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In and out of history: how a Goan scholar in Bombay imagined a colonial Indian past and a future independent India (1870-1900)

Abstract

In his book on Portuguese men that achieved some prominence abroad, published in 1879, Bernardes Branco confessed that he had not been sure if Gerson da Cunha was Portuguese or English, and that he had had to contact Cunha Rivara, the Portuguese secretary of the Governor in Goa and a scholar, to resolve his doubts: “Mr. Gerson da Cunha is a Portuguese subject, born in Goa, of indigenous race and of the Brahman caste. He is established in Bombay as a doctor” was Cunha Rivara’s answer.In fact, Gerson da Cunha studied medicine in Bombay, Edinburgh and London, before returning to Bombay in the 1870s and making medicine his profession. However, his historical, archaeological and numismatic interests, mainly in themes related to the Portuguese in India, increasingly occupied a large part of his time and resulted in numerous articles and books published in the last three decades of the 19th century.

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In and out of history: how a Goan scholar in Bombay imagined a colonial Indian past and a future independent India (1870-1900)

Author: Vicente, Filipa Lowndes
Year: 2018
Source: https://repositorio.ulisboa.pt/bitstream/10451/35666/1/ICS_FLVicente_In.pdf
In and ou o his o y:
how a Goan schola
in Bombay imagined
a colonial Indian pas
and a u u e
independen India
(1870-1900)
Filipa Lowndes Vicen e
12.
264 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
in oduc ion
In his book on Po uguese men ha achie ed some p ominence ab oad,
published in 1879, Be na des B anco con essed ha he had no been su e i
Ge son da Cunha was Po uguese o English, and ha he had had o con ac
Cunha Ri a a, he Po uguese sec e a y o he Go e no in Goa and a schola ,
o esol e his doub s: “M . Ge son da Cunha is a Po uguese subjec , bo n
in Goa, o indigenous ace and o he B ahman cas e. He is es ablished in
Bombay as a doc o ” was Cunha Ri a a’s answe .1 In ac , Ge son da Cunha
s udied medicine in Bombay, Edinbu gh and London, be o e e u ning o
Bombay in he 1870s and making medicine his p o ession. Howe e , his
his o ical, a chaeological and numisma ic in e es s, mainly in hemes ela ed
o he Po uguese in India, inc easingly occupied a la ge pa o his ime and
esul ed in nume ous a icles and books published in he las h ee decades o
he 19 h cen u y.
José Ge son da Cunha’s biog aphy and bibliog aphy, his pe sonal i ine a y
as well as his schola ly w i en p oduc ion, will enable me o explo e he idea
o inclusion, and o exclusion, in h ee di e en ye in e connec ed ways. The
i s is h ough his ac ual biog aphical i ine a y. Li ing ac oss di e en bo de s
and spaces mean ha o eignness and displacemen we e cen al wo ds in
he na a i e o his li e. I shall explo e how da Cunha s o e o be included
in ce ain schola ly na ional sphe es, such as he I alian; while appa en ly
consciously excluding himsel om Po ugal, whe e his s a us would always be
ha o a Po uguese “o he ” and, he e o e, subal e n in ela ion o mains eam
schola ly local eli es. He also p o i ed, I shall a gue, om being a o eigne in
Bombay, and hus an Indian ha was no a colonised subjec since, being Goa-
bo n, he was o Po uguese na ionali y. Cas e and eligion, and he ac ha he
his o ian and doc o combined he mos p i ileged aspec s o bo h iden i ies
– B ahmanism and Ca holicism – we e also cen al in his sel -de ini ion and
equen ly add essed in his w i ings.
Secondly, I shall analyse how exclusion and inclusion a e cen al ques ions
in his as his o iog aphical wo k. His main aim was o include he Po uguese
expe ience in India wi hin he mains eam his o ical na a i e o Indian
his o y p oduced in English, in B i ish India and G ea B i ain. B i ish
1 B anco (1879, 448). Ge son da Cunha’s li e and wo ks ha e al eady been add essed in o he ways,
in some o my publica ions: Vicen e (2009-2010, 2010, 2012a, 2012b, 2012c, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016).
in and ou o his o y 265
his o iog aphy ended o exclude he o he main Eu opean p esence in Asia,
ha o he Po uguese (as well as he Du ch and F ench), in he pas and in
he p esen . In his a icle, I will ocus on he speci ic ways in which Ge son da
Cunha in oduced he Po uguese o Goan pe spec i e in a wide na a i e.
In some cases, his was done as pa o a clea s a egy o alue wha was
“Po uguese” o “Goan”, as when he a gues o he pionee ing cha ac e o
Po uguese O ien alism, a ew cen u ies be o e B i ish O ien alism.2 He also
makes a de ence o he eaching o he Po uguese language a he Uni e si y
o Bombay, while, in ano he publica ion, he w i es a indica ion o he
aluing o Konkani, he Indian language ha had a imes been ep essed by
he Po uguese ule in Goa. In o he momen s, howe e , his c i ical app oach
u ns o he Po uguese pas colonial policies – mainly in ela ion o hei
eligious iolence pe pe a ed agains he Hindus. In his appa en e e sal o
culp i s, his goal is o denounce how some his o ical e en s and expe iences
we e omi ed om Po uguese mains eam his o ical na a i es p ecisely
because hey did no a ou hose who p ac ised hem. His e lec ions on
con empo a y B i ish India will also be add essed. W i ing o an I alian
pe iodical in F ench, o in a p i a e le e o an I alian Indianis , Ge son da
Cunha could be ee in his opinions on delica e poli ical subjec s. Wha
was al eady la en in some o his his o ical w i ings became e iden in his
jou nalis ic imp essions: India, an independen and uni ed India, was al eady
in his imagina ion (Ande son 1991). A e colonial India – Po uguese o
B i ish – he e was ano he India, he u u e na ion ha was becoming i ed
o he “ o eign in ade s”.
And hi dly, I will explo e he ways in which Ge son da Cunha’s wo k was
excluded om bo h Po uguese and B i ish his o iog aphy. Only in 1955 was
one o his wo ks on numisma ics ansla ed in o Po uguese and published by
Luis Pin o Ga cia. In his p e ace, he Po uguese schola no es how da Cunha’s
“Con ibu ions [a e] e y well known and always quo ed in he numisma ic
cen es in he O ien and in G ea B i ain”, bu emain “unknown o he g ea
majo i y o ou numisma is s and collec o s” (Ga cia 1955). Be o e Pin o Ga cia,
only he eminen Po uguese e hnologis Lei e de Vasconcelos had made a
2 On “Po uguese Ca holic O ien alism”, see Xa ie and Zupano (2014). On Po uguese O ien alism
and Said’s engagemen wi h he Po uguese expe ience, see he wo k o Rosa Ma ia Pe ez (2006, 2014),
and E e on V. Machado (2018).
266 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
e e ence o Cunha: in his magna ope a on Po uguese Numisma ics in 1923.3
My a gumen is ha , pa adoxically, he cosmopoli anism and hyb idi y o his
li e i ine a y and his o iog aphical wo k kep him ou o sigh o subsequen
schola s. As Ge son da Cunha’s li e and wo k s addled bo de s, hey ailed o be
g asped by ei he o he wo main geog aphies o knowledge in which he mo ed.
B i ish and Indian his o iog aphy ailed o alue an au ho who was a Goan
3 Vasconcelos (1923, 279-280) w o e on Ge son da Cunha in a sec ion on Numisma ic W i ings om
1867 un il his p esen on pages 163-165, and e en included an o p in o his pho og aphic po ai
published in he Ri is a i al. di Numisma . (1888): 383. The Po uguese au ho also adds an appendix
wi h a biog aphical no e, in English, on Ge son da Cunha, which had been published in he Royal Asia ic
Socie y’s Jou nal a e his dea h: “Biog a ia Inglesa do D . Ge son da Cunha”.
José Ge son da Cunha (1844-1900). Pho og aphic po ai in ca e-de- isi e
o ma pas ed in he endlea es o his pos humously published book. Da e and
pho og aphe unknown. (Cunha, 1900).
No e: This po ai mus ha e been done in Rome, in 1878, a he pho og aphic s udio Lo enzo Suscipj, as i is e y
simila o ano he one Ge son da Cunha did he e. See Vicen e (2012b, 5).
Figu e 12.1
in and ou o his o y 267
o Po uguese na ionali y and highligh ed e e y hing ha was Po uguese in
India.4 Ge son da Cunha was excluded om he Goan and, pa icula ly, he
Po uguese his o ical canon o an a ay o easons I will ou line u he on:
one o he majo ones ce ainly being ha he only w o e in English. I onically,
he ac o s ha enabled him o combine, compa e, con on and c oss di e en
Indias, di e en Eu opes and di e en his o iog aphical adi ions ended up
excluding him om hose e y adi ions.
he poli ics o language:
konkani be ween supp ession and esis ance
I will s a by analysing wo o Ge son da Cunha’s publica ions. The i s was
published in 1881 and was i led Konkani Language and Li e a u e. I is he
only one o his ex s whe e I could ind c i icism o con empo a y Po uguese
colonialism a he han he usual discussion o e en s placed in a emo e
his o ical pas (Cunha 1881).5 The second ex I will add ess, also on he poli ics
o language and how hey a e embedded in na ional p ojec s, was cen ed on
he his o y o he Po uguese language in he Eas and was published mo e
han a decade la e (Cunha 1893, 168-191). Bo h we e published in English
and in Bombay, one o he Bombay Gaze ee and he o he o he Jou nal o
he Bombay B anch o he Royal Asia ic Socie y.
How local languages and hei usages we e a ec ed by he Po uguese
p esence in he egion om he 16 h cen u y on was he cen al subjec o his
essay on Konkani. Ge son da Cunha condemned he des uc ion pe pe a ed
by he i s missiona ies who, in hei “mis aken zeal o p opaga e Ch is iani y,”
did no unde s and how he p ese a ion o ancien Indian manusc ip s could
ha e been use ul o he con e sion o “na i es”. Tha which he Spanish had
done in G anada wi h A abic manusc ip s, he added, he Po uguese did in
4 When Ge son da Cunha’s name appea s in ecen his o ical books, i does so o his wo k on Bombay.
Gyan P akash (2011) men ions him once in his Mumbai Fables. A His o y o an Enchan ed Ci y, while a
ecen book on Bombay includes him in he bibliog aphy bu no as a subjec (Chop a 2011).
5 We do no know wha kind o ela ionship Ge son da Cunha had wi h Angelo Ma ei, an I alian
Jesui missiona y who, p ecisely in 1878, some mon hs a e he in e na ional cong ess o o ien alis s in
Flo ence, a elled om Naples o India. Du ing he wen y yea s he li ed in he Ka na aka egion, he
dedica ed himsel o missiona y wo k and p oducing s udies on Konkani (Ma ei 1882, 1883). See also
all he wo ks o Mons. Sebas ião Rodol o Dalgado.

268 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
Goa wi h Indian ones. They des oyed hem. The ana icism ha “blinded
hese missiona ies” (only jus i ied, Ge son da Cunha a gued, by he his o ical
momen ) p e en ed he ansmission o Ch is iani y h ough e nacula
languages. Acco ding o him, a global ision o his o y helped o unde s and
he iolence, bu also he banali y o his kind o beha iou du ing ha
pe iod: “The his o y o mankind is al eady ull o examples o how sec a ian
di e ences, bigo y, and supe s i ion ha e dep i ed he wo ld o li e a y
easu es o conside able wo h” (Cunha 1881, 25).
This Po uguese policy o elimina ing he local language did no es ic
i sel o he pas because, as Ge son da Cunha no es, by he end o he 18 h
cen u y he e we e s ill p ies s ad ising he Po uguese go e nmen o abolish
Konkani and o he Indian languages, “as i a language we e a me e cus om
o be easily deal wi h by a legisla i e enac men ”. Only wi h he Ma quis o
Pombal was his policy modi ied. Pe haps as a way o be e legi imising his
c i icism o Po uguese policies ega ding local language, Ge son da Cunha
quo ed Cunha Ri a a, a Po uguese esiden in Goa who, apa om his
schola ly wo k, was a espec able go e nmen sec e a y (Cunha 1881, 26).
Ge son da Cunha also e lec ed on he ans o ma ions o Konkani and he
a emp s o esis hem:
Such is, indeed, he ans o ma ion a language – in he compa a i ely sho pe iod o
wo cen u ies – unde goes e en in au onomous s a es, which s i e, wi h a iew o hei
na ional digni y, o p ese e he pu i y o hei language by means o li e a u e, a es ing
all changes, and s e eo yping he o ms inhe i ed om a o me age, ha i is no wonde
ha Konkani, an idiom o a small coun y, uled by a o eign ace, and wi hou , a p esen
a leas , any aspi a ion o na ional independence [my i alics], should wi hin only a couple
o cen u ies ha e assumed a o m so en i ely di e en om he old one. (Cunha 1881, 34)
Ge son da Cunha inished his his o y o Konkani and analysis o i s uses wi h
a pessimis ic e alua ion o he p esen , in which language and li e a u e we e
conside ed insepa able om colonial ule, and whe e he e was a e e ence o
o eign go e nmen s ha clea ly dis inguishes Goa – p e-exis en – om i s
colonise s: “Goa has o cen u ies been swayed by o eign ule s, who ha e
insis ed on making hei own language he o icial language, o he language o
he cou , wi hd awing a he same ime all encou agemen o he cul i a ion
o he na i e ongue” (Cunha 1881, 41). Facing a con empo a y con ex in
which he e was a g owing p essu e om o he Indian languages no subjec
in and ou o his o y 269
o he same kind o colonial linguis ic policy, Ge son da Cunha p edic ed he
disappea ance o Konkani wi hin one o wo cen u ies. Tha was, a e all, he
des iny o hose weake languages, as well as hose weake peoples, he added.
In o de o s eng hen his a gumen , he also discussed Konkani li e a u e,
mainly poe y, indi ec ly c i icising he con empo a y s a e o a ai s in Goa
qui e ha shly. The decline o li e a y p oduc ion co esponded o a social and
poli ical decline: “ his is in a iably he case whe e a coun y is in i s decadence,
o humilia ed, dep essed and deg aded by despo ism, o is swayed by a o eign
ule”, which mos p obably will do no hing o “encou age he s udy o na i e
poe y” (Cunha 1881, 41). In spi e o he many ma e ial bene i s ha may be
b ough abou by he colonial p esence, he con inues, “i is amids he elemen s
o na ional eedom and independence, and he pledges and e idence o he
o me g ea ness o hei coun y ha poe s g ow up.” As he o en did, in o de
o ein o ce his c i icism o a speci ic subjec , cha ac e o ins i u ion, Ge son da
Cunha quo ed ano he au ho , an A chbishop w i ing on he li e a u e o Spain
who w o e on he di ec e ec s a o eign go e nmen had on he c ea i i y o a
people: g ea poe y could no eme ge om a place wi h “li le o no na ional li e
o eeling” (Cunha 1881, 42).6 By quo ing o he s wi h whom he ag eed, ins ead
o making he same s a emen in his name, he was somewha legi imising his
c i ical posi ion, while making i less di ec . And also, by quo ing a book on
he Spanish golden age ha had been published in he p e ious yea , Ge son
da Cunha is ein o cing his posi ion as a cosmopoli an and e udi e schola
comple ely in une wi h he Eu opean schola ly p oduc ion.
In his book on Konkani, he e o e, Ge son da Cunha combined his linguis ic
in e es s, associa ed wi h a philological and o ien alis discou se concen a ed
on he pas , wi h a discussion o he p esen uses o Konkani. He is clea ly
es ablishing a co ela ion be ween a de ined space- e i o y and a language.
Mainly, howe e , he is “imagining” Goa as a na ion – a “small coun y” – ha
has been, and s ill is, go e ned by o eign ule s who ha e s i en o impose
hei language. Howe e , and as we shall also ealise when analysing his ex
on he Po uguese language in he Eas , i is no possible o hink o Ge son
da Cunha’s posi ion on language poli ics as a s aigh dicho omy be ween
he language o he colonise s on he one hand, and ha o he colonised on
he o he . In his mani es o p omo ing Konkani and Po uguese, he claimed
he languages had mo e in common han appea ed a i s sigh . They bo h
6 Ge son da Cunha is quo ing Richa d Chene ix T ench (1880).
270 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
occupied subal e n spaces; bo h we e an inex icable pa o Goan iden i y and
bo h needed o be ac i ely de ended and p omo ed, in di e en geog aphical
spaces, in o de o h i e.
he eaching o po uguese a he uni e si y o bombay:
a eu opean language o an indian e nacula ?
Ten yea s la e , in A B ie Ske ch o he Po uguese and hei Language in he
Eas , published in 1892, Ge son da Cunha ocuses simila ly on he Po uguese
language, analysing i s his o y in India and ancho ing his genealogy in
he p esen . Wha led him o publicly champion he Po uguese language
was a con empo a y deba e on he changes aking place in he language
depa men a he Uni e si y o Bombay (Cunha 1893, 190-191). In his
his o ical jus i ica ion o he impo ance o Po uguese, Ge son da Cunha
clea ly acknowledges he poli ical meaning o languages, hei uses in o ging
iden i ies, and hei in e sec ions wi h no ions o na ionalism and colonialism.
When consul ing he o ganisa ion o he language cou ses a he Uni e si y
o Bombay, Ge son da Cunha no iced how Po uguese was placed alongside
Ma a ha, Guja a i and Cana ese, while F ench was g ouped wi h Sansk i ,
La in, G eek and Heb ew. I he Uni e si y o Bombay did no conside
Po uguese he equal o o he Eu opean o classical languages and placed i
wi hin he sec ion o “Indian e nacula ”, i would be be e o simply abolish
i , he a gued. By elega ing he Po uguese language o second-class s a us,
he Uni e si y o Bombay was no only ma ginalising a language bu also he
his o y o he Po uguese in India (Cunha 1893, 172). In o de o ein o ce his
a gumen on he impo ance o Po uguese, he men ioned he wo k o Hugo
Schucha d , published in he 1880s, on he quan i y o Po uguese dialec s
ha we e spoken in A ica and Asia – wo k on which he had collabo a ed.7
Po uguese being he o icial language in he egions unde he ule o he
Po uguese go e nmen was a ac ha could be compa ed wi h he use o
F ench in Pondiche y o ha o English in Bombay. Jus as eligious con e sions
did no e lec he e o pu in o he Ch is ianisa ion policies – he ac ual
7 “I ha e had he pleasu e o con ibu ing o his in e es ing s udy, namely o ha pa ela ing o he
dialec o Ceylon. The New Tes amen was published in his dialec in 1852 by he Wesleyan Mission,
and a G amma o he dialec was p in ed a Colombo in 1811”. He mus be e e ing o he K eolische
S udien, published by Hugo Schucha d be ween 1882 and 1889.
in and ou o his o y 271
con e ed being e y ew when ha ing in mind he high deg ee o in es men
– he s a e o he Po uguese language in Goa a he ime did no e lec he
e o pu in o i s imposi ion. E en in he Indo-Po uguese communi ies o
Bombay, Po uguese was la gely being su passed by English: “Peasan s” did
no unde s and i , and he “bou geoisie” did no speak i equen ly; only he
highe classes used i . In his social ca ego isa ion, Ge son da Cunha is also
showing his amilia i y wi h he Eu opean con empo a y language o social
sciences, which s a i ied classes acco ding o wo k, weal h and genealogy.
Language could no be isola ed om many o he ac o s, which we e used o
cha ac e ise he Indo-Po uguese communi y. Ge son da Cunha a gued o he
lea ning o Po uguese amongs a mino i y eli e h ough a his o ical dig ession
on he uses o Po uguese in India since he 16 h cen u y in comme ce, diplomacy
and missions, as well as in educa ional es ablishmen s o a eligious na u e. In
his incu sion in o he pas , he w o e how B ahmins (“bo n missiona ies”, in
his wo ds), when joining Ca holic eligious o de s, had helped dissemina e
he Po uguese language in he wo ld; an idea he had explo ed in p e ious
publica ions (Cunha 1893, 168-191). In his s udy o Konkani, he had ein o ced
how “B ahmans we e no me e copyis s bu au ho s o “se e al wo ks in
Konkani on Ch is iani y”, as well as wo ks in Tamil o Sinhalese (Cunha 1881,
36). Mo eo e , in his long essay on “O ien al S udies amongs he Po uguese”,
he had made a lis o all publica ions by hese Indian B ahmin men missiona ies
and schola s. In con as o he Po uguese, many o whom did no know how o
ead o w i e, B ahmins we e li e a e al eady in childhood.8 Ge son da Cunha
concluded by saying ha despi e he ac ha only a ew spoke and w o e i
co ec ly, Po uguese was simply “beau i ul” (Cunha 1893, 188).
Mo e han en yea s a e w i ing on Konkani, in a ex ha cons i u es one
o his ha shes c i icisms o he Po uguese colonial go e nmen and i s s a egy
o linguis ic annihila ion, Ge son da Cunha also decla es himsel s ongly in
a ou o he p ese a ion o Po uguese as one o he languages o India. Wha
could seem a con adic ion – how was i possible o de end he language o he
colonised and, simul aneously, ha o he colonise s – can also be ead as a
alo isa ion o wha was Goan in he gene al con ex o la e 19 h cen u y India;
and ha mean aluing Po uguese as much as Konkani. I , mainly, mean
aluing Po uguese in India, bu ou side Goa; and aluing Konkani in Goa.
8 Ge son da Cunha (1893, 186) conside ed music he g ea bene i o Po uguese elemen a y educa ion
because “Indian ellow subjec s” ha dly lea n any music a all.
278 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
silences in ela ion o hose episodes ha “do no add o he glo y o he na ion
(Cunha 1896, 254-255)”. As happened wi h he poe -soldie , Camões, by hen
al eady conside ed he g ea es igu e o Po uguese li e a y his o y, he e
we e, in he p esen , many who only emembe ed he i ues o he na ion and
p e e ed o o ge i s c imes. Exclusions and inclusions in his o y a e hus
denounced by he schola as ways o manipula ing he na a i es o he pas ,
in a kind o c i icism o ellow his o ians ha ine i ably alues a c i ical oice
(his own), one capable o con on ing ins ead o excluding, e en hose pa s o
his o y ha a e no so la e ing o he na ion’s sel - ep esen a ion.
Ge son da Cunha did no hide his g ea admi a ion o he his o ical
cha ac e o A onso de Albuque que, who was he “g ea ounde o he
Po uguese empi e in he Eas ”, and “like Welling on”13, was e y a en i e o
de ails (Cunha 1893, 177).14 Bu in ela ion o ano he much-ci ed e lec ion
on he empi e’s decadence – he ma iage policy o A onso de Albuque que –
Cunha’s posi ion was clea ly c i ical and was, in ac , e y close o ha oiced
by Richa d Bu on, in his Goa and he Blue Moun ains, and by o he w i e s o
con empo a y B i ish ex s (Cunha 1876a, 302; Bu on, 1991 [1851]; Kennedy
2005, 49-50). This episode belonging o he pas – Albuque que’s policy o
encou age he ma iage o Po uguese men wi h local Indian women – was
usually e e ed o as a his o ical lesson pe inen o he deba e ha was aking
place in he con ex o 19 h cen u y B i ish India on he ad an ages and pe ils
o policies enabling “mix u e” as opposed o “sepa a ion”. Wi hin his deba e,
his ma iage policy was gene ally held as an example o wha no o do. The
p esen decadence o he Po uguese empi e as he ul ima e consequence o
ha and o he policies.
Ge son da Cunha econ ex ualised Albuque que’s ges u e in he adi ion
o he Roman Empi e, only o classi y i as an “expe imen ha has been
ound, now ha i is oo la e o epai he e il, o be he sou ce o g a e e ils
o bo h pa ies.” This app oach, which would i in a B i ish his o iog aphical
adi ion, wi h which he clea ly iden i ies himsel , con as s wi h la e
13 Ge son da Cunha is e e ing o A hu Wellesley (1s May 1769 – 14 h Sep embe 1852), Duke o
Welling on, p ominen 19 h cen u y poli ical and mili a y igu e, who was commande o he B i ish
oops in Po ugal and Spain agains he Napoleonic In asions o he Ibe ian Peninsula in he ea ly 19 h
cen u y (1808-1813).
14 Albuque que also appea ed as a posi i e his o ical cha ac e amongs B i ish au ho s, being
conside ed ai and magnanimous and someone who had in mind na i e in e es s. See Hun e (1882,
268).

in and ou o his o y 279
in e p e a ions o he same his o ical e en , as happened wi h Gilbe o
F ey e’s “luso- opicalismo”. Luso-T opicalism was he concep ha he
B azilian an h opologis de eloped o iden i y he p ac ice and policy o
“miscegena ion” be ween whi e Po uguese men and women belonging o
hose Asian, Ame ican and A ican geog aphies unde Po uguese ule.
Religion was, o cou se, he mos con o e sial issue o Po uguese
colonialism in India. The iolence o he con e sion me hods was equen ly
condemned by someone who, despi e conside ing himsel a Ca holic, did no
e eal he na u e o his eligiosi y o he cen ali y o ai h in his li e. And e en
i Ge son da Cunha’s posi ion canno be educed o a single iewpoin , he
clea ly ends o be c i ical o he Po uguese me hods o imposing Ch is iani y
and elimina ing Hinduism.
Unlike he policy o he p esen ule s o Hindus an, which we hope will also be ha o
u u e e as, he spi i which guided he ue missiona y, in his noble ask o impa ing
o he hea hen he news o peace and good-will, was no o ole ance bu o agg ession.
(Cunha 1880, 184)
As an example o he Po uguese policy unde which he na i es we e
o ced o change hei ai h, Ge son da Cunha men ioned he des uc i e u ge
agains Hinduism shown by he Bishop o Goa, F . João Albuque que (Spain,
ci ca 1479 – Goa, 1553), by quo ing a documen ha was kep a he Lisbon
To e do Tombo (Cunha 1880, 184-185).15 When he Inquisi ion was se up,
he Bishop o Goa had o de ed, acco ding o Ge son da Cunha, he des uc ion
o Hindu images and manusc ip s, bu did no o bid his subo dina es o use
he local languages as a means o con e sion, some hing which enabled he
w i ing o a se ies o g amma s and ocabula ies ha we e la e published by
he Goan o icial P ess.
In his plea o a poli ics o espec and ole ance owa ds o he eligions,
Ge son da Cunha compa ed he con as ing a i udes o wo di e en colonise s
o India – he Po uguese o he pas , and he B i ish o he p esen , – and clea ly
e ealed which side he was on. By doing so he, again, s ood close o B i ish-
P o es an his o ical and policy app oaches, in which Po uguese s a egies
ega ding local eligions we e equen ly con as ed, nega i ely, wi h hose
p ac ised a ew cen u ies la e by he B i ish. C uel y, in ac , especially when
15 We do no know how Ge son da Cunha had access o his documen .
280 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
associa ed wi h eligion, o en appea ed in desc ip ions o Po uguese India
w i en by B i ish o by Indians o B i ish India (Hun e 1882, 268). Bhude
Mukhopadhyay (1827-1894), o example, conside ed B i ain – as opposed o
Spain, F ance o Po ugal – he leas c uel o he Eu opean na ions.16 By w i ing
“which we hope will also be ha o u u e e as”, howe e , Cunha also clea ly
s a ed his posi ion owa ds he p esen main colonial go e nmen o India, he
B i ish.
One o he subjec s o his book, No es on he His o y and An iqui ies o
Chaul and Bassein was he con as be ween he pas glo y and he p esen
decadence o he empi e, a pe sis en opic when ea ing Po uguese India’s
his o y ha was insepa able om eligious ac o s.17 The Inquisi ion and
he eligious o de s – ha “impe ium in impe io”, which Ge son da Cunha
a ibu ed o he Jesui s – we e amongs he main causes o decadence
(Cunha 1876c, iii). When, in 1878, he was in i ed by he Va ican o ecei e a
deco a ion by he Pope, he con essed his su p ise o his I alian iend, Angelo
De Gube na is.18 Yes, he was a Ca holic Indian, a schola and a doc o , bu did
hey know wha he had w i en agains he Jesui s?
Ge son da Cunha p esen ed his c i icism o he Jesui s, and his subsequen
p aise o he Ma quis o Pombal’s policies owa ds hem on a ious occasions
(Cunha 1880, 193). Again, in his p aise o he his o ical cha ac e o he
Ma quis and his c i icism o he Companhia de Jesus, he is ep oducing a
common ision o con empo a y B i ish his o iog aphy, in which he Ma quis
ep esen ed mode ni y and he Enligh enmen ; and he Jesui s, he p oo o
Ca holic excesses. Pombal, wi h his “g ea genius”, concei ed he “admi able
policy” o expelling he Jesui s and closing con en s, “nes s o idle s” mo e
in e es ed in sel ish conce ns han in es ablishing peace and good-will.
Ge son da Cunha also made ano he ha sh c i icism, bu in an indi ec way:
by quo ing a ex o ano he au ho s a ing ha e e y hing ha he Jesui s buil
was des ined o uin and des uc ion.19
16 Ci ed by Raychaudhu i (2002, 70).
17 See Cunha (1876c, -ix). I ha e w i en on his pas glo y, p esen decadence dicho omy in a ex
whe e I concen a e on his wo k on uined ci ies (Vicen e 2013, 227-278).
18 bnc , Manusc ip s, Co espondance Angelo De Gube na is, Co . José Ge son da Cunha o Angelo
De Gube na is, Cass. 33, n.º 10 (Rome, Ho el Mine a, 29 No embe 1878).
19 See Cunha (1880, 187). He quo ed D . Döllinge , in an a icle published in he Dublin Uni e si y
Magazine, in 1877: “ he p o e b abou he Tu ks – saying ha no g ass g ew unde hei s eps –
in and ou o his o y 281
In ano he a icle in English, also des ined o he eade ship o B i ish
India o G ea B i ain, he appealed o a his o ical econ ex ualisa ion o he
Inquisi ion ha “made he Po uguese ule odious o he mild inhabi an s o
he Konkan”. Howe e , he a gued, one could no ead he eudal cha ac e o
ha ime wi h con empo a y ways o hinking codes, no could one con as
he despo ic mili a ism and he cle ical sup emacy o ha pe iod wi h he
p esen , du ing which “ he spi i o democ acy pe ades e e y poli ical c eed,
and he F ench Re olu ion has augh na ions hei igh s, as well as hei
du ies” (Cunha 1887, 142; 1887-1889). In he same pe iod, and in he same
jou nal, he published an a icle on Dellon, he F ench doc o and a elle
who wen o Goa in he 17 h cen u y and w o e abou his pe sonal expe ience
as a ic im o he Goa Inquisi ion (Cunha 1887-1889). Ge son da Cunha
explains why he conside ed Dellon’s memoi a “ ab ica ion”, a “ o ge y” and a
“ aud” bu , a he same ime, he is ca e ul o add ha his own “denial o he
au hen ici y o he wo k ce ainly does no imply a de ence o he Inquisi ion,
which I ha e elsewhe e condemned, as should e e y libe al-minded man,
whe he a Ca holic o P o es an ” (Cunha 1887-1889).
how eely could he speak?
w i ing on he con empo a y b i ish empi e ou side india
In his a icle on he Buddha’s oo h and i s cul in Ceylon – Mémoi e su
l’his oi e de la den - elique de Ceylan p écéde d’un essai su la ie e la eligion
de Gau ama Buddha –, Ge son da Cunha inished wi h a long quo a ion om
Rodie ha had no di ec ela ion o he a icle’s subjec and his o ical con ex ,
and which e lec ed on he ela ions be ween Eu ope and Asia, be ween
Eu opean colonise s and colonised Indians.
Les églemen s o gueilleusemen immuables, pou le co ps e pou l’âme, que les héoc a es
de l’Inde on eu la émé i é d’impose à la socié é, on ini pa y dé ui e ous les élemen s
du p og ès. Le génie hindou, au e ois si b illan , si écond, si i ace, meu é ou é dans
could be applied o he Jesui s, whose buildings always became he ic ims o a empes o a lood. By
p esen ing his quo a ion, Cunha could c i icise he Jesui s wi hou exposing himsel o c i icism. He
was c i icising he Jesui s bu he was doing so indi ec ly, by quo ing someone wi h whom he ag eed. A
he same ime, by quo ing om a Dublin schola ly jou nal, he was displaying he cosmopoli an na u e
o his e udi ion” (Cunha 1880, 192).
282 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
une camisole de o ce! Le du con ac de no e ci ilisa ion le é eille a peu -ê e! Espé ons
que les descendan s des A ias ou e on , ô ou a d, une compensa ion aux douleu s e
aux humilia ions qui leu in lige la p épondé ance des Eu opéens. (Cunha 1884b, 431-432)
Ge son da Cunha was no he au ho o hese wo ds. Howe e , by
ep oducing hem as he epilogue o his ex , wasn’ he c i icising, o some
deg ee, he successi e go e nmen s ha had opp essed India and Ceylon?
Wasn’ his a kind o s a egy des ined o e eal his opinions, no only abou
his o ical e en s bu also abou p esen day India? Could he ac ha Ge son
da Cunha was publishing in a F ench jou nal, and no one o he schola ly
jou nals o B i ish India whe e he usually published, ha e gi en him mo e
eedom o exp ession? Wasn’ his a way o de ending an ances al “Indianness”
o he A yans, a acial and cul u al ca ego y being widely discussed a he
ime, and which was ep essed h ough he successi e Eu opean p esences?
And wasn’ his a s a agem o say wha he could no say, wi h he ad an age
o doing so by using he legi imising wo ds o a Eu opean?
The same could be said abou his p i a e co espondence wi h his iend, he
I alian Indianis Angelo De Gube na is, and his collabo a ion wi h he Re ue
In e na ionale, one o many jou nals c ea ed by De Gube na is in I aly. In his
p i a e co espondence, Ge son da Cunha could exp ess himsel mo e eely
knowing his wo ds would emain in a p i a e sphe e. While, his wo a icles
o he Re ue In e na ionale, as he India co esponden , Ge son da Cunha
clea ly el ee o oice his opinions on con empo a y India. Published in
Flo ence – a Eu opean coun y ha had no colonial ela ions wi h India – bu
w i en in F ench, he Re ue In e na ionale, as i s name sugges s, concen a ed
on con empo a y e en s and li e a u e om di e en na ions. Howe e , his
manusc ip a icles do no exac ly ma ch his published a icles. Ha ing had
access o he manusc ip e sions o he a icles he sen o Gube na is, as he
jou nal edi o , and being able o compa e hem o he published e sions,
I could e i y how some o he mo e c i ical posi ions owa ds he B i ish
Go e nmen in India we e e ased om he inal published a icle. Gube na is
clea ly used his ole as edi o o exclude wha he conside ed con o e sial
o p oblema ic. The e o e, Ge son da Cunha’s Indian oice as he India
co esponden on cu en a ai s, a oice ha seemed ee in ha emo e
Renaissance ci y o Flo ence, was somewha con ained and supp essed.
In he wo a icles he sen o he jou nal, he e is also a clea consciousness
o he changing na u e o colonial ela ionships, and o he ai ly e iden
in and ou o his o y 283
signs ha announced he end o B i ish India. The pe iod in which Ge son
da Cunha con ibu ed o he Re ue In e na ionale, 1884-85, was p ecisely
ha in which he Anglo-Russian con lic was simme ing, due o he ecen
Russian occupa ion o some o he bo de s o he B i ish Empi e. Lo d Cu zon
also conside ed Russia’s expansionis policy a h ea o he B i ish p esence in
India (Cu zon 1892). Ge son da Cunha some imes e e ed, albei somewha
indi ec ly, o he possibili y o Russia being he nex colonise o India.
And he did so in a posi i e way, assuming ha Russian colonisa ion would
be a necessa y ansi ional phase be o e Indian independence. Benedic
Ande son’s ideas a e pe inen when conside ing Cunha’s ways o imagining
he u u e Indian na ion, as well as when hinking o his mul iple iden i ies.
Bo h in Imagined Communi ies and in Unde Th ee Flags, Ande son’s wo k
was especially pionee ing in g asping he ele ance o 19 h cen u y colonial
schola ly eli es in imagining a pos -colonial u u e (Ande son 1991, 2005).
In he in imacy o a le e sen o Angelo De Gube na is, in Flo ence, he
Goan His o ian w o e wha he mos p obably could no w i e elsewhe e:
“The Russian domina ion, which soone o la e [my i alics] will ollow he
B i ish, will be an impo an phase o ou poli ical e olu ion o , o use a
somewha imp essi e I alian exp ession, in ou Riso gimen o [unde lined in
he manusc ip ].”20 By es ablishing his compa ison be ween he Indian case
and he ecen p ocess o I alian uni ica ion ha led o he bi h o he I alian
na ion, in 1861, uni ed unde he same king, he Goan s a ed his belie in he
u u e – “soone o la e ” – independence o India. Colonised yes e day by
he Po uguese, and oday by he B i ish, India would be colonised omo ow
by he Russians and, he day a e omo ow, which was no oo emo e, he e
would be only “India”: a non-colonised India. In his eleological e lec ion,
Ge son da Cunha imagined a na ion wi hou he p esence o o eign colonise s
and, e en i he gi es no da es, he e is a ce ain sense o imminence, o
ine i abili y in he wo ds “soone o la e ” ha he uses in his le e . He e, as
well as in o he o his w i ings, we can, as men ioned be o e, ace many o
Benedic Ande son’s ideas o how communi ies we e imagined be o e being
(Ande son 1991). In ano he le e o his I alian iend based in Flo ence, he
sen his complimen s o he Russian p incesses li ing in Flo ence and whom
20 Biblio eca Nazionale Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is –
Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 6 (Roma, Ho el Mine a, 20 h Oc obe
1878). This e lec ion on Russia and India was p omp ed by a pho og aph Angelo De Gube na is had
sen him o P incess Gali zine, a Russian p incess whom he Goan had me in Flo ence.

284 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
he e e ed o as he “ u u e ule s o my coun y, ule s ha , we hope, will be
he las o eign domina ion ha will p ecede ou emancipa ion”.21 In ano he
le e , he wished he Russian p incesses a long li e, so ha one day hey could
a i e in India and cause “ he B i ish o panic”.22
In he a icle published in he Re ue In e na ionale, des ined o a
Eu opean public, Cunha also el ee enough o muse abou he ad an ages
o a hypo he ical Russian dominion o India, mainly when compa ed o he
B i ish colonialism o he p esen .23 While he B i ish would “lea e India
impo e ished and unde de eloped” because hey had conque ed India as
ad en u e s and had colonised i like G eeks, by no mixing wi h he local
popula ions and by being a a icious; he Russians would colonise India like
ancien Romans, mixing wi h he Indians. A he same ime, hey would
con ibu e o he uni ica ion o India, esol ing i s eligious di e ences and
he con lic s caused by he cas e sys em. The Russian example, Ge son da
Cunha goes on, wi h i s hones y, would also inspi e he Indian people wi h a
spi i o na ionali y, “which will ine i ably place he elde b o he o he A yan
amily on he pedes al he is en i led o and which is sanc ioned by his o y”.24
Despi e being ma ied o a Russian and ha ing a special in e es in Russian
cul u e, his I alian iend Gube na is did no seem o ag ee: in his Indian
a el dia y, he s a es ha a hypo he ical Russian in asion o India would be
21 And when P ince Gali zine, b o he o he “beau i ul Russian p incesses” wen on a ip o Bombay,
Ge son da Cunha o e ed him his hospi ali y. Biblio eca Nazionale Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i –
Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is – Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 16
(Bombay, 37 Ho nby Road, 17 h Ma ch 1879); Biblio eca Nazionale Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i
– Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is – Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º
22 (Bombay, 39 Ho nby Road, 14 h June 1881); Biblio eca Nazionale Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i
– Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is – Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 23
(Bombay, 39 Ho nby Road, 26 h July 1881).
22 Biblio eca Nazionale Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is –
Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 20 (Bombay, 39, Ho nby Road, 1s
Janua y 1880). He also w o e ha his B i ish a e sion owa ds he Russians was “ he same a e sion ha
Mahome had owa ds bacon”, a common de oga o y Po uguese exp ession.
23 Ge son da Cunha’s in e es in Russia was also la en in he a icle he published in he English
language jou nal Bombay Gaze e in 1879, on he educa ion o women in Russia. Biblio eca Nazionale
Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is – Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha
pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 17 (Bombay, 37 Ho nby Road, 1s Augus 1879).
24 [“que de e acaba po coloca o i mão mais elho da amília a iana no pedes al que lhe cabe de
di ei o, e que a his ó ia sanciona”].
in and ou o his o y 285
o no bene i because Russia was no mo e ci ilised han India. The e o e,
Indians wouldn’ bene i a all by changing “landlo ds” (De Gube na is 1887,
321-322).
In his ole as he Indian co esponden , Ge son da Cunha sen his “Le e
des Indes O ien ales” o he i s issue o he magazine a he end o 1883. In
i , he iden i ied he s a e o con empo a y India as one o c isis and ansi ion
(Cunha 1883b, 202-204; 1884a, 829-831). He s a ed o e e o he widely
epea ed dicho omy be ween o ien al apa hy, on he one hand; and, on he
o he , he ac i e na u e o wes e n peoples said o be a ec ing he apa hy in
he O ien .25 The con empla i e and e en se ile na u e o he Indians was
changing, hanks o Eu opean colonialism, in o a ansi ional p ocess a ou ing
a close and iendlie ela ionship be ween he wo wo lds. The “Indian o
he 19 h cen u y”, Cunha decla ed, “ hinks, mo es, communes in mind and
sympa hy wi h his A yan b o he o he Wes , ecalls he pas g ea ness o
his na i e coun y, eels keenly his p esen pa ial bondage and aspi es o a
u u e ull o mo e p omises o success and p ospe i y.”26 A ianism, he e,
se ing o uni e Eas e and Wes , and somehow sub e ing he inequali ies
ins i u ionalized by colonial ule.
he eawakening o a na ion: india a e he o eign
in ade s
In he second manusc ip a icle Ge son da Cunha sen o be published in
he Flo en ine jou nal, he highligh ed he ecen passage o powe om Lo d
Ripon o Lo d Du e in and he g andeu o he acclama ion ce emonies
wi h which Lo d Ripon was bid a ewell. Howe e , he Indians had been e y
unhappy: “ en cen u ies o y anny and opp ession by o eign [unde lined in
he manusc ip ] in ade s ha e made hem nea ly o ge ha hei s was one
o he sea s o an ancien and ad anced ci ilisa ion”. When a Vice oy ga e
he Indians he poli ical igh o “municipal sel -go e nmen ” – a igh ha
25 See Cunha (1883b, 202). Ronald Inden (1986; 2000 [1990]) analyses he pe sis ence o hese
essen ialis images o India in con as wi h Eu opean alues and ideas.
26 Biblio eca Nazionale Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is –
Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 32 (Bombay 23 d No embe 1883). The
a icle, w i en in English, is sen along wi h his le e ; Cunha (1883b, 203).
286 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
had been p esen in he Indian illage communi ies om ime immemo ial, –
hei g a i ude was eno mous. This happened, acco ding o Ge son da Cunha
because in he las en cen u ies “o da kness”, he Indian people had ecei ed
mo e “blows han kisses, mo e kicks han pence!”, and had o go en he
p i ileges hey once possessed. Now he p ocess was uns oppable. When a
people we e augh abou hei igh s, his people s a ed ques ioning i sel
abou he e olu ion o hese igh s. I hey encoun e ed esis ance, on he
o he hand, his p og essi e e olu ion would ans o m i sel in o e olu ion.
Howe e , as Ge son da Cunha poin ed ou , igh s also mean du ies, and hese
we e he las hing on which he masses e lec ed.
“The inaugu a ion o a spi i o na ionali y among he na i es o his
coun y” had been, in his opinion, he g ea es e ela ion o he ansi ion o
powe . Ge son da Cunha’s a gumen would be o - epea ed in he u u e bu ,
in 1884, was s ill la en . India had much o gain by main aining i s ela ionship
wi h he mos p og essi e, enligh ened, in elligen and ene ge ic na ion o
Eu ope, bu B i ain would ha e o g adually adjus o India’s demands. The
colonise had o please he colonised and win i s good-will, mainly when
acing he h ea o a po en ial i al such as Russia. Jus as he Po uguese had
done when hey became mo e bene olen wi h he na i es a he beginning
o he 17 h cen u y, when he B i ish had a i ed in Su a , a gued Ge son da
Cunha, so he B i ish had o please he Indians when he Russians a i ed in
Kabul. The published a icle did no p in his sen ence o idea, no did i p in
he sec ion o he a icle in which he e lec ed on he meaning o he 1857
Mu iny, while compa ing i wi h he excesses displayed by he masses p esen
when Lo d Ripon ceded powe .27 Clea ly Gube na is mus ha e hough ha
Cunha’s openness was oo bold.
In ega d o he public’s appa en loyal y o he B i ish C own, he Indian
co esponden no ed ha he e was always an elemen o p eca iousness in
any o eign go e nmen . In India, many had ead he mani es a ions o joy
owa ds he ex- ice oy – Lo d Ripon – as a sign o he success and pe manence
o B i ain’s ela ionship wi h India.28 Ge son da Cunha, howe e , had doub s.
And o demons a e hem, he ga e an example o his o ical pa allelism
27 Biblio eca Nazionale Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is – Co esp.
José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 37 (Bombay, Ho nby Road, 25 h Decembe 1883).
28 Biblio eca Nazionale Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is – Co esp.
José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 37 (Bombay, Ho nby Road, 25 h Decembe 1883).
in and ou o his o y 287
aken om “Po uguese India’s” pas : hose mani es a ions o joy had been
analogous o wha ook place in he “ lou ishing Po uguese Empi e in he
Eas ”. When D. João de Cas o e u ned o Goa a e he conques o Diu,
he na i es o e ed him golden lowe s and he me chan s o Cambaia sp ead
ou hei iches and mos beau i ul co on and silk clo hs, so ha he could
walk be ween he galleon and he ca hed al. And wha was he esul o all o
hese na i e acclama ions o he “las he o”, and he cong a ula ions o all he
Hindu and Muslim p inces o India? Nowadays, a gued Cunha, no e en he
mos cul i a ed na i e o India emembe s he name o D. João de Cas o. This
o go en name s ood in clea con as o he names o con empo a y na i es,
whose memo y was s ill ali e, and was p ese ed in popula ballads: “Such is
he des iny o all o eign ule s, mos bene olen hough hey be.”
Ge son da Cunha ended his e lec ion wi h p aise o D. João de Cas o’s
cha ac e , ollowed by he e e ence o an e en ha again enabled him o
es ablish a compa ison be ween he wo colonial empi es: he Po uguese
empi e o he pas and he B i ish empi e o he p esen . D. João de Cas o
died poo , assis ed by S . F ancis Xa ie , whose Tomb-Relic in Velha Goa Lo d
Ripon had isi ed ecen ly. The epilogue o he Po uguese empi e was al eady
known, while he epilogue o he B i ish was ye o be w i en. I would,
howe e , be simila , Ge son da Cunha sugges ed.
Gube na is, howe e , did no seem o hink he e lec ions on con empo a y
B i ish India should be included in he published e sion, and omi ed many
o he pages Ge son da Cunha had w i en.29 Was he I alian oubled by his
iend’s commen s, which seemed o announce he end o he B i ish colonial
go e nmen in India? We e hese e lec ions oo p oblema ic o be published
in he jou nal edi ed by someone who was conside ed he majo I alian
igu e in Indian s udies, and who was abou o depa on a majo jou ney o
India whe e he needed he suppo o he B i ish Go e nmen o India? The
exclusions Gube na is decided o make e eal ha e en away om India, no
e e y hing could be said. Ge son da Cunha’s ee speech – wo ds w i en in
Po uguese and sen o an I alian ci y o be ansla ed in o F ench – we e s ill
subjec o a censo ship ha we can only explain by asking ques ions a he
han by ehea sing any clea answe .
29 Biblio eca Nazionale Cen ale di Fi enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De Gube na is –
Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 37 (Bombay, 25 h Decembe 1884); This
second a icle as co esponden was published wo mon hs a e , on 25 h Feb ua y 1884: Cunha (1884a,
829-831).
294 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in
exclusion o Po uguese om he ange o Eu opean languages augh a he
Uni e si y o Bombay in he la e 19 h cen u y. He does no , he e o e, enable
us o d aw simple conclusions, and e en less o es ablish linea dicho omies
be ween hose who sided wi h he o eign colonise s and hose wi h he
colonised Indian.
His c i icism o Po uguese colonial p ac ices ocused mainly on he pas
and was exp essed in his schola ly publica ions, and was he e o e his o ical
in na u e. Wi h B i ish India, howe e , his c i ical eye ended o add ess
con empo a y e en s and was mainly con eyed h ough jou nalis ic w i ing
and p i a e co espondence. This di ision was also an objec o my e lec ion.
Policies and p ac ices o exclusion and inclusion – and he dialogues and
con lic s o e wha should be included o “excluded” – we e embedded in all
colonial spaces and Ge son da Cunha pa icipa ed in his deba e h ough his
his o ical and jou nalis ic w i ings. Howe e , I ied o analyse, his audience
– he people who we e going o ead him and he places whe e he was going
o be ead – de e mined wha he w o e on India’s p esen o pas . He was
conscious o hei speci ici y and adap ed his discou se, poli ics and c i icism
acco dingly and his was no by chance. His posi ion and iden i y de e mined
wha he could say and o whom he could say i .
The ac ha Ge son da Cunha was Goan and could ead Po uguese, along
wi h o he Eu opean and Indian languages, was de e minan in he choice o
his o ical subjec s he chose o esea ch and w i e abou . I was also impo an
o he cosmopoli an communi y wi h which he in e ac ed, socially as well as in
his ole as doc o wi h a medical p ac ice. By belonging o di e en wo lds, and
cons an ly c ossing, li e ally and his o ically, he bo de s be ween Po uguese
and B i ish India, Cunha was able o make compa isons and connec ions
be ween di e en his o ies and his o iog aphies. This con as ed wi h he
majo i y o w i en schola ly p oduc ion, which ended o emain sepa a e
and unawa e o each o he : on one side, he wo k w i en in English, published
in B i ish India o in London, and concen a ing on he geog aphies and
expe iences o he B i ish p esence in India; and on he o he , he bibliog aphy
published in Po uguese, in Goa o in Lisbon, and ocused on he Po uguese
p esence in ce ain Indian egions, mainly in Goa, since he 16 h cen u y. This,
as we ha e seen, had wo main esul s: i enabled him o es ablish unusual
compa isons and c ossings be ween bo h dominan colonising expe iences
in India, while also meaning ha he was no inco po a ed in ei he o he
his o iog aphies dealing wi h Po uguese and B i ish India.

in and ou o his o y 295
Si ua ed be ween hese wo adi ions – he Po uguese and he B i ish
– Ge son da Cunha was ne e ully acknowledged by ei he o hem. In a
his o ical pe iod – he second hal o he 19 h cen u y – in which di e en
Eu opean colonial go e nmen s uled India wi h he ob ious p edominance
o he B i ish, he e we e di e en na ional his o iog aphical adi ions
depending on he place whe e he w i ing was aking place and on who
was w i ing. These ended o concen a e on di e en pe iods and di e en
subjec s, and we e w i en in di e en languages, by schola s who wo ked
in di e en a chi es and quo ed di e en his o ians. Pa adoxically, as I ha e
sugges ed, i was his belonging o many places while no belonging o a single
one – he ac ha Ge son da Cunha was always on he bo de s o di e en
wo lds – ha con ibu ed o his in isibili y as a his o ian and his exclusion
om he canon, as a p oduce o knowledge on he his o y o India.
acknowledgemen s
I hank my iend Naomi Pa ke , om he Depa men o Po uguese and B azilian S udies a B own
Uni e si y, o he ho ough e ision o his ex , and I hank my dea Ge son da Cunha, an Indian s age
and ilm ac o , social wo ke , ac i is , jou nalis , au ho and ad e s ising execu i e, descendan o José
Ge son da Cunha, who om he beginning o my esea ch on his amily has been a iend and a suppo e .
____________________________________
ilipa lowndes icen e
Ins i u o de Ciências Sociais, Uni e sidade de Lisboa
A . P o . Aníbal Be encou 9 — 1600-036 Lisboa, Po ugal
ilipa. icen [email p o ec ed]lisboa.p
o cid.o g/0000-0002-3334-3064
____________________________________
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sou ces
biblio eca nazionale cen ale di i enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De
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biblio eca nazionale cen ale di i enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De
Gube na is – Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 17 (Bombay,
37 Ho nby Road, 1s Augus 1879).
biblio eca nazionale cen ale di i enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De
Gube na is – Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 20 (Bombay,
39, Ho nby Road, 1s Janua y 1880).
biblio eca nazionale cen ale di i enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De
Gube na is – Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 22 (Bombay,
39 Ho nby Road, 14 h June 1881).
biblio eca nazionale cen ale di i enze – Manosc i i – Ca eggio Angelo De
Gube na is – Co esp. José Ge son da Cunha pa a Angelo De Gube na is, n.º 23 (Bombay,
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