SAMUEL NIÓN-ÁLVAREZ
OPPIDUM VOCANT, QUIDVIS CUM VALLO ATQUE FOSSA.SOME
THOUGHTS ON OPPIDA, CENTRAL PLACES, AND SOCIAL
COMPLEXITY IN THE EUROPEAN IRON AGE
Summa y. The ollowing pape p esen s an analysis o he e m ‘oppidum’,
discussing i s alue o unde s anding social complexi y in I on Age Eu ope.
Th oughou his pape , he mos ele an deba es ega ding he oppida and hei
alue a e syn hesized om a semio ic poin o iew. Key ea u es such as u ban
planning, social hie a chies and poli ical cen aliza ion a e analysed o ame
esea ch in e ms o I on Age men ali ies and cul u al di e si y. Acco dingly,
he ‘oppidum’is assessed as a concep ual ool, weighing i s app op ia eness as
a wide- anging concep in he Eu opean I on Age. Se e al c i e ia, such as u ban
planning, he ole o memo y o eligion, and he c ea ion o la ge public and
assembly places, among o he s, a e explo ed as p oxies o social legi ima ion.
These key aspec s aim o de ine some ai s o se he oppidum as a use ul and
o ganic a chaeological e m wi hou unde mining cul u al speci ici ies.
INTRODUCTION
Since hei dissemina ion in he academic wo ld (Cunli e and Rowley 1976; Collis 1984;
Wells 1984), oppida ha e been he ocus o many o he majo discussions abou he social s uc u e
o La e I on Age communi ies. An exci ing a chaeological deba e a ound hem has eme ged in
ecen yea s (Thu s on 2009;Moo e2011; Fe nández-Gö z 2014b) add essing issues such as he
uly u ban cha ac e o se lemen s, he ex en o hei ‘poli ical cen ali y’and he legacy o old
ideological and his o iog aphical dogmas. Following his end, his pape p esen s a sys ema ic
e iew o he oppidum as an a chaeological concep , in o de o assess whe he i is s ill use ul
o he s udy o I on Age socie ies. Focusing on ecen a chaeological, his o ical and an h opological
s udies, an app oach o key elemen s like he eme gence o inequali y and/o social complexi y, he
alue o he oppidum as a cen al place, o he exis ence o a ue concep o u banism is p o e ed.
Howe e , his wo k is no ocused on iden i ying how o whe ecomplex socie ies eme ged,
bu on e lec ing abou how we a e shaping hese alleged complexi ies, emb acing a semio ic and
he meneu ic app oach o his o ical and a chaeological esea ch (Tamm 2017;Lo manand
Tamm 2019). This pape deals wi h he use o e ms as concep ual ools, conside ing ha hei scope
is de ined by ce ain p oxies o symbols ha gi e hem signi icance, alidi y, and ope abili y.
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This is an open access a icle unde he e ms o he C ea i e Commons A ibu ion-NonComme cial License, which pe mi s use, dis ibu ion and
ep oduc ion in any medium, p o ided he o iginal wo k is p ope ly ci ed and is no used o comme cial pu poses.
Acco ding o An hony Giddens (1979,4–8), i is a ma e o a ionalizing he p ocess o
unde s anding pas ac ions (he meneu ics) o ou subsequen desc ip ion o human ac i i ies
(semio ics). The e o e, concep s, as a ep esen a ion om pas eali ies, ha e no eal agency o e
pas e en s, and ei ying social en i ies should be a oided (Bou dieu 1992, 438) de e mined by s ic
laws d awn om he p esen . In his sense, his pape is no ocused on how ancien communi ies
saw oppida, bu a he on how con empo a y esea che s see hem and how we can eshape ou
knowledge.
DIGGING THE FOUNDATIONS: OPPIDA IN OUR TIMES
A chaeological esea ch has wi nessed coun less changes since Joseph Déchele e (1914)
unea hed an old e m used by Julius Caesa o de ine se e al o he g ea Gaulish se lemen s.
Oppida, since hen, ha e s ongly in luenced I on Age esea ch. This sec ion add esses he mos
ele an opics ha unde pin i s use, wi h he aim o assessing hei impac on s udies o Eu opean
p o ohis o y.
Wha does i mean o be u ban?
Theuseo he e m‘u banism’o en igge s di e en opinions on i s scope and accu acy
(Ma cus 2009; C eekmo e and Fishe 2014). Acco ding o Michael Smi h (2016,154–6), hese
issues a ise mainly om a sociological concep ualiza ion o u banism, la gely g ounded in
con empo a y Wes e n u ban models. A an academic le el, i is e lec ed in a ce ain eluc ance o
conside as ‘u ban’con ex s which, al hough showing signs o complex planning, do no con o m
o p e-es ablished canons. In Eu opean p o ohis o y, he ‘Wes e n model’is embedded in he
Medi e anean wo ld and classical ci ies (Collis 2017, 265), as hey a e conside ed he bed ock o
Wes e n ci iliza ion and, he e o e, he only o m ha can be labelled as u ban. Those pa e ns ha
do no i in ou model o u banism a e no pe cei ed as ‘ uly ci ilized’(Clas es 1989,15-16)
and, subsequen ly, no conside ed u ban. As a esul , any ‘ba ba ian own planning’is usually
compa ed o o desc ibed as an ‘imi a ion’o ‘ esidual in luence’o Medi e anean pa e ns
(Fe nández-Gö z 2017, 119), po aying a dicho omy be ween ba ba ian and ci ilized communi ies
(Wol 1982,6).
Acknowledging he complexi y o I on Age u banism has been a majo conce n o cu en
esea ch (Fe nández-Gö z 2017; Moo e 2017a;Zamboni2021). I has been a gued ha i is pe haps
mo e app op ia e o unde s and u banism om hose places ha played a cen al ole (economic,
poli ical, o eligious) in ela ion o hei hin e land, ollowing a medium-scale app oach
(Feinman 2018, 16). Acco dingly, I belie e i is app op ia e o apply he e m o any complex
se lemen ha has been consis en ly s uc u ed, planned and execu ed unde a common se o
guidelines, and showing ma ked di e ences in compa ison o u al landscapes. In his sense, i
may be help ul o adjus u banism o each con ex , as i is no possible o p opose a uni e sal and
exclusi e c i e ion o de ine wha is ‘ uly u ban’(Cowgill 2004,526).
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Cen aliza ion, decen aliza ion, and egional a ia ions: oppida as a wide- anging ool
Déchele e (1914) unde s ood oppida as ep esen a i e elemen s o he ‘g ea ci ilisa ion
o he no h o he Alps’. In some s udies, his cul u al-monoli hic ision has su i ed o he
p esen day (Fe nández-Gö z 2014a, 180), a posi ion ha has been called in o ques ion as
unde mining he analysis o social di e si y (Wool 1993, 223; Thu s on 2009, 23; Moo e 2012,
392). Indeed, his c i icism seems easonable: i is inapp op ia e o compa e, le alone equa e,
di e en socie ies, such as Ibe ian o sou he n Ge man, jus because bo h buil la ge o i ied
cen al si es.
F om his iewpoin , oppidum is no a p ope e m ei he o epi omize he only e idence
o social agg ega ion and complexi y in he I on Age: phenomena such as he Fü s ensi ze o
he la e Halls a in sou he n Ge many (Fe nández-Gö z 2017, 125) also ep esen a p ocess o
powe concen a ion alien o he dynamics o he las cen u ies o he i s millennium BC.
Mo eo e , no all p ocesses o u ban and social complexi y can be encompassed wi hin he
bounda ies o he oppida: in some cases, ce ain key spaces a e loca ed ou side he walls
(Poux 2014, 159), no o men ion he exis ence o la ge and complex se lemen s lacking an
e ec i e o i ica ion, such as Němčice o Roseldo (Holze 2014;Salač2014). Al hough
uncommon, o he s a egies o socio-poli ical complexi y can eme ge apa om he o i ied
landscape.
In addi ion, he eme gence o s a egies o poli ical cen aliza ion also needs o be
add essed. The de elopmen o cen al places can exp ess many egional di e ences. In he
T e e an egion, a ela i ely uni o m social landscape has been obse ed, de ined by la ge
se lemen s wi h complex u banism and speci ic a eas dedica ed o eligious and/o collec i e
p ac ices, each con olling i s own ne wo k o small illages (Fe nández-Gö z 2014b,388–90). In
he Lowe Rhine, dynamics o social complexi y we e ep esen ed by p ominen se lemen s
s uc u ing ne wo ks o in luence, wi h non-a chi ec u al sanc ua ies ou side he walls
(Roymans 2004; Ge i sen and Roymans 2006). Finally, he oppida o he no h-wes Ibe ian
Rías Baixas show a pa icula ly he e ogeneous mo phology and dis ibu ion, mainly ocused
on household compounds, bu making i impossible o de ine he ex en (o e en he exis ence)
o a eal hin e land (González-Ruibal 2006–07,324–8). O he egions such as sou he n
B i ain (Ga land 2020), Mo a ia (Danieliso a 2019), o he Cel ibe ian a ea (Ál a ez-Sanchís
and Ruiz Zapa e o 2019) also show di e en cul u al, social and e i o ial pa e ns in
which la ge o i ied si es we e in ol ed, esul ing in di e en s a egies o social inequali y
and poli ical cen aliza ion. Thus, se e al egions may ha e de eloped la ge se lemen s ha can
be labelled as oppida, bu i does no seem app op ia e o ga he hem all wi hin he same social
model.
Hence, i alking abou oppida hinde s he analysis o social di e si y, shall we pe haps
dismiss he e m al oge he ? In my opinion, he eal alue o he e m lies when one disca ds i s
‘social-cul u al’con en and employs i a he as a wide- anging concep ual ool. Oppida may
become a qui e ele an and wide- anging concep i we do no demand i is iewed as uni o m
in cul u al and social ai s. Howe e , many p oblems can a ise i he e m is used as a seman ic
umb ella o in es iga e cul u al speci ici ies (Cou aul 2015, 260). In his way, oppidum migh
be unde s ood as a ‘ echnology o powe ’(Foucaul 2014,52–7) ha helps o explain di e en
con ex s in which la ge o i ied cen al places and p ocesses o social inequali y eme ged
(Fe nández-Gö z 2017, 145). Focusing on inequali y and poli ical cen aliza ion highligh s a
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key di e ence be ween ‘con en ional hill o s’and oppida, as i becomes essen ial o e-signi y
he la e as one o he mos signi ican changes in he p ehis o ic landscape since he Neoli hic
(Collis 2017,266).
Con es ing hie a chies, he e a chies, and s a es
An h opological and a chaeological iews on sociopoli ical models and hie a chy ha e
expe ienced a subs an ial o e haul in ecen yea s (Blan on and Fa ghe 2016;Sco 2017; Thu s on
and Fe nández-Gö z 2021). In he same ein, I on Age s udies ha e unde gone se e al shi s om
he adi ional models, based on ‘ iangula ’s uc u es (Hill 1995), owa ds a new concep ualiza ion
o powe ela ions. Howe e , e en mo e ecen app oaches ha e aken on boa d mo e di e se o ms
o sociopoli ical o ganiza ion, ocusing on mo e Foucauldian/powe o posi ions ha s i e o
‘ la en he iangle’(Ál a ez-Sanchís and Ruiz Zapa e o 2019,226;Moo eandGonzález-
Ál a ez 2021, 127).
Howe e , admi ing some ‘in e p e a i e excesses’o adi ional Cel ic/ iangula models
should no diminish he impo ance o hie a chiza ion o inequali y in he pas . I is no a ma e
o u e ly disman ling o abandoning a discou se, bu o econs uc ing a mo e p ecise one and
cla i ying concep s ha ing pa icula ly blu ed bounda ies. An example o his may be he sub le
di e ences be ween social inequali y and hie a chy. O en conside ed as synonyms, unequal
socie ies a e de ined by he p esence o ce ain amilies o g oups ha s uc u ally hold g ea e
p es ige, e en i hey equi ed s a egies o legi imize hei ole.
Howe e , he p esence o inequali ies does no necessa ily imply a hie a chical o
cen alized model. Social hie a chiza ion may be conside ed as he exis ence o a s uc u al
collec i e ha holds ce ain p i ileges by hei e y condi ion; his does no imply he exis ence
o cen alized powe in a single lineage o indi idual, bu a he a con ex o po en ially inhe i able
s uc u al inequali y (see Godelie 1986). The e o e, i we enounce hose app oaches based
exclusi ely on powe cen alisa ion and class domina ion, iden i ying I on Age inequali ies should
no be a p oblem (Thu s on 2009,14–15).
Me ging o he dis inc concep s can pose some di icul ies. In e ms o hie a chiza ion and
cen aliza ion, poli ical cen ali y can be de ined as he con ol o e he communi ies o he
immedia e hin e land, ega dless o he s a egies o achie ing he concen a ion o powe o
economic cen aliza ion (Collis 2014, 21). Thus, decen alized socie ies wi h a high deg ee o
hie a chiza ion can be ound (e.g. he Scandina ian I on Age: Thu s on 2019). Acco dingly,
he e a chy and hie a chy may be compa ible in e ms o he poli ical s a egies hey in ol e.
Al hough he e a chy has been unde s ood om exclusi ely egali a ian ocuses (c . Cu ás Re ojos
and Sas e 2019), he e m, in ac , conce ns how powe can be managed h ough collec i e ac ions,
and i may be consis en wi h di e en deg ees o inequali y (C umley 1995). Indeed, assemblies
and collec i e decision-making may coexis wi h deeply hie a chical socie ies, as was he case in
Scandina ia (Semple and Sanma k 2013). In a simila way, he eme gence o ma kedly hie a chical
models (o e en s a e-like ones, as happened in I on Age G eek ci y-s a es: Polignac 1995,150–5)
may ha e a isen o legi imize and ein o ce he au ho i y o ce ain powe collec i es and hei
s a egies o in a-g oup solida i y.
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In his sense o he e m, acing he e a chical s a egies in he a chaeological eco d may be
pa icula ly di icul (Feinman e al.2000, 450). Howe e , cla i ying di e en ways o unnelling
social ela ions pe mi s us o unde s and di e en ways o legi imizing and en o cing powe , helping
o d aw a mul i ace ed po ai o he oppida.
WHAT IT MEANS TO BE AN OPPIDUM: REBUILDING LARGE FORTIFIED CENTRAL PLACES
This sec ion analyses and classi ies he mos signi ican elemen s cons i u ing an oppidum.
The esul s should no be su p ising o any I on Age esea che . They do no sugges
g ound-b eaking keys o unde s and p ocesses o social inequali y and complexi y, bu collec and
aise he mos ele an ma e s ela ed o he eme gence o complex o i ied se lemen s ac oss
he Eu opean I on Age, so e ashioning he oppida as a wide- anging and mul i-laye ed concep .
U ban planning and public buildings
Town planning may be he mos ep esen a i e elemen o cen al places. Apa om being
walled, oppida equi e he se lemen o be buil as a uni and unde well-de ined pa ame e s. As
men ioned abo e, hese pa ame e s may di e om ou concep ion o u ban, and i may be
necessa y o explo e p e-capi alis iews o u ban o con ex ualize and ponde i s eme gence. An
appa en ly s aigh o wa d and measu able issue as size, o ins ance, depends wholly on scale:
se lemen s such as San Cib ao de Lás (abou 11–12 ha: Ál a ez González e al.2018)mays and
as a p ime example o he no h-wes Ibe ian cen al place (whe e se lemen s usually do no exceed
1–2 ha: Pa ce o-Oubiña and Nión-Ál a ez 2021, 10), al hough i may seem seconda y in
compa ison o he 500 hec a es o Bib ac e (Rieckho 2014) o Manching (Wendling and
Winge 2014). I espec i e o which was he bigges o mos powe ul, he ques ion is o iden i y
he exis ence o cen al places and o assess hei in luence ac oss hei hin e lands.
U ban planning can be analysed using mul iple s a egies, bu iden i ying he agency o
powe collec i es (o ‘ op-down’p ocesses: Smi h 2010,150–2) h ough cons uc i e s a egies
may be pa icula ly ewa ding. In con as o an ‘o ganic and neighbou hood- ela ed’bo om-up
p ocesses, op-down ones e lec p e-de e mined u ban pa e ns in planning. Some s a egies may
be aced h ough elemen s such as he delimi a ion o he own layou in dis ic s; he s uc u ing
o p ede ined and clea ly di e en ia ed uses o he space; o he a icula ion o public, assembly,
ci ic o ce emonial spaces (Peel 2000;Smi h2008). These elemen s, as al eady sugges ed in oppida
o no h-wes Ibe ia, such as El iña o San Cib ao (Nión-Ál a ez 2021, 445), hin a a g ea e
agency in es ablishing con ol o e he communi y.
‘Connec i e in as uc u es’(Smi h 2016,160–1), such as u ban and in e -u ban
in e connec ions, wa e canals o la ge i iga ion s uc u es, may o en be an in e es ing ma ke o
op-down p ocesses. Among hese, de ence and access sys ems hold a p ima y ole in he
de elopmen o oppida. In addi ion o showing a de ini e capaci y o o ganize and mobilize he
wo k o ce, hei symbolic in luence demons a ing a clea communi y e hos mus also be conside ed
as a key elemen (Rals on 2006; Fich l 2010), wi hou aking away om, o cou se, hei de ensi e
ole (A mi 2007). This symbolism can be enhanced h ough exp essions such as i ual deposi s,
usually ound in ansi o access a eas. These deposi s a e usually de ined by he accumula ion o
li es ock emains (especially, ho ses, a pa icula ly symbolic animal in he Eu opean I on Age:
G een 1992,20–1), weapons and/o damaged o namen s. These deposi s a e common in egions
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such as eas e n Ibe ia (see La Bas ida de Les Alcusses: Vi es-Fe ándiz Sánchez e al.2015)o
Ge many (see Manching: Von Nicolai 2014). Fu he mo e, as sugges ed by he Bib ac e en ances
(Rieckho 2014), he symbolism embedded in i s e y a chi ec u al s uc u ing should also be
conside ed.
Likewise, la ge public spaces o collec i e/cul u al use ha e been unde s ood as key
elemen s o he legi ima ion o powe and he s uc u ing o collec i e iden i ies (Me zle e al.2006;
Fe nández-Gö z and Roymans 2015). Collec i e spaces a e common in oppida o many egions:
Co en o Bib ac e in Gaul (Poux 2014), Ma be g o Manching in Sou he n Ge many
(Wendling 2013), Ti elbe g in he Mosel egion (Me zle e al.2016), and San Cib ao in
no h-wes Ibe ia (Ál a ez González e al.2018). These examples show a ema kable capaci y o
mobilize and manage wo k o ces in ac i i ies o socio-poli ical in e es s, in addi ion o hei alue
as agg ega ion places (see below).
A las no ewo hy ea u e conce ns he household. Despi e some excep ions
(Ge i sen 2007), he s udy o he domes ic sphe e o he oppida has been mainly ocused on
an h opological o ex ual app oaches (Fe nández-Gö z 2014a,228–30). Household a chaeology
has played a mino ole, which is unde s andable conside ing he exis ence o se e al examples
o ‘low-densi y u banism’(Moo e 2017b) ha hin a a lesse p esence o s able domes ic ac i i y
(Fig. 1). Acco dingly, i may no be su p ising ha mos o he s udies ega ding he domes ic
sphe e we e ca ied ou in se lemen s o he Ibe ian peninsula (Vi es-Fe ándiz Sánchez 2013;
González-Ruibal and Ruiz-Gál ez P iego 2016) o sou h-eas Gaul (Die le e al.2008), whe e a
highe popula ion p essu e seems o be p esen . In any case, he analysis o he domes ic space
FIGURE 1
Compa ing ‘low-densi y’(Bib ac e: Moo e 2017b,293)wi h‘high-densi y’u banism (San Cib ao de Lás: P ie o Ma ínez
e al.2017,402).
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has g ea po en ial o iden i y s a egies o in e nal di e en ia ion, as i becomes he ‘basic cell’o
socio-poli ical o ganiza ion (S eadman 2015).
A join analysis o all a chi ec u al exp essions may be key o deciphe ing di e en ways o
inhabi ing o i ied landscapes. A ep esen a i e example can be assessed h ough wo
con empo a y and nea by si es om no h-wes Ibe ia: Bo nei o and El iña. Al hough bo h display
simila exp essions wi hin he domes ic sphe e (Nión-Ál a ez 2023b), hey show se e al di e ences
in own planning. Bo nei o p o ides some signs o in e nal inequali y among households, bu i s
o ganic layou and he lack o public spaces e lec s ep esen a i e ea u es o a ‘equally sha ed’
hill o ; El iña, howe e , sugges s well-s uc u ed planning h ough op-down s a egies, displaying
a clea ly hie a chical and di ec ed pe cep ion o public space (Nión-Ál a ez 2023a). This pai de ine
he di e ence be ween a ‘common’ o i ied illage and a eal oppidum.
Collec i e iden i ies, eligion, and poli ical s uc u e
The alue o eligion and collec i e memo y ha e been ecen ly eassessed as a key
phenomenon in s uc u ing socie ies (Assmann 2011; Godelie 2014; Feinman 2016). Religion, as
Mau ice Bloch (2008) s a ed, may no be ‘special’, bu i is always cen al in he social and poli ical
sphe e. Ma k Aldende e (2010,87–92) a gues ha eligion ope a es as an ‘enable ’, legi ima ing
social dynamics o ien ed owa ds a s uc u ally unequal sys em, s eng hening he posi ion o powe
collec i es and p omo ing clien -pa on ne wo ks and ins i u ions (Feinman and Douglas P ice 2010,
4). In his sense, eligion may no be a coe ci e agen , bu a ‘social adhesi e’, essen ial o de elop
s a egies o sel -adsc ip ion, cohesion and legi ima ion o powe (Whi ehouse 2012).
The connec ion be ween eligion and powe has been emphasized in he s udy o oppida in
ecen yea s (Fe nández-Gö z and Roymans 2015; S egmaie 2017; López-Mondéja 2018). Manuel
Fe nández-Gö z (2017,184–6) has sugges ed ha he genesis o se lemen o mul iple Eu opean
oppida was ounded on spaces p e iously used as cul o assembly a eas. This associa ion o hese
kind o spaces and hei key ole in he s uc u e o oppida hasbeen epo edin egionssuchas he
Lowe Rhine (Ge i sen and Roymans 2006), sou he n Ge mania (S egmaie 2017), he Gaulish
A e nii (Poux 2006) and sou h-eas Gaul (Golose i 2014). Al hough eligion may ha e played a
simila ole, i s exp essions a ied among egions: in he Mosel egion, la ge collec i e spaces we e
also used o pe o ming i uals (Fe nández-Gö z 2014b,290–3); in sou h-eas Gaul, he
eoccupa ion and ein e p e a ion o old s elae emples, p e iously ‘des oyed and desac alized’
(Golose i 2014, 61), has been obse ed; in he Lowe Rhine, cul places de ined and shaped
iden i ies ollowing he necessi ies o new eli e g oups (Roymans 2004,18–22). These di e ences
show no able in e - egional a ia ions in hei physical exp ession, acing di e se in e ac ions
be ween eligion, powe , and cul u e.
Wo ship and assembly places we e also ela ed o collec i e memo y in o de o s eng hen
social cohesion. As a collec i e iden i y encompasses a se o people p o essing common
pe cep ions (Assmann, 2011,123–5), i is p one o be eshaped by any powe collec i e ha
cons uc s an in eg a i e cul u al amewo k h ough an e hno-poli ical iden i y (Assmann 2011,
136–8). Thus, eligion eme ges as a key elemen : i uels s a egies o sel -adsc ip ion by se ing
up an an agonism and so p o ides a amewo k o iden i y who is pa o you communi y and
who is no . In his way is highligh ed bo h he symbolic cons uc i e na u e o he communi y
(Cohen 1985,97–9) wi h a s ong inpu om i s pas iden i y, and he key ole o eligion and
memo y as agen s o collec i e sel -asc ip ion and social cohesion. The eapp op ia ion and
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managemen o he collec i e pas may be pa icula ly di icul o iden i y om ma e ial sou ces. I
has been mos ly aced om holis ic app oaches in ol ing mul iple lines o e idence (Ge i sen and
Roymans 2006; Fe nández-Gö z and Roymans 2015;Zamboni2021). In his sense, unde s anding
he ole o collec i e iden i ies is o g ea help in delinea ing s a egies o social domina ion and
enhancing he ole o eligion as a key agen o cul u al adsc ip ion.
S uc u ing powe and economy
As discussed abo e, eligion has ecen ly begun o displace economy as a key ac o in
de ining he beginning and s uc u ing o oppida (Fich l e al.2000; Fe nández-Gö z 2014b;
Fe nández-Gö z and Roymans 2015). Howe e , his does no emo e he ole o economy, bu
coun e s any endency o impose i s p esen concep ualiza ion on he pas (Giddens 1979,
110–14). An economy is buil on i s social con ex (Bou dieu 1992,64–6), no p opelled by
uni e sal ules o economic a ionali ies based on p esen pe cep ions (Sahlins, 1972, 288). In many
cases, socio-economic de elopmen is no an enable o hie a chies and cen al places, bu a
consequence o hem (G aebe 2001,9).
As men ioned abo e, economic e idence sugges s he exis ence o se lemen s wi h a high
poli ical agency. Se e al oppida show conside able economic ac i i y wi h specialized p oduc ion
a eas (Roymans 2004,23–4; Buchsenschu z and Rals on 2012; Fe nández-Gö z 2014a,305–8).
Also no ewo hy is he de elopmen o economic cen es, such as hose ha min coins, as well
as he c ea ion, dissemina ion, and s anda diza ion o ce ain p oduc s, like i eous b acele s
(Roymans e al.2014). Though no all oppida ope a ed as p oduc ion cen es, his does no mean
ha hey we e ‘less cen al’. The p esence o p oduc ion a eas is no as ele an as he capaci y o
con ol he social and economic capi al gene a ed in he hin e land. Thus, egions such as Bohemia
show a highe concen a ion o p es ige goods in open se lemen s han in cen al loca ions
(Salač2014). Cen al places also end o manage hose aspec s essen ial o con olling clien
ne wo ks: in he Lowe Rhine, he e is a wide dispe sion o coinage in u al a eas, al hough hey
we e only min ed in a ew u ban cen es (Ge i sen and Roymans 2006, 264), p obably as a
consequence o he comi a us social sys em (Roymans 2004,12–22).
On he o he hand, he Cel ibe ian Vaccean case illus a es he compa ibili y o he oppida
wi h appa en ly ‘simple’economic s a egies. Acco ding o he w i ings o Diodo us Siculus, he
dis ibu ion o land in he Vaccean se lemen s was collec i e wi h no con ol exe cised o e i s
use o access (Sánchez Mo eno 1998, 83); e en so, his does no p eclude he p esence o e idence
sugges ing social di e en ia ion (Ál a ez-Sanchís and Ruiz Zapa e o 2019). As Alain Tes a (2004,
81–109) a gues, he con ol and dis ibu ion o land is no a uni e sal ac o in he s uc u ing o
inequali ies: in some cases, i is i ele an , e en wi hin s a i ied socie ies.
These ma e s p o ide new challenges in he ecogni ion o economic p io i ies and hei
exp ession and in luence how we shape social inequali ies. La ge o i e deposi s o piles o
luxu ious i ems may no be wi ness o an exe cise o me e accumula ion, bu he esul o a s a egy
o in es men and exhibi ion in e ms o p o ing and asse ing s a us. Gi ing away p es ige objec s
can indica e a p e e ence o ecogni ion and epu a ion o e a desi e o accumula e weal h, jus as
he Tlingi and Haida peoples do when hey bu n and des oy hei po la ch blanke s as a sign o
os en a ion (Godelie 1996,147–61).
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Managemen o in e ac ion and exchange ne wo ks in medium and long- e m dis ances
Finally, he capaci y o con ol in e ac ion ne wo ks on a medium and la ge scale should be
men ioned. Many oppida demons a e a ema kable capaci y o channelling ma e ials and ideas
om he Medi e anean wo ld. This abili y has been usually unde s ood om a G eco-Roman a he
han indigenous pe spec i e. Be o e he Roman conques , o eign objec s a e no an exp ession o
any cul u al o e lapping wi h he Medi e anean model, bu he ou come o I on Age popula ions
selec ing he objec s ha in e es ed hem and disca ding o he s (Die le 2010,56–7). This is
pe ec ly exempli ied in Gaul, whe e impo s o wine was pa icula ly widesp ead, while p oduc s
such as oli e oil we e u ned down (Die le 2010,206).
In ac , accep ing o ejec ing Medi e anean p oduc s can also be an in e es ing c i e ion by
which o iden i y social s a egies on a local scale. The sp ead o impo ed goods and wine ampho ae
may be pa icula ly coinciden wi h p ocesses o social inequali y. In no h-wes Ibe ia, he as
majo i y o Medi e anean goods a e sp ead along he coas , especially in he sou h (Na ei o
López 1991), ma ching a eas o g ea e sociopoli ical complexi y (González-Ruibal 2012,260–2)
and he p esence o oppida (Nión-Ál a ez e al.2021, 130) (Fig. 2), while hey a e comple ely
absen in mos inland egions, de ined mo e by hei undi ided e hos and au a chic economy
(González Ga cía 2017, 298). A simila phenomenon can be seen wi h he Ne ii o no h Gaul,
whose indi e ence o wine and o eignmanne s was no ed by Julius Caesa (Fe nández-Gö z 2014a,
260). In ac , he a chaeological eco d e lec s a highe densi y o wine ampho ae in egions wi h
g ea e socio-poli ical complexi y (Lough on 2003). The speci ics o consump ion, in his sense,
a e po en ially ep esen a i e o ce ain cul u al dynamics and social o ganiza ion.
Ma e ial e idence o in e ac ion ne wo ks, especially in e ms o alcohol and p es ige
goods, is also ep esen a i e o he ab ic o many la ge, o i ied si es. Howe e , he dimension
o ma e ial in e ac ions is no an exclusi ely economic issue. Émile Ben enis e (1983,90–5)
s essed ha economic e ms such as ‘ ade’do no exis in he Indo-Eu opean language, as hey
we e concei ed o la e in he con ex o s a es and ins i u ionalized socie ies. The exis ence o
i e ine and coas al ne wo ks migh be use ul o map po en ial in luences, bu i does no explain
pe se why some goods a e accep ed while o he s a e no . O he di e en and seconda y possibili ies
a e wo h explo ing: he abili y o con ol and manage in e ac ion ne wo ks bes ows an ‘added
alue’(Helms 1988,123–4) on he p es ige o owning exo ic objec s, and ideas.
Finally, he ole o wine as a ool o social con ol and poli ical legi ima ion canno be
passed o e . In p o ohis o ic communi ies, wine has been acknowledged as a key ac o o social
di e en ia ion bo h in classical (Wool 1998, 77) and ma e ial sou ces (Poux 2004). Alcohol has
been commonly used as a ool o social con ol: ob aining i and o e ing i o a mobilized
wo k o ce engaged in speci ic ac i i ies ha p omo e p es ige and powe (Die le 1990,380–90).
The simila employmen o alcohol in he communi y should be conside ed, beyond i s symbolic
use in speci ic eas and collec i e e en s (Die le and Hayden 2001;Hayden2018). Alcohol
p esen s a ema kable po en ial as a ool o legi ima ing powe asymme ies, being usually ela ed
o unequal dynamics h oughou he Eu opean I on Age (Fig. 3).
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Oppida ha e been a key elemen in he esea ch o he Ea ly I on Age since i s beginning.
Despi e some laws and conce ns, I conside i o be a use ul his o ical and a chaeological concep ,
bu i is essen ial o be awa e o some ese a ions. F om a semio ic poin o iew, ca e ul choice o
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