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The economics of being stupid: a note on (ir)rationality in economics

Abstract

Economists’ habit of imputing rational motives to all human behavior gives rise to ‘rational riddles’: rational explanations for seemingly irrational behavior. In the article I argue that economists’ solutions to these riddles are, despite their sophistication, of limited scientific value as they describe mechanisms that are never both new and correct: they may be empirically correct but not new as these mechanisms have been practiced (hence known) by some people before; or they are genuinely new (previously unknown to anybody), but empirically wrong as they fail to account for the real reasons of observed behavior. I further show that the hypothesized solutions to the riddles could be easily tested by consulting the people whose behavior is examined, and point to the strange lack of economistsefforts to do so. Finally I present results of a micro survey relating to one such rational riddle: ticket underpricing (why prices of tickets for various events do not adjust to eliminate the excess demand). By interviewing managers of theatres known to sell tickets at prices that create lines, I present some evidence showing that it is much easier to explain the observed behavior in terms of plain ignorance of some elementary economic principles or facts rather than in terms of some economic sophistication on the part of the managers. No interviewees, for example, explicitly related the existence of lines to ticket underpricing, and some actually denied any link there even if prompted. I conclude by pointing to the real cost to the economic profession stemming from its decision to ignore the possibility of irrationality in economistsresearch program.

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The economics of being stupid: a note on (ir)rationality in economics

Author: Šťastný, Dan
Publisher: Technická Univerzita v Liberci
Year: 2014
Source: https://dspace.tul.cz/bitstreams/810b1928-9bab-49bb-93b2-e9c08235ea8a/download
In oduc ion
In oking he issue o a ionali y in economics is
jus abou as in ellec ually unique, no el and
exci ing as an a emp o disco e he eal
message o Keynes’s Gene al Theo y. Fo
many economis s, and – ankly – one canno
blame hem, he a ionali y assump ion is a i e
ques ion ha wa an s almos no a en ion. To
compensa e o ha , one canno help bu o use
ap e en ious i le.
In he ollowing ex , I acknowledge he impo -
ance o a ionali y assump ion o any economic
heo izing, bu p opose ha economis s, in an
a emp a explaining a seemingly i a ional
beha io in a ional e ms, a e o en engaging
in a scien i ically no e y use ul logical exe cise.
I ollow some ypical examples o such solu ions
and p esen a mic o-su ey o illus a e hei
possible inapplicabili y. I hen a gue ha his
s a e o a ai s is caused by, and u he con ibu es
o, a neglec o he possibili y o i a ional
beha io , and conclude by emphasizing he
impo ance o allowing he possibili y o olly.
Les he pu pose o his a icle be misunde -
s ood, i is no conce ned wi h he p ecise
meaning o con en o he a ionali y assump ion
(as e.g. Sen does [15]), nei he does i c i icize
he employmen o such assump ion in economic
heo izing. I a he belongs o a adi ion o
a icles eminding us abou de ia ions o lesh-
and-blood economic agen s om he homo
oeconomicus model – a adi ion made wide,
long and e i able by Kahneman (see e.g. [9])
and o he s. My aspi a ion wi hin his adi ion is
modes a bes : o poin o a possible
me hodological slip in he way economis
explica e ce ain phenomena and he economic
consequences o i .
1. The Ra ionali y Assump ion
Economics, i is widely g an ed, is a science
abou he way people make choices and abou
consequences o such choices (e.g. [10]). Any
decision, as opposed o non- oli ional beha io ,
implies a use o eason o jux apose he p os
and cons o a gi en ou e o conduc . This,
howe e , does no mean ha one’s easoning
mus necessa ily be a all imes co ec . The
decision-make may use all his eason, and ye
his decision may none heless u n ou w ong –
bo h ex an e and ex pos .
One commonly acknowledged sou ce o
such e o s is unce ain y. Due o necessa ily
impe ec knowledge o he p esen and u u e
s a es o he wo ld, e e y decision is based on
expec a ions and hese may p o e w ong, hus
making he decision – one ha seemed
pe ec ly co ec ex an e – e oneous ex pos .
The e is, howe e , a di e en cause o
e o . E en i one co ec ly pe cei es bo h
p esen and u u e s a es o he wo ld (i.e. his
expec a ion will ma ch eali y), a decision can
s ill be w ong due o he indi idual being
undamen ally mis aken abou he means
p ope o he achie emen o his ends (i.e.
abou causal ela ions be ween di e en
s a es). His eason may well be elling him ha
ce ain means will lead o he desi ed ends, and
hus his decision is conscious and hough ul,
and – no doub – pe cei ed by he decision-
make as a ional. Ye , he may be mis aken,
con used o simply w ong abou a pa icula
means-ends ela ionship. This is he kind o
si ua ion ha economis s ha e in mind when
hey p oclaim a beha io i a ional – w ong om
he e y beginning, e en ex an e. And,
pe haps, his is p ecisely such beha io ha
o he people would e nacula ly call s upid.
Ekonomie
42014, XVII, 2 DOI: 10.15240/ ul/001/2014-2-001
THE ECONOMICS OF BEING STUPID:
A NOTE ON (IR)RATIONALITY IN
ECONOMICS
Dan ·Èas n˘
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Economics
52, XVII, 2014
E en hough economis s ecognize he
possibili y ha people can make e o s, mos o
hem p e e o in e p e human beha io in
a ional – e o - ee – e ms. The e is a e y
good eason o doing so. In oking he possibili y
o e o is a i ial explana ion heo e ically
applicable in i ually all cases. I is an an i-
scien i ic solu ion, an answe equi ing and
p oducing no use ul knowledge wha soe e . To
any ques ion, “Why is he doing ha ?”, he
uni e sally co ec answe may be ha “He is
jus being s upid!”
The idea o a ionali y is hen an o e ly
impo an one o economics, a leas o i s
main s eam. No because economis s could
no a hom an i a ional decision, bu because i
is a s a ing poin o wha economis s do:
adding o i ial explana ions o phenomena
some non- i ial ones. Thus, wi hou he
concep o a ionali y he e would be no science
o economics.
On he o he hand, i would be mis aken o
suppose ha economics is applicable only o
si ua ions whe e people do indeed ac a ionally,
while ha ing no hing o say abou cases o
people ac ing e oneously. Fi s , hanks o
economics, we a e o en able o sugges
some hing abou he a ionali y o he choice in
he i s place: wi hou economics we would no
be able o ell a a ional om an i a ional one.
This is wha economis s do when hey claim
ha A is no a means ha leads o he
achie emen o he end B. Second, economics
being he science abou consequences o
human decisions, i can poin ou consequences
o i a ional beha io oo. I can claim no only
ha A does no lead o B, bu ha in ac i leads
o C. And ha oo is a use ul knowledge.
The e o e, he p esence o i a ionali y in
human decision making does no s ip economics
o i s use ulness and impo ance. The
a ionali y assump ion only enables economis s
o say much mo e han hey would be able o
wi hou i .
2. The Ques o Ra ional
In e p e a ion: Ra ional Riddles
A emp s o ind a ional explana ion o human
beha io ha e long been pa o good
economics and he p o ided explana ions a e
a guably one o he mos imp essi e kinds o
economics’ ou pu o laymen and he mos
enjoyable ones o economis s hemsel es. In
he absence o a s aigh o wa d maximizing
explana ion, one can alk abou a ional iddles,
a e m coined by Landsbu g [10, chap e 2].
Howe e , in his ques o a ional
explana ions, some economis s seem o go as
a as o implici ly assume ha he e mus be
a a ional explana ion o e e y human beha io
we obse e and hey de o e g ea ime and
ene gy owa ds disco e ing i . In his way, an
economic, o a ional, iddle was bo n and i
emains o be economis s’ pas ime agenda –
some hing o alk abou e en when hey ge
i ed o wo king on hei eg essions o o
calib a ing hei models.
The a ional iddles esea ch p og am is
ascina ing in mo e aspec s han jus in i s
sophis ica ion and in en i eness. I wan o
poin ou wo o hem ha ela e o he scien i ic
alue o he solu ion and i s a ailabili y and
es abili y.
2.1 Value o Solu ion
The solu ion o a a ional iddle has a peculia
s a us among answe s ha economic science
can o e . I onically, despi e all he impeccable
economic logic o hese solu ions, hey a e no
likely o be e y aluable o unde s anding how
ou wo ld wo ks. This is because each and
e e y such solu ion (assuming i is o mally
co ec ) can u n ou o be empi ically ei he
co ec o inco ec .
I he solu ion is co ec i means people
whose beha io was examined by economis s
indeed do beha e he way economis s
hypo hesized. This may appea as a g ea
achie emen . In a way, i is and i su ely
demons a es he ingeniousness and in ui ion
o he economis who made ha disco e y. Bu
ha disco e y is ce ainly no as new as one
would assume eal disco e y o be. And his is
because, as ollows om he p emise ha i is
empi ically co ec solu ion o he iddle, he
economic logic o ha beha io (as a p o i -
maximizing s a egy) mus ha e been known all
along o hose who ha e beha ed like ha and
whose beha io only caugh a en ion o
acu ious economis . (I should be clea ha i
agen s we e igno an o he logic, i could no
hen be claimed ha hey a e ac ing acco ding
o i .) The p ac ical use ulness o such solu ion
hen may no ex end much beyond economis s’
men al aining o a signal o an economis ’s
capabili y.
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Ekonomie
62014, XVII, 2
On he o he hand, i he p oposed solu ion
is no empi ically co ec , i means ha people
do no beha e he way hey do o he eason
economis s p opose. Despi e being empi ically
inapplicable i s use ulness may be jus abou
he same as he use ulness o he co ec
solu ions (logical exe cise and b ain- easing).
Ei he way, empi ically co ec bu no new,
o jus empi ically inco ec , he same conclusion
applies: wha hese economis s p oduce is an
in ellec ual ea ha adds e y li le o he
knowledge abou how eal-wo ld people
beha e. (The e is one impo an way in which
his conclusion may be sub e ed: i economis s
– ins ead o asking why people do wha hey do
– accep ed om he e y beginning ha people
may ac on i a ional belie s abou means and
unde ook o explain why people’s beha io s ill
su i es. In his se up, economis s migh
indeed disco e how people’s beha io is in ac
e ec i e in b inging abou he desi ed end,
e en i people a e unawa e o i . People may o
cou se imi a e beha io hey ound success ul
wi hou knowing why i wo ks, o , mo e o en,
may ha e e oneous belie s abou why i wo ks.
E olu ion – he na u al selec ion (su i al) on
he ma ke – will p omo e hose who imi a e
such beha io and punish hose who de ia e
om i [1, pp. 217–220], and economis s may in
such cases make uly aluable con ibu ion by
explaining why he mechanism eally wo ks.)
2.2 A ailabili y o a Solu ion
Ano he peculia ea u e o a a ional iddle
solu ion is he ela i e ease wi h which i can be
e i ied, es ed and e en disco e ed in he i s
place.
When ackling he iddles economis s a e
ying o disco e he s a egy o some decision-
make s. When hey p oduce a solu ion, when
hey hink hey did puzzle ou he alleged
pa adox, one would expec hem o double-
check ha hypo hesis wi h he decision-make s
o acknowledge i s co ec ness. I empi ically
co ec , hey would ecei e an a i ma i e
answe (some hing like “yes, you ha e guessed
i !”- ype o a esponse), i no hey would go
ahead guessing.
A e all, asking he e y people whose
beha io is he subjec o examina ion whe he
he explana ion o hei beha io is co ec , is
su ely he easies way o ind ou jus how
ele an and applicable ha explana ion is. Ye ,
he economis s do no seem o be much
in e es ed in aking ha s ep. Ins ead, hey
submi he explana ion as independen om
wha he decision-make s hink and many o
hose alleged pa adoxes a e conside ed by
economis s as un esol ed and wai ing o s ill
mo e ingenious solu ion. This is oughly wha
Dei d e McCloskey calls “Samuelsonian Vice”
[13, pp. 63–69].
In ac , as was poin ed ou abo e, as long
as he iddles ha e a ional solu ions, he e is
no eason o ely on economic scien is s o
come up wi h hem, no ma e how icky and
ingenious i may be. I mus al eady exis in he
heads o hose a ional decision-make s
hemsel es – hey a e beha ing in his way
now. I economis s ha e ha d imes e ealing
wha i is o keep a guing abou me i s o hei
espec i e explana ions, all hey would need o
do o se le he a gumen is o ask he people
who do know.
This is a undamen ally di e en scien i ic
p oblem han he one ackled by na u al
scien is s. They ne e enjoy he possibili y o
ac ually asking he subjec s o hei inqui y
abou why hey beha e he way hey do.
Economis s, on he o he hand, a id o
unde s and people’s beha io , almos always
could. T ying o disco e he answe p io o,
and independen ly o , asking he people whose
beha io economis s s udy could ce ainly
cons i u e an in e es ing discipline in a “bes
economis con es ”, bu may ail o con ibu e
much o unde s anding he ue eali y. (I is ue
ha people may no always speak u h, and
may e en be mo i a ed no o e eal he u h o
p o ec hei business echnology. The pheno-
mena desc ibed as a ional iddles a e so
widesp ead hough ha i would be an as ic o
assume ha an a emp o all i s p ac i ione s o
keep i sec e would e e wo k, much less o
so long. Unbelie able as i is, i is p ecisely his
scena io ha is implied by he economis s’
neglec o con as ing hei ideas o wha
people say.)
3. Riddles Sol ed
To illus a e and subs an ia e such claims I hink
i necessa y o suppo i by looking a some
a ional explana ions o seemingly i a ional
beha io . I ha e chosen h ee popula economic
iddles and oughly mapped he solu ions o
hem sugges ed in economic li e a u e.
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72, XVII, 2014
All cases ha e o do wi h p icing. This is
because he e is a common p ejudice ha as
business decisions hey a e mos likely o be
unde aken a ionally as a means o p o i
maximiza ion. The e o e hey cons i u e cases
whe e i makes he bes sense on he pa o
economis s o sea ch o a ional explana ions.
3.1 Popco n O e p icing
Some economis s keep being in igued by he
ac ha popco n cos s allegedly oo much in
mo ie hea es. This is because he p o i
maximiza ion s a egy in his si ua ion would
unde con en ional assump ions en ail jus
ma ginal cos p icing o popco n combined
wi h an acco dingly highe en ance ee. (The
con en ional assump ions include e.g. iden ical
cos ume s’ p e e ences [11, p. 369].) The
au ho s hen look o easons why selling
popco n so dea ac ually secu es highe p o i s
han ma ginal cos p icing o he con en ional
heo y.
All explana ions o his de ia ion om he
expec ed beha io e ol e ound p ice
disc imina ion. They a gue he e is a posi i e
co ela ion be ween p e e ence o popco n
and willingness o pay o he en e ainmen in
he hea e (i.e. o he bundle o wa ching he
mo ies and consump ion o snacks om
concession s ands). Examples o such
easoning a e p o ided by e. g. F iedman
[6, pp. 51–53] o Landsbu g [10, pp. 159–161].
In o de o cha ge mo e o hose who alue
coming o he hea e mo e, i is ound na u al
ha p ice o popco n (soda o o he snacks) will
be aised abo e ma ginal cos while he
en ance ee lowe ed in o de o a ac hose,
who would no o he wise come. (Mo e o mal
analysis is p o ided by Luis Locay and Al a o
Rod iguez [12, pp. 959–960].) Thus, he
puzzling high p ice o popco n is a e all
a a ional p o i -maximiza ion.
The one explana ion he au ho s exp essly
deny happens o be he one ou inely o e ed by
lay people when con on ed wi h his ques ion:
ha he hea e owne jus akes ad an age o
his monopoly on he popco n ma ke wi hin he
hea e . Bu hea e owne s a e lay people, and
he e seems no hing an as ic abou hem doing
i o he same – e oneous – eason as o he
people assume owne s o beha e like ha .
3.2 9-p icing
One o he p ice s a egies ha s ill a ac s
some a en ion among economis s is he
p ac ice o cha ging p ices ending in 9: $5.99
ins ead o $6.00, $79 ins ead o $80 o simila .
(While his iddle also appea s in Landsbu g’s
popula book [10, pp. 10–19], i was inaugu-
a ed in he hall o iddles as ea ly as 1936 [7].
Anecdo ally, such p ac ice is supposed o ha e
o igina ed wi h a Czech shoe p oduce Tomá‰
BaÈa. This may ha e been local in en ion o
in oduc ion, bu , gene ally, hese “jus -below
p ices” i s appea ed in 19 h cen u y a e he
in en ion o a cash egis e .) Highe equency
o 9’s a he end o p ices is su ely suspec in
awo ld o con en ional a ional p icing models.
Wha hen could, acco ding o some econo-
mis s, make businesses choose his pa e n o
p icing o e mo e con en ional – and in a ional
e ms explainable – p icing s a egies? One
eason, p esen ed by Landsbu g, is an
elimina ion o he agency p oblem: employees
a e less likely no o egis e sales i he p ice is
such as o equi e gi ing change back o he
cus ome [10, pp. 15–16]. O he au ho s
specula e e.g. abou quali y signaling p ope ies
o he 9-ending e sus 0-ending p ices [16].
The eason o economis s being puzzled
he e is hei unwillingness o accep he man-
on- he-s ee explana ion: ha 9-ending p ices
a e pe cei ed by consume s as lowe han hey
eally a e, which is why hey buy subs an ially
highe quan i ies. While i is su ely su p ising
and ha d o squa e wi h plain a ionali y ha
people would ou inely ze o in on he numbe s
o he le om he 9 and ound he p ice
downwa d, we should no lose sigh o he ac
ha cus ome s a e men-on- he-s ee . And i
his is wha consume s do, hey may indeed be
doing i o p ecisely his unbelie able eason.
(In ac , s udies o consume choice admi bo h
he possibili y o his beha io on he pa o
consume s [14], and he possibili y o illusion
on he pa o businesses abou he ex en o
which consume s indeed beha e ha way, hus
indica ing an e o on he business side [2].)
3.3 Ticke Unde p icing
Pe haps he mos compelling and impo an o
all iddles a e ins ances o sub-equilib ium
p ices implying sho ages and queues on some
ma ke s. This pu pose ul non-p ice a ioning
akes place o ins ance in selling admission
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82014, XVII, 2
icke s. Why do hea e owne s, conce
p oduce s and o he s cha ge some imes so
li le despi e he ac ha he e is an excess
demand and i seems hey could inc ease he
p ice wi hou selling less and hus inc ease
hei p o i s? He e is wha economis s submi
as gene al solu ions o he selle -induced
excess demand puzzle.
Pe haps mos simply, he e is a conjec u e
ha consume s may pe cei e a ce ain limi o
he p ice beyond which hey would conside he
p ice “un ai ” [8]. Selle s may hen be a aid o
c ossing such h eshold, and choose o li e
wi h he queues.
O , i has been p oposed ha c ea ing an
excess demand may cause a “buying enzy”
wi h consume s being d i en o pu chase
soone han hey o he wise would. This means
ha consume s make less in o med pu chasing
decisions and ha he p oduce can cha ge
highe p ice o people who would no mally
pos pone hei pu chase o become mo e
in o med [5].
Fu he , i has been asse ed ha , in some
cases, inducing an excess demand may be
away o in luence he composi ion o he
audience. As he exis ence o complemen a y
goods o a ending an e en a ies ac oss he
audience, he selle may ind i p o i able o
ade o lowe eceip s om he box o ice o
highe sales o complemen a y goods (CD’s,
ideos, T-shi s and o he pa aphe nalia).
P o ided he a endees who end o buy mo e
complemen a y goods han o he s a e hose
who a e also willing o incu ex a cos o
ge ing hold o he icke s (s anding in line,
buying om scalpe s e c.), selling a lowe -
han-ma ke -clea ing p ice may be a p o i able
s a egy. (This a gumen is a ibu ed o
Kenne h McLaughlin [10, p. 13].)
Finally, and pe haps mos con olu edly, i is
sugges ed ha in case o some goods, he
indi idual demand is dependen on he o al
quan i y demanded on he ma ke . This is said
o lead o a possibili y o an upwa d sloping
demand (wi hin ce ain quan i ies) and a p o i -
maximizing equilib ium a a p ice ha
gene a es excess demand. Such equilib ium is
uns able, howe e , and may be upse by a p ice
hike. In such case, he educ ion o quan i y
demanded migh cause he indi idual demands
o al e and he ma ke o e e o a s anda d
equilib ium a bo h lowe p ice and lowe
quan i y and, consequen ly, lowe he le el o
p o i [3].
An implici assump ion behind all hese
a ionaliza ions is ha , su ely, he selle s ha e
good, p o i -maximizing easons no o aise
p ices, no as he con en ional wisdom would
ha e i : ha lines a e a consequence o he
p oduc o be o limi ed a ailabili y. Bu would i
be impossible o he icke selle s o sha e
such con en ional wisdom?
4. Solu ions Tes ed
Some o he abo e explana ions may ha e hei
me i s and p esumably may be applicable as
solu ions o he pa icula iddles, e en i on
alimi ed scale: ai ness cons ain s ela e
mos ly o si ua ions o p ice gouging; buying
enzies a e es ic ed o new p oduc s;
complemen a y goods may be impo an in
case o some conce s o spo s games, bu a e
ha dly p esen e e ywhe e whe e he e a e
lines. Many o hem, howe e , a e based on
such complex economic easoning ha he e
seems o be some g ounds o doub ing hei
eal-wo ld plausibili y. I would be ai hen o
pu hese solu ions o es , pa icula ly i he es
is easie han i seems – all ha needs o be
done o sol e hese mys e ies once and o all
is o go and ask he people whose beha io
economis s specula e abou .
Now, su p isingly, his is no happening.
Economis s keep ying o cons uc heo e ical
explana ions, bu nobody seems o ha e gone
o mo ie hea e owne s o ask hem o wha
deg ee hey conside hei cus ome s di e en
and wha hey hough o he co ela ion
be ween willingness o pay o seeing mo ies
and consump ion o popco n. Has someone
asked he selle s wha hey signal wi h he “jus -
below” p ices hey cha ge? Has anybody gone
o he Becke ’s Palo Al o sea ood es au an
and con i med ha he owne indeed assumes
he indi idual quan i y o his p oduc s
demanded depends on he agg ega e quan i y
demanded? (The e we e s udies asking he
selle s whe he hey cha ge such p ices, bu ,
as onishingly, no why. In ac , S i ing s a s by
ci ing a mul i ude o s udies om 1954 ill 1997
ha es ablish he ac ha such p ices a e
indeed cha ged by asking he company
manage s [16, p. 1618], and hen spends his
whole a icle on hypo hesizing when and why
hey do so. Landsbu g, on he o he hand,
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92, XVII, 2014
sugges s o es his idea abou agency p oblem
by es ing he hypo hesis ha “99-cen p icing
should be less common in s o es whe e he
owne s wo k he cash egis e ” [10, p. 16].)
In o de o close his empi ical oid, we ocused
on he p oblem o icke unde p icing, and
in e iewed head manage s o h ee pe o mance
hea e s in P ague. All o he hea es a e
in amous o lines a hei box o ices, anging
om single hou s o o e nigh wai ing ime. We
asked all o hem abou he causes o he lines,
abou he in luence o p ice on hei p o i and
easons o no inc easing he p ice.
The su ey was conduc ed in No embe
and Decembe 2007 as in e iews in pe son
(wi h one excep ion). Besides h ee hea es i
included o he businesses as well: 2 es au an s,
2 hai s udios, 1 ice-hockey club and 1 conce
p oduce (in e iewed o e phone). The common
denomina o o all he non- hea e cases was
ha he lines seemed o be a p oduc o
impe ec o esigh and isk a e sion and would
hus no be classed as a ional iddles. Fo his
eason I do no ep oduce he in e iews he e
and limi mysel o hea es only.
4.1 Thea e A
In he i s hea e (A), he managemen
pe cei es lines as a p oblem and epea edly i
ies o add ess hem. In ac , he head
manage admi ed ha had she been a egula
hea e isi o , she would ha e ne e a ended
any o he pe o mances he e as she ha ed
s anding in lines (emphasis added).
The answe o a s aigh o wa d ques ion
abou he causes o lines was, unwa e ingly,
ha he numbe o sea s is oo small o
accommoda e all he people who would like o
come. The way hey ha e deal wi h he lines
was o a) keep hei box o ice as he only icke
dis ibu ion channel, and b) limi he numbe o
icke s an indi idual is allowed o pu chase o 4.
Bo h a) and b) we e designed o p e en
second-hand dealings wi h pu chased icke s,
which was expec ed o make su e “ he
pe o mance would be a ended by as many
people who wan o come as possible”. As his
numbe can ha dly change due o he ixed
numbe o sea s, she migh ha e possibly
mean ha he audience composi ion would be
a ec ed by he p ice. Indeed, la e in he
in e iew she b ie ly men ions hey “a e no
in e es ed in snobbish audience.”
Only when explici ly cued, he head
manage eluc an ly admi ed he possible ole
o icke p ices bu poin ed ou immedia ely ha
people could no a o d i hen. She commended
he ac people had ne e complained abou
p ices and hough ha aising he icke p ices
would o ce hei cus ome s o limi he numbe
o icke s hey buy in hei li e ime. And his, as
she emphasized, was no he goal o he
hea e .
4.2 Thea e B
In he second hea e (B), oo, he manage has
a“simple” explana ion o he lines: he numbe
o people in e es ed in coming is g ea e han
he hea e capaci y and “people ha e o,
na u ally, come ahead o ime”. He hough his
sys em is jus bu es ic i e a he same ime
as i elies on limi s on pu chases and does no
allow ese a ions, which, he admi ed, is
pa icula ly exing o people ou side o
P ague. They a e no awa e o , and hus a e
no conce ned abou , second hand dealings
wi h icke s. When asked wha hey would do i
hey knew i was happening, he head manage
poin ed o possible way o inc easing he
anspa ency such as “in o ming he people
abou he numbe o icke s”.
The ques ion o icke p ices had o be
b ough up explici ly by he in e iewe . The
answe was unce ain, indica i e o no p io
conside a ion and o con usion be ween all
possible e ec s. P ices, on he one hand, he
asse ed, “would ha e no e ec on he numbe
o people who buy he icke s”. This should no
be oo su p ising as he numbe o sea s is
ixed. Wha he p obably mean was ha he
quan i y demanded ( he numbe o people who
wan o buy) would no be a ec ed.) E en i
hey had an e ec , he wen on, people would
esen seeing p ices inc eased. On he o he
hand, almos immedia ely, he added he e
migh be some oom o p ice inc eases. A he
end, he low p ices (and he lines) we e
a ionalized as a means o secu ing a “g ass-
oo ” composi ion o he audience.
4.3 Thea e C
Las ly, he in e iew wi h he ope a ions di ec o
o he hi d hea e (C) had almos an iden ical
plo . She claimed hey ha e lines because
people like wha hey do and hei audi o ium
space is limi ed. When maneu e ed o he
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10 2014, XVII, 2
possible ole o p ices, she hough i was o
seconda y impo ance. On he o he hand, she
e ealed ha hey had inc eased hei p ices
and do so e e y yea , and admi ed hey y o
e lec he demand o hei pe o mances. On
ye ano he hand, hough, she added ha he
p ice inc eases we e necessa y due o he
ope a ion cos and ha he g owing demand
was some hing ha enabled hem o pass he
cos o he audience, mo e han being
amo i a ion o p ice inc eases. Finally, she
con adic ed his by admi ing ha e.g. be o e
Ch is mas hey o e gi icke s a highe p ices
and cha ge highe p ices o pe o mances
no o ious o he lines. She no ed ha he lines
ha e been educed by “almos a hal ” o hei
p e ious leng hs, and a ibu es his mainly o
he p ice inc eases, possibly suppo ed by
asys em o in e ne ese a ions.
I would be wholly imp ope o conside his
mic o-su ey as obus ly exploding he whole
iddle-solu ion- esea ch p og am. I s esul s
a e, howe e , s ill o in e es as hey do no
exac ly pain a pic u e o he hea e manage-
men doing some hing e en emo ely as
sophis ica ed as he economic heo is s sugges .
And i is no he lack o igo ous economic
hinking on he pa o he hea e manage s
and hei ailu e o use he e y language and
concep s o p o essional economis s. I is ha
he in e iews e eal p ecisely he ype o
economic hinking economis s ule ou be o e
hey s a hei hinking abou he p oblem,
which is why hey no only end up, bu al eady
s a wo king in, a di e en wo ld.
No esponden s on hei own e en linked
he exis ence o lines wi h he p ices, much less
wi h p ices being “ oo low”. Ins ead, all o hem
hough i had o wi h sca ci y, as i o he hings
in he wo ld besides hea e icke s we e no
sca ce. E en when p omp ed abou he p ices,
he immedia e eac ion was – wi h he possible
excep ion o C – ha his would no wo k
because people would no be able o a o d i ,
as i he low p ice made he icke s somehow
gene ally mo e a ailable. (Gi en he ac ha
hea e C showed subs an ially less puzzling
beha io – hey do adjus p ices acco ding o
demand, and e ec i ely manage o sho en
hei lines – i may be o in e es o men ion ha
he manage o C was a uni e si y g adua e
wi h some economic educa ion. The o he
manage s ( hose o A and B) we e non-
business, a s educa ed pe sons. This would
coincide wi h indings ci ed by B yan Caplan on
he – qui e unsu p ising – nega i e co ela ion
be ween economic educa ion and he le el o
biases abou economics [4, pp. 50–93]).
Some o he o he esponses seduce one o
a ional in e p e a ion: e.g. he idea ha people
would esen p ice inc eases may sound like
Kahneman e al. and hei concep o ai ness
cons ain [8]. O , he in luence o p ice on he
audience composi ion ings a somewha
a ional bell. Howe e , nei he o hese is
asu icien eason o no aising he p ices and
bo h a e much mo e likely o be ele an unde
al e na i e – non-p o i -maximiza ion – schemes.
(The hea e manage s may know ha buye s
will esen he p ice hikes, and s ill i may be
mo e p o i able o do so. Simila ly, e en i he
hea e manage s and ensemble p e e he so
o audience made o people who can pu up
wi h s anding in he line o e nigh , bu s ill i
may be mo e p o i able o ha e highe p ices
and “wo se” audience. In hese si ua ions, hei
decision no o aise p ices will hen be
economic only as long as hei u ili y unc ions
include eel-good a gumen s such as public
app o al, o ond ela ions wi h he audience.)
As will be ecalled, howe e , he economis s’
solu ions o iddles a e p o ided as a ionaliza-
ions o lines unde p o i -maximiza ion
assump ion – o he wise he explana ions would
be conside ed as i ial impu a ion o beha io
(means) igh in o he goals (ends). Ei he way,
uly sophis ica ed solu ions like he one o e ed
by Becke [3] seem somewha i ele an in he
con ex o he business hinking he in e iews
a emp o documen . Unless, o cou se, one is
o a gue ha he manage s did no wan o
disclose hei eal s a egies, and jus “played
s upid” ins ead. Unlikely as i is, i b ings me
inally o he economics o being s upid.
5. When he S upid Comes In
We ha e seen abo e ha he e is in ac an
easy way o es he empi ical ele ance o
economis s’ solu ion o a ional iddles: by
asking he e y people whose mo i es hey
ha e ied o second-guess. We also saw ha
such su eys a e unbelie ably a e i no non-
exis en . Bu e en i hese su eys we e
unde aken, hey would a bes p oduce a logic
ha was al eady known and p ac iced, e en i
no o mally desc ibed on pages o an
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112, XVII, 2014
economic jou nal. Tha migh no be exac ly he
bes use o economis s’ in ellec ual capaci y,
bu a leas i would p o e he empi ical powe
o he discipline (and, p esumably, made some
economis s p oude o hemsel es).
When, on he o he hand, he solu ions p oposed
by economis s a e ound empi ically i ele an ,
i may only mean one o he ollowing: a) no
economis s co ec ly guessed wha businesses
a e up o ( he game may p oceed), o b) no such
u he solu ion exis s as he puzzling beha io is
indeed and simply a p oduc o i a ional hinking
he economis s e used o accep in he i s
place. I s i iali y no wi hs anding, his e en uali y
may be empi ically e y ele an and impo an .
I economis s choose o banish he
possibili y o i a ionali y, hei unde s anding o
wha is going on is impai ed. Wha looks like an
ou wi ing game wi h no social consequence is
jus a ip o he icebe g – he economis s’
de e mina ion o insis on a ionali y may c ea e
imagina y puzzles whe e he e a e none and
hus di e hei sca ce in ellec ual esou ces
om a eas whe e hey a e mo e needed.
One a ea ha was hi pa icula ly ha d by
esis ance o i a ionali y is he economics o
policy-making. B yan Caplan’s book, compiling
and w apping up his esea ch p ojec o he
pas decade o so [4], shows qui e con incingly
ha a emp s o explain pe sis ence o oolish
public ha e sys ema ically shunned he
possibili y o he elec o a e being mis aken in
unde s a ing he impac o he policies. Poli ical
p ocess, pe e ed as i may be, does no
explain away all he public policy oolishness. I
democ acy p oduced policy ha people eally
liked, i would ha e been e en mo e oolish
han i is. Caplan poin s ou how much he
ideas o he public a e sys ema ically biased
compa ed o wha economis s hink. Indeed,
my indings in he hea e su ey – he lack o
app ecia ion o he ole o p ices – allies
di ec ly wi h he biases he was able o iden i y.
He hus shows ha he olly o he elec o a e
may be he missing piece in he puzzle. Tha
he a emp s o s anda d public choice heo y o
accoun o pe sis ence o bad policies ha e
been ailing and ha e p oduced con olu ed and
useless heo e ical wo k p ecisely because
economis s in he pas cen u y – unlike some o
he cen u y be o e ha – u ned a blind eye o
he possibili y o human olly. As Caplan
concludes his book:
Social science has pu sued many blind
alleys – and igno ed many p omising ones –
ou o misguided insis ence ha e e y model be
a“s o y wi hou ools,” e en in a eas like
poli ics whe e olly is cen al. A p o e b ells us
ha “a wise man lea ns mo e om a ool han
a ool lea ns om a wise man.” By closing hei
eyes o ools and olly, he wise men o social
science ha e a i icially hobbled he ad ance o
hei own lea ning. [4, p. 209]
Conclusion
The pu pose o his a icle was wo- old.
Fi s , I wan ed o b ing a en ion o wo s ange
ea u es o economis s’ esea ch p og am. When
economis s specula e abou why people’s
beha io is a ional (which is wha hey do when
c acking he a ional iddles), he esul o such
scien i ic e o – all i s sophis ica ion,
ingeniousness and o mal impeccabili y
no wi hs anding – is ei he co ec , bu no new
(i.e. i has been known be o e o he examined
people), o simply w ong in he sense ha he
solu ion does no apply (i.e. i is empi ically
emp y). Ei he way, he signi icance o such
science seems compelling bi limi ed. Mo eo e ,
his is jus as s ange as he way h ough which
economis s ypically y o es he empi ical
alidi y o hei esul s. Tes ing hypo heses
implied by he esul s can, o cou se, shed
much ligh on ha ques ion, bu since hei
esul s ela e essen ially o a ques ion o why
people do wha hey do, i is he examined
people who can se le he issue. While da a can
alk, so can he people.
Second, I sugges economis s may be
somewha uneconomical in hei esea ch
e o s. By insis ing on models wi h a ional
ac o s only, hey may emba k on a acuous
a ional iddles esea ch p ojec in he i s
place. And h ough hei isola ion om he
people hey examine, hey ail o ind ou ha in
many cases he a ional iddle solu ion does no
exis , and ha he beha io hey specula e
abou is a p oduc o con usion and olly, ha i
is simply i a ional.
This is in no way a plea o disca ding he
a ionali y assump ion in economics. I is only
aplea o emembe ing ha i is an assump ion
ha may jus as well no be me . By heeding i ,
economis s can economize on hei sca ce
esea ch esou ces, and pe haps de o e mo e
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12 2014, XVII, 2
o hem o, and do an e en be e job in, a eas
whe e such assump ion holds.
The au ho would like o hank Jose
Mon ag o commen s and adminis a ing and
p ocessing he mic o su ey, and o Da id
Lipka and Ed S ingham o aluable commen s
on p e ious e sions o he ex . O he s
Ichoose o lea e unmen ioned les someone is
le ou . The usual ca ea applies.
Re e ences
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[14] SCHINDLER, R.M., KIRBY, P.N. Pa e ns o
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Dan ·Èas n˘
Jan E angelis a Pu kynû Uni e si y
in Ús í nad Labem
Facul y o Social and Economic S udies
Depa men o Economics
[email p o ec ed]
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