, his is a ime o become bo h awa io and he de . In mos cases, hese a e you hs o hi een o six een yea s. When hey each up o abou se en een yea s o age, hey become young men and wa io s (gha emanēda) eady o ma y. The co e ac i i y o bo h balända mu jew and gha emanēda is he ding ca le. None he- less, he young wa io s wi h six een yea s and abo e, gha emanēda also ake pa in seasonal o mobile he ding ac i i ies. Seasonal mobile he ding in ol es a elling o dis an locali y up o abou 15 o 50 kilome es looking o wa e and pas u es pa - icula ly du ing d y seasons (Biha io á, 2017, pp.86–91). Fo ins ance, Wa a u u o Chagana a el o as a as o Mwanzugi and Manoga Ri e du ing ex eme d y sea- Pho o N. 1:Ayoung Ta u u boy he ding ca le as pa and pa cel o Wa a u u li elihood (Biha io á, 2017, pp.83) OPEN ACCESS 30 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2022 Humbe , F. (2009). The Challenge o Child Labou in In e na ional Law Child. Camb idge Uni e si y P es. In e na ional Labou O ice. (2018). 20 h In e na ional Con e ence o Labou S a is icians Gene a, 10–19Oc obe 2018 Resolu ion: (Issue Oc obe ). h ps://ilos a .ilo.o g/abou / s anda ds/icls/icls-documen s/#:~: ex =20 h ICLS— 10 o 19, labou igh s and you h employmen . ILO Minimum Age Con en ion No.138, (1973). ILO Con en ion No . 182, The Wo s Fo ms o Child Labou , (1999). I andala, B. (1980). Nilo ic Impac on he Babinza o Usukuma. 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His PhD esea ch ocuses on mode nisa ion and socio-cul u al ans o ma ion among semi- nomadic Ta u u (Da oga) people o Tanzania. A ilia ed o he Uni e si y o Da es Salaam as an As- sis an Lec u e in he Depa men o His o y, Poli ical Science, and De elopmen S udies a he Da es Salaam Uni e si y College o Educa ion (DUCE). A eas o esea ch: e hno-his o ies in Tanzania (e hnology and his o ical Resea ch); socio-cul u al and poli ical his o ies o Tanzania; en i onmen- al his o ies; and peasan economies and u al ans o ma ion. Con ac : s [email protected] OPEN ACCESS