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Ibolya Czibe e
Women in u ban po e y in Hunga y
Maids and women wo ke s in he labou ma ke be o e 1945
The economic and social ansi ion caused by he indus ial e olu ion a he end o he 19 h
cen u y has b ough abou se e al changes in Hunga y. The de elopmen o in as uc u e and
anspo a ion enabled women o access new job oppo uni ies, o abandon adi ional
communi ies and o y new ways o li ing.
The s a us o maids
In Hunga y, keeping maids con inued o be a social cus om and e en be ween he wo wo ld
wa s a ec ed a la ge numbe o people. Acco ding o Gyáni (2003), wo king as a maid was a
dis inc ly u ban job. This was a cha ac e is ic phenomenon in Hunga y, especially in he
capi al. Du ing he p ocess in which an inc easing p opo ion o socie y became bou geois,
mo e and mo e middle-class o ice s, lea ned people, indus ialis s and me chan s s a ed o
keep maids. “[Fo ] he e ol ing bou geoisie ha ing maids had become a s a us symbol, hey
we e ea ed in a condescending, de ini e and loud manne o make social dominance el ;
ladies p e ending o be noble expec ed hand-kissing, i le, o be add essed poli ely, while
maids we e add essed by hei i s names and migh had been subjec s o discipline in
ex eme cases. Maids did no ha e ad ocacy o ganiza ions, [bu ] a e a ime, insu ance and
pa ien assis ance companies ied o help hem. Only ew maids u ilized he se ices o
employmen agencies, he majo i y o hem accep ed e bal [labo ] con ac s; hey we e so
isola ed ha hey had been mo e ulne able han any o he g oups o socie y” (Paládi
Ko ács–Sá kány–Szilágyi 2000). Maids we e almos en i ely women. This ype o se ice
was he easies accessible job o women in u ban a eas and especially in Budapes . A
signi ican p opo ion o women we e wo king as a maid. This phenomenon also s ongly
induced immig a ion. In Budapes (and o he ci ies as well), maid gi ls we e almos
exclusi ely immig an s. Acco ding o Gyáni, “we can s a e i in gene al ha in Budapes ,
du ing he bou geois e a, he posi ion o maids and se an s was he mos gene al
employmen oppo uni y o women” (Gyáni 1987: 26). This ype o job was empo a y in
mos cases. Women s a ed o wo k as maids a ound he age o 15-20 and con inued o wo k
un il hey go ma ied. As a esul , ma ied maids we e e y a e. The majo i y o hem we e
coming om poo peasan , c a smen o ag icul u al p ole a amilies wi h a high numbe o
child en. I was gene ally po e y ha o ced hem o unde ake his ype o employmen .
The e we e also o he s o whom going o ci ies was he only way o escape om he
physically mo e demanding peasan li e (Paládi Ko ács–Sá kány–Szilágyi 2000). Acco ding
o he social ules o ha e a maids we e seen as being dependen on hei mas e : “maids,
om he e y beginning o hei se ice, ell unde he ules o domes ic disciplina y law,
hei employe s con olled hei e e y single mani es a ion o li e. Acco ding o domes ic
disciplina y law, physical punishmen was an accep ed ool o sanc ioning. Maids, unde he
du a ion o employmen , we e pe sonally subo dina ed o hei mas e s o he ex en ha hey
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we e no e en conside ed o be sepa a e legal en i ies, hei s a us was simila o ha o
someone placed unde gua dianship” (Gyáni 2003: 339).
The majo i y o domes ic maids had been wo king unde con inuous and di ec con ol.
Nei he hei wo king ime, no hei job i les we e de ined speci ically (Paládi Ko ács–
Sá kány–Szilágyi 2000). The majo i y o hem wo ked om ea ly mo ning un il la e nigh as
a do-all se an . Maid women’s ulne abili y made eminis s o igh o women’s igh s.
Feminis p o es ed agains hei ea men , agains hei mas e ’s unlimi ed powe o e hem,
agains hei sla e y and ough o hei human digni y. The con empo a y p ess made a local
uling o 1907 om Kapos á popula . Feminis s, howe e objec ed o ha decision o he
cou by claiming ha i was e en mo e se e e han he 12 d enac men o 1876 on he gene al
ules o domes ic se an s. The mos c i icized poin s o his uling we e hose ha , om
p ima ily mo al conside a ions, limi ed women’s igh s o be ee.
These es ic ions s ipula ed ha mas e s could no ole a e hei maids’ “immo al” conduc
and we e compelled o epo ha o he au ho i ies o we e also subjec ed o punishmen .
This egula ion os e ed mas e s o keep a keen eye on hei maids. They ended o employ a
ha sh judgmen on hei ac i i ies. Ano he ule p ohibi ed emale maids o walk on he s ee s
a e 9pm. Women igno ing ha egula ion isked o being called o be a oaming maid.
Roaming maids – acco ding o he enac men – we e o be collec ed by police and examined
by a doc o . A house o maids was also o de ed o be es ablished. The police con inuously
moni o ed i . Female maids wi hou a place o sleep we e o ced o s ay he e. They we e
allowed o lea e i only wi h pe mission, only in day ime and only o sho in e als. Using
he p ess o le hei oices hea d eminis made un o he ci y-leading men who ea ed hei
emale maids wi h supe io i y and indi e ence: “you wise alde men […] accep ed his
p oposal in ull ex en . Unanimously. Wi hou [conduc ing] a single deba e. A e discussing
he amoun o du y on ca lub ican s o be se o 2 o 3 ille o hou s. They did no ha e a
wo d abou he maid egula ion, no a commen o he smalles amendmen ” (A nő és a
á sadalom /The woman and socie y/ 1907: 38). Feminis ega ded his igh o be b u al,
incompa ible wi h human digni y and hono , and made b eak h ough sugges ions. They
sugges ed abolishing he concep “maid” and, simila ly o o he indus ial wo ke s allowing
hese women be ee employees. “The concep o “maid” should be e ased om he legal
code, hose ha a e called oday maids should be ee wo ke s simila ly o o he s and he
ela ionship be ween employe s and employees – independen o he na u e o wo k – should
be cha ac e ized by egula ions based on equali y be o e he law. I he wo k a ound he
house and amily equi es special ac ions o be aken, hese should no be conside ed di e en
om hose ha a e based on se ice o job con ac s. Accep ing domes ic disciplina y law o
unpunished libels is no app op ia e o jus i ied agains maids o anybody else ha unde ook
du ies o se ice bu no hono , human digni y, physical in eg i y o sel -es eem” (100).
In ou iew his special g oup o women expe ienced he me ging o hei wo king and p i a e
li e. They had o unde ake hei du ies by wo king in o he amilies han hei own in he
en i onmen domina ed by pa ia chal alues. As a esul , in an eme ging bou geois socie y
hey we e o ced o li e in he leas bou geois li ing condi ions.
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The s a us o impo e ished indus ial wo ke women
The o he segmen o u ban eminine po e y in ol ed indus ial women wo ke s in Hunga y.
Fo decades, hei p opo ion among wo ke s has only slowly inc eased and o a long pe iod
i has emained minimal. In he i s phase o he indus ial e olu ion in Hunga y, he
p opo ion o indus ial women wo ke s among he wo ke s has con inued o emain small.
Acco ding o he 1880 census, he a io o women among indus ial wagewo ke s was only
10%. A ha ime, only obacco and suga , b ick and ile ac o ies employed women in
signi ican numbe s (Lackó quo ed by Paládi Ko ács–Sá kány–Szilágyi 2000). As he au ho s
desc ibe i , wo k s a ed a 4-5 am in b ick ac o ies. Women and gi ls d essed in di y and
o n clo hes ca ied mud and ound some es lying on s aw o in di y dens. In hese days,
he majo i y ype o women wo ke s we e no wo king wi h machines bu we e emale day-
oile s in obacco, suga and b ick ac o ies. Acco ding o s a is ics, emale amily membe s,
i.e., wi es and daugh e s o indus ial wo ke s we e o ced o unde ake jobs o a la ge ex en
han o he emale membe s o o he social g oups. This was mo e common in ac o ies o
Budapes and ci ies o he Small Hunga ian Plain (especially a ex ile, suga and can
indus ies) han i was in he no he n indus ial egion. Se e al ac o s played a pa in
o cing wo ke amilies in o ype o employmen . Among hese ac o s he po e y o single
mo he s has emained and i is well known e en oday. This phenomenon was no hing special
in ha e a ei he . A ha ime women go in o ha condi ion p ima ily by he dea h,
immig a ion o disabili y o he householde and as a esul , hey had o unde ake jobs a
wha e e cos . Acco ding o B aun (1909), e en me allu gies we e ying o o e jobs o
such women wo ke s. In hese wo ke amilies, child en we e o en le una ended by
pa en s. Howe e , i was ypical ha elde siblings o nice neighbo s ook ca e o younge
child en. This p o ided huge suppo o hese amilies which we e, by his way we e able o
secu e hei li ing. In 1908 a epo was published
1
in which F eund, desc ibing he s a us o
women wo ke s a obacco ac o ies no ed: “ his ype o po e y igu es should eally be
conside ed wice as high, as his include women wo ke s who a e employed by he s a e. I
wan ed o poin ou o his unjus , uncon olled economic ep ession and exploi a ion o
women” (F eund 1908: 97).
Wha does his pic u e look like? Depending on when hey could comple e he daily equi ed
labou s anda ds hese poo , unskilled women wo ke s wo ked 9, 10 o 11 hou s a day.
Wo king condi ions included places whe e windows we e no opened o weeks, and, as a
esul , he ai was s u y, muggy and illed wi h u mos il h. The e we e no inspec o s a
ac o ies, and as a esul , hese women we e wo king in inhumane condi ions. Men we e
employed only in posi ions ha equi ed e y demanding wo k. Apa om hese jobs, almos
he en i e p oduc ion p ocess was pe o med by women. Supe iso s ook ad an age o
women’s ulne abili y a almos all le els, ha included a daily ou ine o employing
insul ing language and applying physical abuse ( o example, logging). Women who qui
hei jobs because o he in ole able condi ions, unbea able heal h condi ions and low wages
called ac o ies “gophe ca che s” and acco ding o F eund, “ hey we e eady o s a e a he
han o con inue wo king he e”. Thei sexual and mo al ulne abili y was high, hei po e y
1
The woman and socie y, 1908, ol. 2. No. 6.
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made hem ole a e con inuous ha assmen and bullying, and he in imida ion o woman
wo ke s p e en ed such scandalous conduc s o become public.
A simila si ua ion was desc ibed by Samuel Gompe s in 1909
2
when he po ayed mo a
ca ie women in Budapes : “The e is, o example he mo a ca ie woman in Budapes .
The spec acles she o e s while doing he job is simila o a d a ho se. On ba e ee , she is
walking on ladde s o climbing up boa ds o he op loo s o new buildings. This spec acle
de ini ely canno be pe pe ua ed on pho os, no is i possible o ind he a place among he
pho o se ies ca ego izing indus ial wo ke s. He wide legs end in c us y ee ha esembles
o pigskin, some hing ha co e s ou a eling packs, he oenails a e black and dingy om
ubbing hem o b icks and gi de s. He legs a e ba e up o he knees; she is li ing hem like
a mule, she is aking ca e ul bu de ini e s eps as she walks up ha single boa d o gi de .
He wais is hunchbacked; he head is co e ed wi h a no e y clean bu b igh -colo ed
ke chie . He acial ea u es do no show any hing special excep o he unde eloped b ain;
he mo es a e no powe ul, which seems na u al o he obse e i you ake he sex – and
indeed, his is a woman! – and he p obable quali y o he nu i ion in o conside a ion”
(Gompe s 1974: 123).
We ha e no w i en abou hose women who ied o o e come hei po e y by selling hei
bodies, who we e walking on he s ee s day and nigh , some imes in g oups. In he shiny
ca es ha we e loud o gipsy music, hese women we e conside ed o be – acco ding o
Gompe s – “accesso ies like whi e able clo h o he wai e wea ing ail coa s”. I is no by
acciden ha o a long ime, up un il 1907, women we e no allowed o wo k as wai esses is
ca es as his job could ha e easily been associa ed wi h he p o ision o sexual se ice (Nagy
1996). Gompe s es ima ed he numbe o women ha “one-day, made a de e mined choice
be ween being an hones ag o a mo a ca ie o a shiny accesso y, o pa iah”. Howe e , he
also no ed ha he li e o poo women is s ill mise able ei he way.
Du ing Wo ld Wa I, he numbe o women employed in gun ac o ies g ew mos apidly;
hey we e wo king wi h machines (p ima ily wi h la hes) a ha ime wo king in ex emely
demanding jobs (B esz o szky 1974). A ha ime ( he 1910s), some ac i i ies became
eminized, women ou numbe ed men in nume ous ields o he labou ma ke . Howe e ,
egis ies om ha ime indica ed signi ican inequali y in e ms o wages o women s epping
in o men’s posi ions. Women ea ned only a ac ion o he sala ies o hei men p edecesso s:
“Women comple ely supe seded men in can ac o ies p oducing canis e s. The numbe o men
excluded om can ac o ies in Budapes was o e 400. The numbe o women who we e
unde aking asks ha had p e iously been pe o med by men was a ound 600-650. Women’s
wages o 50-60%, o in many cases 75% less han wo king men’s. Women did no e en ha e
a wo d when hey ea ned 3.5 Hunga ian ko onas in a job ha paid p e iously 10 Hunga ian
ko onas o he same wo k. Pe haps he saddes cases in his espec a e he ammuni ion
ac o y in Csepel, he can ac o y and he lamp ac o y in Kőbánya. Since women employed in
2
He isi ed Budapes in1909b as he p esiden o he Ame ican Fede a ion o Labou and summed up his
expe iences in a sec ion o his book en i led Labou in Eu ope and Ame ica.
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hese ac o ies mos ly came om a social backg ound in which he concep o sel -
o ganiza ion was no oo ed sel -o ganizing mo emen s we e only slowly g ew he e.
Employe s knew his and ob iously ook ad an age o his” (B esz o szky 1974: 2). In o he
wo ds, we can see ha when, swi ching o mili a y p oduc ion in he economy inc eased he
demand o labou , mo e and mo e women could go o ci ies and go employed as unskilled
wo ke s. Tha si ua ion g an ed immedia e inancial p o i o ac o y owne s. They made use
o he oppo uni ies he new si ua ion o e ed o hem and au oma ically employed women in
much less a o able condi ions han men p e iously. Acco ding o na ional s a is ics,
women’s employmen in he Ho hy e a s a ed o g ew s eadily, and by 1941, i eached 23%
(Gyáni 2003). This mean ha masses o women a ha ime we e no employed exclusi ely
as maids in u ban a eas, which was he case be o e he Wo ld Wa , bu we e employed as
unskilled labou women wo ke s in he indus y, oo. By his ime i had become ob ious ha
he sala y o he b eadwinne is no su icien o co e ing he needs o wo ke amilies.
Acco ding o a epo om ha e a, many hough ha he inc easing numbe o women
wo ke s was only he esul o he wa , which was supposed o dec ease when he wa will be
o e . Ins ead o his howe e , hei numbe con inually g ew and a a as e pace han men’s.
Acco ding o jou nalis s his phenomenon in Hunga y was due o special causes
3
: p ima ily,
o he e olu ion o he ex ile indus y, o he imp o emen o he spinning and wea ing
indus y, which employed masses o skilled women and day- oile s. The inc easing numbe o
emale skilled labo e s was only cha ac e is ic o he ex ile indus y and he numbe o
emale day- oile s was ising only in he spinning and wea ing indus y in his pe iod. The
eme gence o his phenomenon has u he b ough abou by he ac ha “capi alis s
employed unskilled, uneduca ed, hus uno ganized wo k o ce o ill acancies. I was easy o
ind uno ganized day- oile s and emale wo ke s. The ag icul u al c isis o ced wo ke s o
ind u ban wo k o a g ea e deg ee han e e be o e. This is how ag icul u al c isis,
indus ializa ion, a ionaliza ion, he low wages o b eadwinne s, he de elopmen o he
spinning and wea ing indus y was in e wea ing wi h he o ganiza ional, poli ical and
ac ical issues o he wo king class” (Li án 1974: 245).
Gyula Rézle ca ied ou some esea ch on ex ile ac o ies in 1942, and he depic s he
si ua ion o poo women wo ke s inside he ac o y and he inequali ies be ween men and
women. To unde s and he causes o inequali ies, we need o examine he special social g oup
o ex ile ac o y wo ke s. The s uc u e o hei g oup was de ined by he di e en skills and
expe ise o he wo ke s
4
. A he op o he hie a chy, he ound skilled wo ke s. He called
hem ex ile mas e s since hey we e he middle manage s o p oduc ion and hei p opo ion
among wo ke s was abou 9%. The middle s a um o he hie a chy was made up by semi-
skilled labo e s, being he mos popula ed g oup, gi ing abou 70% o he wo ke s. The
bo om s a a included day ale s (unskilled wo ke s) who pe o med ac i i ies no equi ing
expe ise o aining bu only physical s eng h.
3
The calenda o he New Ma ch magazine, 1929
4
Rézle men ions he ac o y as Kamme ac o y.
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A di e en ype o s uc u e could also be se up on he base o dis ibu ion o labou by
gende di e ences. In he ac o y examined, wice as much woman wo ked han men (800
women and 400 men), ha is, wo- hi d o wo ke s we e emales. I was no ha , bu a he
he opposi e was a cha ac e is ic ea u e o indus ial ac o ies, i.e. only one- hi d o wo ke s
we e women. Rézle hough ha his is no a special si ua ion as wo k a ex ile ac o ies sui s
bes women’s skills (no o men ion “ he psychological associa ions o he ex ile indus y o
he emale gende ”), hus his e e sed a io was no a su p ising one. O he h ee aining-
based job ca ego ies, he one in ol ing semi-skilled labou was belie ed o be he mos
sui able o women. This was pe ec ly implemen ed a he ex ile ac o y as 87% o women
wo ke s we e employed in his ca ego y. Acco ding o Rézle his was a ele an si ua ion as
“ he asks o semi-skilled wo ke s […] do no equi e special aining o expe ise, which
would be achie able among women wo ke s in a mo e di icul way because o hei sex and
social ela ionships. I is no insigni ican howe e ha his job ca ego y does no equi e
physical s eng h. […] Wha is mo e, his job needs p ecision, me iculous a en ion, so
ouch, handc a and hese a e all eminine cha ac e is ics a he han masculine ones” (Rézle
1974: 386). Gende disad an ages and s e eo ypes may be ound in o he con ex s as well –
ou o he 800 women wo ke s, 700 we e employed as semi-skilled wo ke s and he emaining
100 wo ked as unskilled wo ke s. Howe e , we canno ind women among skilled labo e s, a
he op o he hie a chy, in he eli e o he wo king class. On he con a y, he dis ibu ion o
male wo ke s a he ac o y was a mo e balanced, p opo ional one, ha ing almos one- hi d in
each ca ego y.
Rézle men ioned ano he ype o disad an age o emale wo ke s su e ed in compa ison o
male wo ke s: he wages o he la e ’s been much highe han ha o he o me ’s. Rega dless
o headcoun dominance, men’s wages we e highe bo h among semi-skilled wo ke s and
day ale s. Rézle hinks his is jus i ied among day ale s and a gues ha al hough we can ind
mo e women among day ale s bu men pe o m he mos challenging physical asks, and
ul ima ely ha was ewa ded by highe wages. In con as , emale unskilled labo e s we e
assigned cleaning o o he simila asks. He also ejec s he idea o ha gende di e ences
among semi-skilled labo e s we e in eali y due o age di e ences. In o he wo ds Rézle
claims ha he e we e no di e ences be ween men and women a his le el since hey bo h
pe o med he same asks bu he e we e signi ican a iance in hei wages. In his iew, his
occu ed qui e independen ly om he o icial wage egula ions which did no make a
dis inc ion be ween he wages o male and emale semi-skilled labo e s. Howe e , emale and
male semi-skilled wo ke s we e emune a ed di e en ly while doing he same jobs. The lowe
wage ca ego ies we e he same o bo h sexes (1100 Hunga ian pengő annually) bu he uppe
wage limi showed men’s ad an age (3100 o men and 2800 o women). Ne e heless, mos
inequali ies we e o be ound du ing he examina ion o wage ca ego ies, as he annual income
o he majo i y o women was 1100-1800 Hunga ian pengő, while his was 1350-2600 o
men. “As a esul we can s a e ha women and men doing he same quali y o wo k a e
employed unde seemingly equal income condi ions bu emale wo k o ce is gene ally less
ecognized as opposed o male wo k o ce” (Rézle 1974: 387).
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Domes ic household s a is ics co e ed he esul s o inc easing c isis in p oduc ion and
consump ion by analyzing he mos a ec ed laye s o socie y, and es ablished ha no all
social classes a e a ec ed o he same deg ee. As a esul , in es iga ions s a ed o examine
income dis ibu ion and consump ion in each employmen g oup, which included he analysis
o li ing condi ions and amilies’ economic si ua ion. The household examina ion o wo king
class amilies
5
, which was a pionee wo k a he beginning o he 1930s, in ol ed 50 amilies.
The deg ee o each amily’s expendi u e depended on he numbe and age o amily membe s
as he consump ion o amily membe s highly in luenced he deg ee o he amily’s
expendi u e. They also emphasized ha he consump ion o women, men and child en o
a ious ages was ex emely di e en , which made compa ison and assessmen e y di icul
(Zen ay 1974). Thei esul s implied ha in many cases, he income o wo king class amilies
did no co e he mon hly expendi u es, hus hey we e o ced o ake loans, aids and gi s,
and wha is mo e, many o hem made use o he se ices o pawnshops as well. They a e
unheal hy ood, consumed only a e y li le amoun o milk and mea (well-being a ha ime
was measu ed by he amoun o mea consumed). These amilies consumed po a oes ins ead
o b ead and mea . I is s iking how much o hei income was spen on ood. Acco ding o
he da a his was highe han 50% o hei income! Acco ding o esea che s, his p o es ha
“ he p ice o g oce y in ag icul u al Hunga y was oo high as compa ed o he income o he
wo king class; on he o he hand, mee ing o he p ima y and essen ial needs cos so much
ha hei sa is ac ion we e only possible wi h consuming a educed amoun and quali y o
ood” (Zen ay 1974: 255).
The esul s o a esea ch o b ick ac o y wo ke s and hei wo king condi ions om he 1930s
a e also e y ele an he e. The special s a us o b ick ac o y wo ke s o igina ed om he
ac ha hese labo e s came om he poo es amilies and s a ed o wo k e y ea ly, usually
a he ages o 11-15. The numbe o hese wo ke s was no high; p e iously hey had been
wo king as maids, se an s, day ale s, a m hands, ca e s o blacksmi hs in illages (Jo dáky
1974). Rega dless o hei age, he numbe o illi e a e was ex emely high among hem.
Acco ding o he s udy, he manage s o he b ick ac o y did no ca e abou he educa ion o
aining o hei wo ke s, hus i is no su p ising ha in apa men s and amilies associa ed
wi h he ac o y, child en we e usually illi e a e, while hose coming om illages o u ban
a eas ou side he ac o y inished 1-3 elemen a y g ades. “The majo i y is p imi i e, do no
know any hing abou he e en s o he wo ld o he coun y, no e en abou local news. Thei
li es a e sh unk a ound he ac o y. Thei knowledge abou li e: poli ics, legal ules and
egula ions, heal h, use ul and useless hings a e all based on dis o ed umo s. The
in e iewe was shocked by hei igno ance many imes. They do no know who o blame o
and how o label hese phenomena. They conside magazines, jou nals and books useless […]
5
The e had been no simila da a collec ion in Hunga y be o e. The Hunga ian Cen al S a is ical O ice did no
y o collec household s a is ics a ha ime. The i s such examina ion was pe o med by D . Lajos I. Ilye al i,
who had conduc ed o he pionee esea ch p e iously, o example, he o ganized a signi ican social da a
collec ion as he Di ec o o he Budapes S a is ical O ice o examine he li ing condi ions in Budapes . When
collec ing household da a, he was he i s o conduc such analyses, and he published his esul s in his wo k
en i led A munkások szociális és gazdasági iszonyai Budapes en (The social and economic condi ions o he
wo king class in Budapes ) (Zen ay 1974).
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he majo i y o hem had ne e been o cinemas o hea es. They a e amazed by he adio and
hink i ’s he e il’s in en ion” (Jo dáky 1974: 340).
Thei deep po e y and closed wo ld could be pe cei ed h ough he gende oles inside hei
amilies, ans e ing all domes ic wo k bo h a he weekdays and he only es day o women:
“ he majo i y spend hei ee ime a home (only on Sundays, o he wise hey wo k 10-15
hou s a day), men a e ha ing a es while women a e cooking, washing and sewing clo hes”
(Jo dáky 1974: 340). Thei housing and ca e ing condi ions a e ue e lec ions o hei
income le els. Resea che s men ioned “dens names apa men s” and “ icke y buildings”,
which se ed as homes o hese amilies. The houses o he ac o y we e simila o hese:
small ooms wi h no ai , elec ici y and accommoda ing usually 4-8 pe sons. The e we e
ooms ha se ed wo amilies bu i was no unusual ha 7-8 s ange s, he mix u e o
women and men li ed oge he in one iny li le oom. Thei ca e ing condi ions we e simila ,
hei e e yday meal included “ha ico bean, po a o o cumin soup”. One g oup o hem ne e
a e mea , a li le bi la ge g oup a e mea once in a mon h bu he majo i y o hem ied o ea
mea e e y Sunday (Jo dáky 1974). The numbe o child en among b ick ac o y amilies was
signi ican ly high (in con as o he a e age wo king class amilies), each amily had 4-7
child en. Desc ibing he si ua ion o b ick ac o y women, hey claim, “I seems ha he li es
o hese women simply consis s o wo king and gi ing bi h. They ea n wages ha co e only
he apa men en and basic ood. They canno be ill, ha would be a luxu y, which hey
canno a o d. They go o hei ombs om he ki chen; he e is no special ansi ion om li e
o dea h. As hey ha e no sick-lea e, hey go o wo k e en i hey a e ill o p e en s a ing o
dea h due o he lack o income” (Jo dáky 1974: 342).
In sum we can s a e ha , despi e he ac ha he e was no hing in he legal amewo k ha
would ha e os e ed he disc imina ion o women, s ill, in con as o men, hey su e ed om
disad an ages in many a eas o hei li es. This could be a esul o powe dis ibu ion by
gende . Highe powe was associa ed wi h oles ha we e usually pe o med by men in
e e yday li e, and ha o ced women o accommoda e o male decisions and o p o ec his
s uc u e despi e o hei own “ill-being”. I is s iking ha in Hunga y he li es o poo
peasan women can only be depic ed by desc ibing he li e o hei amilies. This is no
su p ising howe e , i we conside ha a ha ime amily s uc u e was de e mined by wo k.
Howe e , he po e y o indus ialized women wo ke s could be be e pe cei ed i one
ocuses on he examina ion o hose segmen s o hei li es ha hey li ed ou side o hei
amilies. The eason o ha is ha indus ializa ion and u baniza ion placed p oduc i e
ac i i ies ou side he immedia e li e o he amily; i made p ocesses and no ms associa ed
wi h hem a ac o ies isible; spec acula and also, i made amily li e p i a e and closed. The
li es o poo women wo ke s in u ban a eas emained unde double p essu e: on he one hand
unde he capi alis exploi a ion o ac o ies and he pa ia chal ep ession in hei amilies on
he o he . Indus ializa ion and indus ial capi alism expanded he cycle o commodi y
p oduc ion and u no e and hus ul ima ely induced social changes. The p e iously
widesp ead p ac ice o amilies elying p ima ily on sel -supply has become mo e and mo e
uncommon, he p ac ice o en ing and pu chasing has become mo e and mo e common, and
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all ha i s inc eased he impo ance o ha ing inancial income and hen made ha
indispensable among he amilies o bou geois socie y (Somlai 1986). All o hese esul ed in
a signi ican change, namely ha new concep s and ca ego ies eme ged in ela ion o he
ea nings and he dis ibu ion o household incomes: he ca ego ies o dependen s and ea ne s
appea ed. Acco ding o Somlai, his dis inc ion is new since hese ca ego ies we e unknown in
adi ional households: a m mas e s we e no called as ea ne s and hei amily membe s
we e no called dependen s and indeed hey we e no . We can s a e ha he concep o
householde as an ea ne is he esul o he eme gence o bou geois socie y, which b ough a
new hie a chy o women and men, wi h hose being a he op who con ibu ed mos o he
amily’s li elihood. Among poo wo ke s, hese pe sons we e almos exclusi ely men. We
could see ha women we e placed in a signi ican ly disad an aged posi ion in e ms o
income and ca ee by he labou ma ke disc imina ion o he eme ging capi alis indus y.
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