ACTA
277
ACTA ELECTRONICA UNIVERSITATIS LAPPONIENSIS 277
Madoka Hammine
Speaking my Language
and Being Beau i ul
Decolonizing Indigenous Language
Educa ion in he Ryukyus wi h
a Special Re e ence o Sámi
Language Re i aliza ion
HAMMINE SPEAKING MY LANGUAGE AND BEING BEAUTIFUL
Ac a elec onica Uni e si a is Lapponiensis 277
MADOKA HAMMINE
Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul – Decolonizing
Indigenous Language Educa ion in he Ryukyus wi h a
Special Re e ence o Sámi Language Re i aliza ion
Academic disse a ion
o be publicly de ended wi h he pe mission
o he Facul y o Educa ion a he Uni e si y o Lapland
in lec u e hall 2 (LS2)
on 28 Feb ua y 2020 a 12 noon
Ro aniemi 2020
Uni e si y o Lapland
Facul y o Educa ion
Supe ised by
P o esso Tuija Tu unen, Uni e si y o Lapland
P o esso Pa ick Hein ich, Uni e si à Ca’ Fosca i Venezia
Re iewed by
P o esso Nancy Ho nbe ge , Pennsyl ania Uni e si y
P o esso Pi kko Pi känen, Uni e si y o Tu ku
Opponen
P o esso F ed De in, Uni e si y o Helsinki
Copy igh : Madoka Hammine
Layou : P in One
Co e : Communica ions and Ex e nal Rela ions, Uni e si y o Lapland
Ac a elec onica Uni e si a is Lapponiensis 277
ISBN 978-952-337-194-1
ISSN 1796-6310
Pe manen add ess o he publica ion: h p://u n. i/URN:ISBN:978-952-337-194-1
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
To my amily (pas , p esen and u u e) wi h my lo e
くぬ博士論文ぬなかんがー、ばーむにゆ あたらはーひーうるくとー、かくぃ
だゆー。むーるめーらむにさーり、かきほーりでぃあんじょーるしんしーだー
ゆん、外国んがどぅおーるゆー。やっそんが、やいまむにぬなかんがー、むつ
ぃかさーるむに、学問用語や、ねーぬ。あんてー、やいまむにさーり、かくぃくと
ーむつぃかさーだゆー。がまらはーそーなー。あんじきどぅ、ばーや、くぬ論文
や、アメリカむにさーりかくぃだゆー。くぬことさーり、ふかぬ国ぬぷぃとー、の
ーでぃどぅ、ばーや、ばーむにゆ ならふくとーならぬかやーでぃ、かんがいる
かーみしゃんでぃうむいうるゆー。けーらなり、どーでぃん、ゆみたぼーてぃね
ーら1。
1 This is he only sec ion in his hesis in Miya a Yaeyaman. This hesis is abou why I canno w i e his
whole hesis in Yaeyaman.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Decla a ion
Unless o he wise indica ed, his is my own o iginal wo k.
Madoka Hammine Sep embe 2019
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Abs ac
The pu poses o his esea ch we e o in es iga e he si ua ions o indigenous
language eaching and lea ning and acili a e be e ways o emb ace mul ilingualism
in indigenous language communi ies. The speci ic aims o he s udy we e (1)
o in es iga e wo example cases o indigenous language g oups in Japan and
Finland, (2) o examine oices and expe iences o indigenous language eache s
and lea ne s and (3) o c ea e possible sugges ions o indigenous language eache
educa ion om he wo case s udies. Th ee hemes we e used as he main heo e ical
amewo ks: indigenous eache iden i y, language and indigenous educa ion.
This s udy used a pa icipa o y, communi y-based esea ch me hodology wi hin
a amewo k o an Indigenous esea ch me hodology. The da a o his s udy we e
collec ed om wo e hnog aphic ieldwo ks—conduc ed in indigenous language
communi ies o bo h Finland and Japan— h ough class oom obse a ion, ield
no es, ideo eco dings, in e iews (g oup, pai and indi idual), policy documen s
and linguis ic landscape documen a ion. Al oge he , he s udy in ol ed eache s,
new speake s (language lea ne s) and adi ional speake s o indigenous languages.
In he i s sub-s udy, en eache s o Sámi languages in Finland we e in e iewed
o ind ou hei app oaches and expe iences o eaching indigenous languages. The
second sub-s udy examined wel e eache s o he Yaeyama language in he Yaeyama
communi y, new speake s and adi ional speake s o he language. The hi d-sub
s udy o his esea ch ocused on he his o y o indigenous language educa ion
in Japan, explo ing iden i y nego ia ions o Ryukyuan people and hei linguis ic
igh s o educa ion. The p incipal esul o his s udy showed ha he e is a need
o decolonise language educa ion om wi hin. This, in u n, indica ed ha lack o
con idence and sel -es eem as eache s (language a i udes), unconscious ichness
o indigenous language speake s (language p ac ice) and in isible language policy
(language managemen ) we e he componen s ha needed o be add essed in o de
o acili a e indigenous language educa ion. This esea ch sugges ed a new model
o decolonising language educa ion om wi hin, which could be implemen ed in
o he indigenous language con ex s a ound he wo ld o indi iduals o be able o
speak hei language and be “beau i ul” a he same ime.
Keywo ds: indigenous languages, language eache iden i y, decolonisa ion,
indigenous educa ion, indigenous iden i y, new speake s, endange ed languages
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Čoahkkáigeassu
Du kamuša ulbmilin lea guo ahalla eamiálbmo gielaid oahpahus- ja oahppandiliid,
doa ju beak ilis máŋggagiela uođa málliid eamiálbmo giellase ožiin.
E enomáš ulbmilin du kamušain lea (a) o danbuk i guo i eamiálbmo giela
giellaealáskah ima dáhpáhusdu kamuša Japánas ja Suomas, (b) dahka oinnolažžan
eamiálbmo oahpaheaddjiid ja -ohppiid jiena ja ásáhusaid, (c) dahka e ohusaid
eamiálbmo oahpaheaddjesku lejupmái guo i dáhpáhusdu kamuša uođul.
Du kamuša guo ddáš eo eh alaš ámma sis isdolle iden i eh a, giela ja oahpahusa
ema ihkaid, maidda du kama du kanjea aldaga uođđudu e . Du kamušas
a noju o oassálas i sea ušlaš du kanme oda eamiálbmo me odologiija suo ggis.
Du kamuša ma e iála lea čohkkeju on guo i e nog á alaš du kamuša ehkiin
Suomas ja Japánas. Ma e iála sis isdoallá áiccademiid, no áh aid, ideobáddejumiid
ja jea ahallamiid (joa ku, pá a, indi iduála), mea ádusdokumean aid ja
gielladuo dagiid dokumen e ema.
Du kanjoa kkus lea oahpaheaddji guđe oahpahi eamiálbmo gielaid.
Oahpaheaddji lea jogo ea nigiela eamiálbmogiid gielaid hálli dahje
eamiálbmo gielaid ođđahálli (guđe lea oahpahallan giela á esolmmožin).
Vuos aš oassedu kamušas jea ahalloju ojede logi oahpaheaddji guđe oahpahi
sámegielaid Suomas. Ulbmilin lei guo ahalla oahpaheaddjiid ásáhusaid ja
doaladumiid sámegiela oahpahusas. Nuppi oassedu kamušas Ryukyuan sullo
yukyuangiela ea nigiela ja maŋŋá giela oahppan hálli jea ahalloju ojede.
Goalmmá oassedu kamušas guo ahalloju ojedje Japána eamiálbmo gielaid
oahpahusa his o já, yukyuangiela hálliid iden i eah a áđđádallama ja gielalaš
ie i oahpahusas. Du kamuša guo ddáš boađus lea ah e giellaoahpahusa galgá
dekolonise e siskkobealde. Dan ulbmila olaheami dih ii u kamuš e oha gidde
uomášumi (1) oahpaheaddjiid sihkka uh ii ja iešdo dui (gielladoaladumi ),
(2) eamiálbmo gielaid hálliid diđošmeah un kapasi eh ii (giellagea adaga )
ja (3) oaidnemeah un giellapoli ihkkii (giellaplánen). Du kamuš buk á ođđa
uogi ju ddaši dekolonise ema siskkobealde, man sáh á implemen e e iešguđe
giellakon ea s aide bi a máilmmi.
Čoa ddasáni : Eamiálbmo giela , giellaoahpaheaddji , dekolonise en,
eamiálbmo oahpahus, eamiálbmo iden i eah a, ođđahálli , ái oju on giela
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
論文要旨
本研究の目的は、先住言語2の教育状況を調査し、少数言語が存在するコミ
ュニティにおいて、多言語環境を大切にする方法をコミュニティの内部から
促進することである。本研究の目標としては、(1)日 本 と フ ィ ン ラ ン ド の 二 か 国
において、少数言語の状況を調査すること、(2)少数言語の教育に携わる生
徒と教師の経験とその声を言語化すること、そして(3)2 か 国 の 例 を 通して、
少数言語教育の教育養成に関するよいモデルを提案することである。これら
の目的および目標を達成するために、いくつかの研究質問を設定した。本論
文では、まず、先住民アイデンティティ、言語、先住教育という3つの大きなテ
ーマをこの研究質問を検証するために提示し、研究質問を検討する。本研
究では、先住性を意識した研究方法(Smi h, 1999)を 用 い 、コ ミ ュ ニ テ ィ を
基盤とした参加型の研究手法を用いる。本研究のデータは、先住言語(少
数)言語を教える教師、先住言語(少数)言語を学ぶ新しい話者(学習者)、
そして、先住言語(少数)言語を話す伝統的な話者からの協力を得て、提供
されたものである。
まず第一番目の研究においては、フィンランドのラップランドでサーミ語を
教授する10名の教師をインタビューし、先住民族の言葉を教えるという経
験と彼らの教授法について学んだ。第二の研究では、日本の琉球列島での
言葉のうち、特に八重山語の教育に携わっている 12 名の教師に焦点を当
てた。 どちらの場合も、教師たちの民族的な背景はさまざまで、自分をサーミ
人という人、八重山の人という人、またそうではない人も含まれる。これらの
研究のためのデータは、学習の観察、フィールドノート、ビデオ記録、そしてイ
ンタビューによって構成される。第三の研究では、日本の先住民政策につい
て焦点を当て、とくに少数言語に対する日本の教育政策の歴史をまとめた。
これらの研究からの結果として、琉球では、内部からの脱植民地化のための
2 本研究では、 indigenous の日本語訳として使っているが、日本語での先住民と英語の
indigenous では、含有される意味に違いがあると考える。
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
言語教育が必要であるといえる。内部からの脱植民地化を目指して、本研究
では少数言語を教える教師たちの自信の欠落と、自己肯定感の低さ(言語態
度)、伝統的な話者たちの多言語性に関する無自覚(言語使用)、“ 見 え な い ”
言語政策の存在(言語政策)の 3 点を解決することを考えた言語教育のモ
デルを作ることを提案する。このモデルは、世界の他の少数言語や先住民言
語の存在する場所でもそれぞれ個人が、綺麗でありながら、その言葉を話す
ことができるように、応 用できるのではないか 。
キーワード: 先住民言語 言語教育 脱植民地化 先住民教育 先住民アイ
デンティティ 新しい話者 危機言語
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Chap e 5 Resea ch Ques ions ................................................................................................................................................68
Main Resea ch Ques ion ......................................................................................................................................................................68
Resea ch Ques ions o he Fi s A icle ................................................................................................................................69
Resea ch Ques ions o he Second A icle .........................................................................................................................69
Resea ch Ques ions o he Thi d A icle ............................................................................................................................70
Chap e 6 Me hodology .......................................................................................................................................................................71
6.1. Indigenous Resea ch Me hodology, Pa icipa o y Resea ch, Ac ion Resea ch ......................71
6.2. Decolonizing Endange ed Language Resea ch .....................................................................................................73
6.3. Linguis ic E hnog aphy ..............................................................................................................................................................75
6.3. My Posi ionali y and Resea ch E hics ...........................................................................................................................75
Chap e 7 Da a Collec ion and Analysis .......................................................................................................................77
Chap e 8 Summa ies and E alua ion o he Sub-S udies ................................................................81
8.1. Sub s udy 1: Sámi language eache s’ p o essional iden i ies explained
h ough na a i es abou language acquisi ion .....................................................................................................81
8.2. Sub-S udy 2: Educa ed No o Speak Ou Language -Language A i udes
and Newspeake ness in he Yaeyaman Language- ..............................................................................................83
8.3. Sub-S udy 3: Indigenous in Japan? The Reluc ance o he Japanese S a e
o Acknowledge Indigenous Peoples and Thei Need o Educa ion ...............................................86
Chap e 9 Gene al Discussion and Concluding Rema ks ...................................................................89
9.1. A No e on Decoloniza ion ......................................................................................................................................................90
9.2. Indigenous Language Lea ning and Teaching .......................................................................................................91
9.3. O e coming Linguis ic Sel -O ien alism ...................................................................................................................94
9.4. Educa ion Policies based on Mul ilingualism ........................................................................................................95
9.5. A New Model o Teache Educa ion o Indigenous Language Teache s ....................................96
9.5.1. Making “in isible” language policy isible ................................................................................................97
9.5.2. Unconscious Richness in Language P ac ice ..........................................................................................99
9.5.3. Lack o Con idence and Sel -Es eem in Language A i udes and Belie ................... 100
9.6. Limi a ions o he S udy ........................................................................................................................................................ 103
9.7. Fu u e Resea ch ..............................................................................................................................................................................103
Re e ences ...............................................................................................................................................................................................................107
A icle I ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 122
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Chap e 1 In oduc ion
I was ne e “indigenous” un il I s udied a uni e si y and ead abou my home islands
and my own languages in English. I was in Tokyo hen, awai ing my depa u e o
s a s udying o a mas e ’s deg ee in Applied Linguis ics wi h TESOL (Teaching
English o Speake s o O he Languages) in Sco land. I was a ha ime ha my
p o esso old me ha he e a e se e al indigenous languages in he Ryukyus. I
was con used, so I wen back o him o ask ques ions abou i , and I asked simila
ques ions o se e al o he p o esso s. I was a shocking expe ience o be old o
he i s ime in my li e a he age o 22 ha : “You a e indigenous, and you home
islands ha e indigenous languages.” I ied o answe se e al ques ions by mysel and
I s ill do no ha e answe s. Fo example, why did I no know ha I was indigenous
un il hen? Tha was my i s encoun e wi h he wo d “indigenous.” I was highe
educa ion ha ga e me an indigenous iden i y.
O he ques ions I ha e had include: why was I unawa e o indigenous languages
un il I ead abou my home and my languages? Why does he e m indigenous3 ha e
nega i e conno a ion in Japanese? To begin wi h, wha exac ly does i mean o be
indigenous? Howe e , e en be o e his encoun e wi h he e m “indigenous,” I had
al eady expe ienced some uncom o able momen s in la ge ci ies such as Tokyo in
mainland4 Japan. Fo ins ance, many Japanese people om mainland Japan look a
me and hink I am, wha hey call, “hal (mix o Japanese and non-Japanese)” o
non-Japanese. Some people e en ask me “Do you ha e a Japanese passpo ?” when
hey i s see me. Then, I eply hem ha I am Japanese, bu i I ell hem ha I am
om Okinawa, hey look a me and say o me “Ah, ha ’s is why (you look like his)”
o “I knew i .” I was, howe e , aised as a Japanese, spoke he Japanese language, and
wen h ough all he educa ion sys em in Japanese. I hough I was Japanese like
mainland Japanese people. I did no expec hese kinds o eac ions om hem. I
I was a Japanese, I wan ed he Japanese socie y o accep me as a Japanese. I did no
like o be always poin ed a as a pe son om he Ryukyus. I did no like when he
Japanese people old me o speak Ryukyuan o hōgen (see mo e in la e chap e s o
my disse a ion), which I did no lea n in my childhood.
3 I no e he e ha he e m indigenous is o en ansla ed in o senjūmin, which has sligh ly di e en
conno a ion om he English e m indigenous. In his disse a ion, I ansla ed indigenous in o senjūmin
and indigenous me hodology in o senjūminzoku no kenkyūhōhō (see my abs ac in Japanese).
4 In Okinawa, people o en use he e m naichi o e e o mainland Japan.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Being om he Ryukyus and ha ing an “indigenous language,” which was
in isible o me in my amily made me ponde upon many hings which I did no
know when I was li ing he e. This awa eness made me pu sue his esea ch in my
communi y. When I s a ed eaching English in Nagoya, in mainland Japan a e
acqui ing mas e ’s deg ee a Uni e si y o Edinbu gh, Sco land, I me one Finnish
pe son who old me abou indigenous languages in Finland. I sha ed my expe ience
o s udying in Sco land. I saw how he Sco ish Gaelic language was being augh
in some schools he e. My Finnish iend sha ed he expe ience o g owing up in
No he n Finland whe e indigenous languages we e also augh in school. I came o
wonde why I did no ha e a chance o lea n any o he Ryukyuan languages while I
was g owing up in he Ryukyus. As a language eache mysel , I wan ed o ind ou
why I did no e en know “indigenous languages” o my home island. This is why I
decided o pu sue his doc o al esea ch ocusing on language educa ion.
Th ough hese p e ious expe iences in bo h Eu ope and Japan, I lea ned ha
Sámi languages and people a e he only ecognized indigenous people in he EU.
This awa eness led me o join Eu opean Cen e o Mino i y Issues as an in e n
esea che . My p e ious expe iences in Eu ope, bo h in Sco land as an MA s uden
o Applied Linguis ics and as an in e n esea che a Eu opean Cen e o Mino i y
Issues in Ge many, made me ealize ha he e a e g oups o people who speak hei
own languages and who a e p oud o speaking hei own languages in Eu ope.
Mul ilingualism in Eu ope, al hough Eu opean mul ilingualism also en ails many
issues wi hin, made i easie o me o say ha I also ha e my language which is
di e en om he na ional language o my coun y. Compa ed o my expe iences
wi h he monolingual ideology, which is s ongly embedded in Japanese socie y, I
ound i easie o alk abou mysel and he mul ilingualism o my home egion in
Eu ope.
Ini ially, o my doc o al esea ch, I was planning o conduc a compa a i e case
s udy: Ryukyus in Japan and Lapland in Finland. Ha ing li ed in bo h con ex s,
howe e , I ealized how en i onmen s, poli ics, his o y, na ional policies and peoples’
a i udes in e play wi h he s a us and si ua ion a ound indigenous languages (see
mo e in sec ion 3.5.). My i s ieldwo k in Lapland in Finland de eloped deepe
unde s anding and connec ion wi h my communi y. My indigenous Sámi iends
encou aged me u he o sea ch o answe s o he ques ions I ha e had in my
communi y. Sámi iends I me in Lapland also encou aged me and empowe ed me
o con inue my wo k. My disse a ion wo k, he e o e, has ocused p edominan ly
on my language communi y in he Ryukyus wi h a special e e ence o Sámi language
e i aliza ion as an example o language e i aliza ion.
By eading wo ks by o he indigenous schola s, I came o lea n wha i means o be
an indigenous schola and I ealized ha I could ne e escape om being indigenous
once I knew abou i . I hus s a my hesis by ci ing Linda Tuhiwai Smi h.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
“F om he an age poin o he colonized, a posi ion om which I w i e, and
choose o p i ilege, he e m esea ch is inex icably linked o impe ialism
and colonialism oo ed in Eu ope” (Smi h, 1991, p.1).
Smi h (1991) claimed ha he way in which scien i ic esea ch is implica ed in
he wo s excesses o colonialism emains a powe ul emembe ed his o y o many
o he wo ld’s colonized peoples. Some a gued ha ou languages had ne e been
“indigenous” o conside ed “mino i y” un il hey we e labeled as such (see also Chow,
1993; Fanon, 1963; Memmi, 1967; Smi h, 2008). They a gued ha “na i e” iden i y
comes in o exis ence wi h colonize o se le iden i ies. Howe e , Chow (1993,
p.51) a gued ha indigenous o na i e did exis be o e he “gaze” o he se le and
be o e he image o “indigenous” o “na i e” came o be cons i u ed by impe ialism,
and ha “ he na i e does ha e an exis ence ou side and p eda ing he se le /na i e
iden i y”. I iew ha indigenous/na i e and impe ialism cons i u e each o he as
much as hey cons i u e hemsel es. Acco ding o hem, esea ch has been connec ed
o impe ialism, as Smi h ci es, esea ch has no been a highly mo al ci ilized sea ch
o knowledge; i is a se o e y human ac i i ies ha ep oduce pa icula social
ela ion o powe (Smi h, 2008). Resea ch ac i i ies ha e been ep oducing powe
ela ions, eassu ing social hie a chy o majo i y s. mino i y, o non-indigenous s.
indigenous, which is exac ly why he e is a need in academia o e isi he concep s
o “indigenous” “na i e” o “mino i y.” The “ ascina ion” wi h he na i e as a subjec
“wi h endange ed au hen ici ies” is common in esea ch (Chow, 1993, p.36). As
long as I ha e my home in a communi y whe e we a e labeled as such, I ealized I
will ne e be able o escape om my indigenei y. Wo k by o he indigenous schola s
encou aged me o ind a way o ee om he s uc u e which my languages o my
g oup o people ha e been labelled by esea ch. I will hus con inue o w i e abou i
om my pe spec i e.
The e is also a p oblem ega ding he e ms, “na i e” o “indigenous” and
“mino i y.” The iden i y o “ he na i e” is ega ded as complica ed, ambiguous,
and he e o e oubling e en o hose who li e he eali ies and con adic ions o
being na i e and o being a membe o a colonized and mino i y communi y ha
s ill emembe s o he ways o being, o knowing and o ela ing o he wo ld. Since
his e m has been discussed in he Wes e n con ex s, he e is a p oblem when we
use he same e m o alk abou non-Wes e n con ex s. In my case, calling mysel
an indigenous pe son had ne e been conside ed as a “cool” op ion in Japan. I
ook yea s o expe iences and hinking o be able o use he e m o desc ibe mysel .
Ano he p oblem is ha he e m i sel could homogenize he local popula ions
whe e di e en mino i y g oups expe ience di e en ela ions o powe ha esul
om di e en his o y and iden i ies (see mo e in my conclusion).
The e ms mino i y and indigenous canno be used wi hou conside ing he
powe ela ions behind hem. Fo his eason, some schola s s a ed using he e m
19
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
“mino i ized” languages ins ead o “mino i y” language (e.g. DePalma, 2015; Lynch,
2011). The choice signi ies he need o econside he de ini ion by emphasizing
socie al powe ela ions. In his esea ch, I p e e o use he e m “mino i ized”
languages a he han “mino i y” language in o de o demons a e ou posi ions
in socie y: he posi ion ha we ha e ne e been mino i y un il we we e labelled
by he majo i y. I is h ough socie al powe ela ions ha ou languages became a
“mino i y.” Pe haps he e is also a need o conside using he e m “indigenized”
language o he same eason. As an indigenous esea che , I a emp o aise issues
ela ed o powe ha I ha e aced du ing my s udies.
In his PhD hesis, I ollow he s and poin s o many p e ious indigenous
esea che s who pa ed he way o indigenous esea ch. The indigenous esea ch
amewo k emphasizes he impo ance o he esea che ’s posi ion. I is ue ha
wi hou ou side esea che s, and wi hou he in luence o Wes e n de elopmen
in esea ch, i would no ha e been possible o ha e he exis ing amoun o esea ch
on indigenous languages and cul u e. Ne e heless, an old joke claims ha a Saami
amily consis s o a mo he , a a he , en child en, and an an h opologis (Magga &
Sku nabb-Kangas, 2003), indigenous communi ies ha e o en se ed as he da a o
de elop science. As Houn ondji (2002) w o e:
“We ha e been se ing as in o man s... o a heo y-building ac i i y loca ed
o e seas and en i ely con olled by people he e... And when we happened
o w i e such books ou sel es, we did e e y hing o ha e hem ead and
app ecia ed by hem i s , and only seconda ily by ou own people... These
ends should be e e sed. (pp. 36–37).”
These schola s a gue ha he decoloniza ion p ocess in esea ch engages mul iple
s uggles in mul iple si es, since discou ses su ounding esea ch adi ions ha e hei
oo s in impe ialism and colonialism. In ecen esea ch o endange ed languages,
i is o en en isaged ha ou side s do mos o he esea ch needed no only o
documen ing bu also o main aining he languages (Leona d, 2017). Howe e ,
when sbal e n g oup, as Spi ak claims, ha e schola s o hei own, academic
impe ialism and Wes e n schola ly neocolonialism s ill ha e ways o ma ginalizing
hem while app op ia ing hei knowledge (Spi ak, 1988). This has been an cons an
s uggle o me.
I b ing his idea o my communi y and languages in Japan and o Asia whe e he
idea o indigenous, colonialism o impe ialism ha e lesse deg ees o unde s anding.
Smi h (1991, p.1) s a ed ha when he wo d “ esea ch” is men ioned in many
indigenous con ex s, “i s i s science, i conju es up bad memo ies, i aises a smile
ha is knowing and dis us ul.” This is no comple ely ue in my communi y. I also
no e he e ha I ha e seen ha esea ch also gi es hope o some indigenous peoples
who wish o be made “ amous” h ough he esea ch. In some indigenous con ex s,
20
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
such as my own, whe e he e a e no s ong adi ions o indigenous esea ch, he
indigenous people hemsel es ha e no ye ealized he dange o ha m o being
esea ched. Possible ha m includes si ua ions whe e linguis ic “da a” is de ached om
he speake s o he de elopmen o linguis ic science (see mo e in my conclusion). In
such si ua ion whe e he ideology o sys em hey we e pu in does no le hem hink
c i ically abou he dange o being esea ched. So, why do we, people om my home
islands, wan o be esea ched by ou side s? I is pe haps di e en om Eu ope o
No h Ame ican con ex s whe e an indigenous esea ch amewo k was de eloped,
in oduced and accep ed by indigenous peoples much ea lie han in Asia. I su e ed
om he eac ions o my communi y in which people we e happy o be esea ched
because I wen he e wi h he mind o adi ional indigenous s udies o Eu ope. My
disse a ion hope ully would pose c i ical analysis o indigenous esea ch amewo k
in ela ion o my communi y.
I no iced ha i is easie o be “indigenous” in Eu ope han in Japan. A e
s udying a a Eu opean uni e si y which has a s ong adi ion o indigenous
esea ch, I expe ienced us a ions in my own communi y. The e is a gap be ween
he unde s anding o indigenei y inside and ou side Eu ope, which is why i was
di icul o me o conduc ieldwo k in my own communi y. This expe ience made
me hink mo e deeply abou he concep o indigenei y. I o en had o e isi he
concep o indigenei y om my pe spec i e. Th ough w i ing his disse a ion in
he amewo k o indigenous esea ch, he sca s and ea s I had du ing my ieldwo k
ha e been healed. The e o e, I conside he esea ch as healing. Many p o esso s and
my colleagues a he acul y o Educa ion a Uni e si y o Lapland encou aged me
o make my posi ion clea e , and I no iced ha o he i s ime in my li e, being
iden i ied as indigenous could be an ad an age. I was ok o be indigenous. I lea ned
he igh s o languages, and he igh s o educa ion o indigenous peoples. I can
inally be p oud o being indigenous o he i s ime in my li e!
Educa ion is powe ul. Educa ion made me an indigenous schola . Ye , i is
i onic ha i is h ough he same sys em o educa ion ha I c i ically w i e my
oices abou indigenei y. I I had no a ended highe educa ion, I migh ne e
ha e known abou my communi y and how i is iewed in e na ionally. Indigenous
esea ch amewo k de eloped by p e ious schola s allows me o heal mysel and
exp ess mysel . I c ied while w i ing his disse a ion. I now see ha esea ch could
be a healing p ocess o me, and p obably o many indigenous schola s. While
educa ion opened my eyes mo e and mo e, i also hu me by gi ing me a name ha
I ne e knew abou (see mo e in my conclusion). I do no w i e his disse a ion ou
o cu iosi y. Some people ell me ha I am so passiona e abou my PhD disse a ion
bu ha is also w ong. I am nei he passiona e o succeed no am I chasing my
d eam. Ra he , I w i e his disse a ion because i is he igh hing o me. I used
his esea ch o heal, disco e and ede ine mysel . Since I was only able o accep
he label o indigenous a e s udying he subjec o indigenous s udies, I discuss
21
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
he complica ed issues o indigenous iden i ies and he discou se o indigenei y
h oughou his disse a ion.
Th ee impo an hemes I explo e in his hesis a e (1) indigenous iden i y
(especially indigenous eache iden i y), (2) language, and (3) indigenous educa ion
(see Figu e 1).
Indigenei y
Mino i y/Majo i y
Indigenei y in Con ex
Iden i y Nego ia ion
Mul ilingualism
Language Righ
Language Policy
Endange men
Language A i udes
Re i aliza ion
Language
Reclama ion
Teache Iden i y
Indigenous Teache s
New Speake s
My backg ound
Symbolic Powe
Indigenous Iden i y
Languages
My backg ound
My backg ound
My backg ound
My backg ound
Indigenous Educa ion
Figu e 1. Th ee hemes o his esea ch and sub- hemes
I use Figu e 1 as a map o guide he eade s h ough he hesis, and I e e o his
Figu e in la e chap e s o his hesis. This igu e is complica ed and all h ee concep s
and sub- hemes a e in e ela ed. Fi s , I pu my backg ound as an indigenous
esea che in he backg ound o each heme in his hesis since my indigenei y has
always played a ole in how I iew and w i e abou hese concep s. As he backbone
o his disse a ion, my backg ound in luences on my posi ion, pe spec i es,
esea ch me hod, da a analysis and conclusion. I d aw on p e ious esea ch by
indigenous schola s o suppo my a gumen s h oughou my hesis. Fo he sake
o heo iza ion, I di ide he sub- hemes in o h ee umb ella hemes: (1) indigenous
iden i y (especially indigenous eache iden i y), (2) language and (3) indigenous
educa ion. (1) Indigenous iden i y includes sub-concep s such as indigenei y,
22
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
indigenei y in each con ex , nego ia ion o iden i ies, and eache iden i y. (2)
Language includes such sub-concep s as mul ilingualism, language policy, language
igh , language endange men and language a i udes. (3) Educa ion includes
language e i aliza ion, new speake s and indigenous eache s’ iden i ies. I use he
concep o symbolic powe by Bou dieu (1991) as a co e heo y behind hese h ee
concep s since symbolic powe exis s in all o hese aspec s.
The emainde o hesis is o ganized as ollows: Chap e 2 p esen s he aims o each
sub-s udy and he pu poses o his esea ch. Chap e 3 p esen s he demog aphic,
sociolinguis ic and educa ional si ua ions o wo con ex s and I will summa ize he
si ua ions o he wo con ex s by o e iewing ea lie s udies. The ea e , Chap e 4
p esen s he co e concep ual amewo k o he s udy and he cen al concep s. I is
o ganized a ound he h ee hemes ela ed o his s udy, namely, indigenous iden i y,
language, and indigenous educa ion (see Figu e 1). I desc ibe each heme in de ail
by p esen ing di e en sub- hemes in each heme (see Figu e 1). Chap e 5 p esen s
he esea ch ques ions o each sub-s udy (see Figu e 2). Chap e s 6 and 7 desc ibe
he me hodology, da a collec ion and analysis employed in his s udy. In Chap e 8,
I summa ise each a icle and p esen he esul s and discussions o each s udy (see
Figu e 2). Finally, in chap e 9, I p esen he esul s and conclusion o his esea ch.
Sub-S udy Aims.Resea ch Ques ions
1: Sámi language
eache s’ p o essional iden i ies
explained h ough na a i es
abou language acquisi ion.
2: Educa ed no o speak ou
language -Language A i udes
and Newspeake ness in he
Yaeyaman
Language-
3: Indigenous in Japan? - he
eluc ance o he Japanese s a e
o acknowledge
Indigenous peoples and hei
need o educa ion-
To examine oices and
expe iences o indigenous
language eache s in
Sápmi
-How do Sámi language eache s
na a e hei expe ience o Sámi
language acquisi ion?
-How do hese eache s cons uc
hei p o essional iden i ies in
a ious educa ional se ings?
To examine oices and
expe iences o indigenous
language eache s in he
Ryukyus
-How do school eache s ace he
language endange men si ua ion
in Miya a illage on Ishigaki island?
-Wha kind o language a i udes
do people ha e owa d he
Yaeyaman language?
To examine how
indigenous g oups, pu sue
hei indigenous iden i ies
in he cu en Japanese
educa ional sys em
-How he educa ional policies
o Japan ha e deal wi h he
educa ion o i s Indigenous
popula ion his o ically and oday?
-How do Indigenous g oups pu sue
hei Indigenous iden i ies in he
cu en Japanese socie y?
Figu e 2. Summa y o each case-s udy and i s aims
23
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Chap e 2 Aims o he S udy
In his hesis, I in es iga e he complexi ies ela ed o eaching and lea ning
expe iences o indigenous language eache s, lea ne s and speake s in wo con ex s.
I am in e es ed in he oices and expe iences o indi iduals who a e in ol ed in he
language educa ion o indigenous languages. My esea ch pa ne s (pa icipan s)
li e in he cen al egions o Sápmi in Finland and in he Yaeyama islands and on
Okinawa island in he Ryukyus. To emphasize he impo ance o agency o he
pa icipan s, in my esea ch, I use he e m esea ch pa ne s when e e ing o he
people I was wo king wi h in his esea ch. The pu poses o his esea ch a e wo-
old: (1) in es iga e he si ua ions o indigenous language eaching and lea ning,
(2) acili a e be e ways o emb ace mul ilingualism in indigenous language
communi ies. Based on hese wo main pu poses o his s udy, I o mula ed he
ollowing i e aims o each sub-s udy o his hesis:
(a) Examine oices and expe iences o indigenous language eache s in Sápmi
(Sub-S udy 1)
(b) Examine oices and expe iences o indigenous language eache s in he
Ryukyus (Sub-S udy 2)
(c) In es iga e how he educa ional policies o Japan ha e deal wi h educa ion
o i s indigenous popula ion his o ically and oday (Sub-S udy 3)
(d) Examine how indigenous g oups, pu sue hei indigenous iden i ies in he
cu en Japanese educa ional sys em (Sub-S udy 3)
(e) Iden i y indigenous language eache educa ion based on his esea ch
(Conclusion)
This disse a ion i s p esen s he wo con ex s o his esea ch and he
heo e ical backg ound o he esea ch. The ea e , I p esen he esea ch ques ions
and me hodological choices. Towa ds he end o he s udy, I summa ize and e alua e
he o iginal publica ions which o m he basis o he cons uc ion o he heo y.
Finally, I discuss he ou comes o he esea ch and hei limi a ions and p ac ical
implica ions by sugges ing a new model o eache educa ion in gene al, p o iding
some sugges ions o u u e esea ch.
24
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Chap e 3 Two Con ex s o his Resea ch
In his chap e , I explain he wo con ex s o his esea ch. Du ing my ou -yea PhD
jou ney, I conduc ed wo e hnog aphic ieldwo k s udies in wo di e en pa s o
he wo ld, whe e wo g oups o indigenous languages exis : Ryukyuan languages in
Japan and Sámi languages in Finland. The eason why I chose hese wo indigenous
language communi ies o my PhD s udies is pe sonal and ela es o my li e jou ney.
A e my expe iences p esen ed in Chap e 1, I became in e es ed in how indigenous
Sámi languages a e augh in Finland and how i is possible o implemen indigenous
language educa ion in ou communi ies in he Ryukyus. I became in e es ed in he
eason why ou languages a e so in isible in Japanese socie y and why I ha e had o
s uggle o “ ind ou ” abou he exis ence o indigenous languages in he Ryukyus.
The ollowing sec ion b ie ly in oduces he eade s o wo g oups o languages and
hei his o ical, sociolinguis ic and educa ional si ua ions.
3.1. Ryukyuan languages
Ryukyuan is a g oup o languages belonging o he Japonic Family, spoken in he
sou he n ex eme o Japan a chipelago, Ryukyu Islands (see Figu e 3, adap ed om
Shimoji & Pella d5, 2008). The Ryukyuan language amily consis s o a leas i e
dis inc languages 6 (Amamian, Kunigami, Uchinaaguchi/Okinawan, Miyakoan,
Yaeyaman, Dunan), adi ionally spoken in he Ryukyu Islands, a chain o islands
in he sou hwes egion o Japan (see Figu e 3). The Ryukyuan languages a e he
only language amily ha has p o en o be cogna e o he Japanese language. All
Ryukyuan languages a e mu ually unin elligible om each o he (Shimoji, 2018;
Takubo, 2015) and he e a e di e en a ie ies wi hin Ryukyuan (see Figu e 4).
These islands we e o me ly pa o he Ryukyu Kingdom (1429– 1879) un il Japan
inco po a ed hem in o i s e i o y as Okinawa p e ec u e and a pa o Kagoshima
p e ec u e. Al hough o en people e e o Shu i dialec o Okinawan as a language
o he o me oyals, no s anda d a ie y o any o he Ryukyuan languages exis s,
and ideas o de elop s anda d a ie ies a e con o e sial (Ishiha a, 2016).
5 The au ho would like o hank D Thomas Pella d and D Michino i Shimoji o p o iding me wi h
he map.
6 I is conside ed as 5 o 6 languages depending on sou ces and de ini ion. Please ind u he in o ma ion
on Ryukyuan languages on Pella d (2013) Hein ich, Shimoji, & Miya a (2015) among o he s.
31
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Japanese. Gene ally speaking, na i e speake s o Ryukyuan languages end o be
aged o e 60 o 70 yea s o olde (Ande son, 2009). Smalle Ryukyuan languages
such as Yonaguni o Yaeyaman end o ha e na i e speake s aged o e 80s o 90s.
As wi h many o he indigenous languages ac oss he wo ld, he language decline
in he Ryukyus is no only abou language. Al hough a i udes owa ds Ryukyuan
languages ha e shi ed om un a ou able o mo e a ou able in Okinawa P e ec u e
in gene al (Ishiha a, 2016; San alah i, 2018). Howe e , he e is no p e ious esea ch
on language a i udes o belie s owa ds smalle Ryukyuan languages such as
Yaeyaman, o Amami.
3.2. The Yaeyaman Language
Fo his disse a ion, I ocus on one o he i e o six Ryukyuan languages:
Yaeyaman. Yaeyaman is spoken by local communi ies on he Yaeyama Islands, which
lie mo e han 250 miles sou hwes o Okinawa Island (see Figu e 2 and Figu e 3).
Al hough in e na ionally his linguis ic a ie y is de ined as he Yaeyaman language,
i comp ises many a ie ies (also see Pella d, 2013). Some a ie ies a e mu ually
unde s andable om each o he , bu some a e no . Yaeyaman speake s a e awa e ha
hey canno always unde s and each o he ’s a ie y, depending on he geog aphical
a eas15. A e he Ryukyu Kingdom (1429-1879) was annexed in 1872 by Japan, he
Yaeyama Islands (see Figu e 4) we e in eg a ed in o Okinawa P e ec u e in 1879.
The Yaeyama Islands ha e hei own his o y, language, cul u e, and iden i y, which
di e s om he es o he Ryukyu Islands (Ma suda, 2008; Miki, 2003).
15 To my knowledge, and om my expe iences, people om Miya a o en unde s and o Ishigaki a ie ies
bu i is ha d o hem o unde s and Shi aho a ie y o a a ie y spoken on Ha e uma island o Yaeyama.
32
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Figu e 4. Ryukyuan languages (Hein ich & Ishiha a, 2017)
I chose he Yaeyaman language as he ocus o his esea ch since i is one o he
he i age languages spoken on Ishigaki Island whe e I am om. G owing up in he
Ryukyus, people o en look a one’s su name and ace o guess whe e someone is
om. My su name, Hammine, is a ypical su name om he illage o Miya a on
Ishigaki island (see Figu e 5). This name is no common in Okinawa main island
a all. The e o e, e en on Okinawa island, people o en ask me whe e I am om.
Howe e , when I mee people om Yaeyama, hey immedia ely know I am om
he e because o my name. Whene e I go back o Ishigaki island wi h my amily,
people in my communi y ell me ha I ha e “a ace o Hammine.18” People in Ishigaki
o en ell me “hammine ma i,” when hey look a my ace. “Hammine ma i” implies
ha I ha e a ace o he Hammine amily. I ha e o en been asked i I am “hal ”
Japanese in mainland Japan due o my look and pa ly due o my name. Fo me, his
kind o social accep ance om Yaeyaman people mean a lo when I was g owing
up. Pe haps, ha is why I s ongly iden i y mysel no only as Okinawan bu also as
Yaeyaman16. These kinds o eac ions o my ace and su name ha e been signi ican
o me because on Okinawa main island, people o en iewed me as no comple ely
Okinawan due o my Yaeyaman su name. I o en wished I had been gi en a ypical
Okinawan name when I was g owing up so ha people a ound me did no poin me
ou and say ha I was di e en 17.
16 This is an example o iden i y nego ia ion (see mo e in sec ion 4.1.4).
17 People om Yaeyama o en conside ed as people wi h less economic o poli ical powe by he people
on Okinawa island due o i s his o y.
33
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Because o hese expe iences, I ha e always had a Yaeyaman iden i y as well as
Okinawan and Japanese iden i ies. The e a e in e nal ela ions o powe wi hin
he Ryukyus, and e en wi hin he Yaeyaman communi ies, as in any socie y, ha
exclude, ma ginalize, and silence some while empowe ing o he s (e.g. Todal,
1998; Leona d, 2012). I ha e expe ienced di e si y wi hin he pe iphe y o he
pe iphe y (see also Pie ikäinen & Kelly-Holmes, 2013). Con empo a y indigenous
communi ies, including he Ryukyus, also s uggle wi h issues o gende , economic
class, age, language, and eligion (see also Ka suka a-Ina uku, 2006; Leona d,
2012). The Yaeyaman iden i y was, pe haps, o me, he mos silenced iden i y, bo h
linguis ically and cul u ally. I used o ound Yaeyaman music bo ing because my
a he played i e e y nigh a home un il I wen o uni e si y and disco e ed many
li e a u es on Yaeyaman music o Ryukyuan cul u es in gene al. These expe iences
o mysel a e one o he many easons why I ocus on he Yaeyaman language in his
esea ch.
In Yaeyama, he Yaeyaman language18 is some imes - o I could p obably say -
o en e e ed o hōgen. A e he his o ical analysis o Miyakoan he language
spoken on Miyako island, Ja osz (2015) s a ed ha i is di icul o de e mine he
ac ual implica ions o he e m hōgen (a e obse ing how people use he e m,
when hey use he e m and wha implica ions hey ha e when hey use he e m).
Ag eeing wi h Ja osz’s (2015) analysis, he e m hōgen does no comple ely sugges
ha Ryukyuan languages a e a egional a ie y o Japanese o ha i is in elligible
wi h Japanese – Yaeyaman people, who also hose e e o Yaeyaman as hōgen, a e
awa e o his ac mo e han anyone else and hey o en admi explici ly no only he
unin elligibili y o Yaeyaman wi h Japanese bu also wi h o he Ryukyuan a ie ies,
and hey e en no e he limi ed in elligibili y among some sub- a ie ies o Yaeyaman.
Yaeyaman people o en use he e m “muni” (language, linguis ic a ie y o land o
communi y) (e.g. mee amuni, kumōmuni) o e e o hei linguis ic a ie y, and
o en each illage o Yaeyama ends has i s own way o e e ing o i s linguis ic
a ie y.
Yaeyama has been s udied by some impo an ou side schola s and by inside
schola s, which include Tashi o An ei, Sasamo i Gisuke, Iha Fuyū, Iwasaki Takuji,
Kishaba Eijun and To ii Ryūzō (see mo e in Miki, 2003). Miya a Tōsō (1893-1964),
o Miyanaga Masano i (his Japanese name19), was a linguis om Ishigaki ci y o
Ishigaki island. He s udied di e en dialec s o Japan. Miya a Tōsō was he i s
schola om Yaeyama who c i icized Tanabe Hisao’s claim ha Yaeyama people
ha e cul u al and acial simila i ies wi h Malay in 1923 (as ci ed in Ma suda, 2008).
This claim denying simila i ies wi h cul u es and e hnici ies o Malay implies Miya a
18 While hōgen is a Japanese e m, people in Yaeyama call i sumamuni o yaemamuni. (see mo e in
Hammine, 2019).
19 Many people in he Ryukyus changed hei names in o mo e Japanese sounding names.
34
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
sel -iden i ied mo e wi h Japanese and conside ed he Yaeyaman language a dialec
o Japanese. His classi ica ion o he Yaeyaman language as a dialec o Japanese
could also be in e p e ed as a esul o his complica ed iden i y. Being a mino i y
wi hin he Ryukyus, in he discou se o Yaeyaman his o y, he e a e aspec s o
double coloniza ion by bo h Japan and Okinawa. Those include jin ōzei20 ( axa ion
imposed by he Ryukyuan Kingdom on Yaeyama and Miyako), he legend o
Oyake Akahachi,21 who labeled agains he Ryukyu Kingdom in 1500, and o ced
eloca ion by he Ryukyu Kingdom (see also Ma suda, 2008). Ha ing g own up
du ing he pe iod o assimila ion o Ryukyuan languages on Yaeyama, Miya a Tōsō
belongs o he gene a ion who we e punished by a dialec ag when he child en
used Ryukyuan languages in school (see mo e in Mu akami, 1994, 2008).
Acco ding o in e na ional s anda d se by he UNESCO a las o languages
in dange , he Yaeyaman and Yonaguni languages a e ca ego ized as “se e ely
endange ed” compa ed o ha o he Okinawan language, which is “de ini ely
endange ed.” The g amma o se e al a ie ies o he Yaeyaman language has been
desc ibed by schola s bo h in Japanese and in English (e.g. Aso & Ogawa, 2016;
Da is, 2014a, 2014b; Da is & Lau, 2015; Izuyama, 2003; Law ence, 2019; Nakaha a,
2003, 2013; U abe, 2019). Some a ie ies23 ha e al eady los he las speake and
linguis ic i ali y o each a ie y depending on each a ea and illage o he islands22.
Du ing my ieldwo k, o ins ance, I me he las ull-speake o he Funauki a ie y
o he Yaeyaman language on I iomo e Island (see Figu e 5). She was 95 yea s old in
2017. Many dialec s in Yaeyama ha e only ew speake s le . The esea ch on hese
smalle a ie ies o Yaeyaman is sca ce and o my knowledge he e a e some a ie ies
only one o wo speake s le .
20 Jin ōzei is a axa ion sys em o he Ryukyu Kingdom. Unde his sys em, people in Yaeyama and
Miyako. This sys em was ha sh on people in Yaeyama, and many adi ional music and s o ies a e hemed
unde he ha sh eali y o he people due o his axa ion om he cen al kingdom o he Ryukyus (see
also Gillan, 2013).
21 Oyake Akahachi is known as a he o in Yaeyama who ebelled agains he Ryukyu Kingdom in 1500.
The legend o Oyaka Akahachi is s ill one o he mos amous s o ies in Yaeyama. The play based on his
legend is played e e y yea by local school child en in Ishigaki ci y.
22 One a ie y, sïka a ie y is some imes conside ed as a a ie y o high s a us due o he ac ha in his
a ea, he e used o li e o icials o he Kingdom.
35
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Figu e 5. Map o Yaeyama islands23 (adap ed om Hammine, 2019)24
In he Miya a illage on Ishigaki island25, Miya a Yaeyaman ( e e ed as Miya an
in his disse a ion), a a ie y o he Yaeyaman language, is spoken (see Figu e
3). Among he di e en a ie ies o he Yaeyaman language, Miya a Yaeyaman
(hence o h, Miya an) is my he i age language (see Figu e 5). The illage has he
popula ion o a ound 1800 people wi h abou 763 households (Ishigaki, 2013). In
Miya a, communi y membe s a e awa e ha he e used o be an olde a ie y o
Miya an: wha hey call, “mu u-mee amuni (o iginal Miya an).” The las ull speake
o mu u-mee amuni has al eady passed away.
The illage sus ained a conside able damage by a la ge sunami in 1771, esul ing
in o e hal o i s popula ion being killed. A e he sunami, people on Kohama
island we e o ced o mo e o Miya a by he Ryukyu kingdom. People om Kohama
island and people who we e o iginally om Miya a s a ed using he linguis ic
a ie y known as “mee amuni26” [ e e ed as Miya an in his hesis]. Miya an people
conside Kohama island as a b o he o a he island and people s ill ha e a s ong
emo ional connec ion wi h Kohama island. Miya an is es ima ed as endange ed
wi h app oxima ely 350 na i e speake s (Da is, 2016). This numbe ep esen s he
popula ion who a e bilingual in Miya an and Japanese, since he e a e no longe
23 Yonaguni island is some imes classi ied as one o he Yaeyama islands.
24 The au ho wan s o hank D Glenn Summe hayes o p o iding me wi h his map.
25 Ishigaki island is one o he Yaeyama islands (see Figu e 5).
26 Mee amuni li e ally means he language o Miya a. Communi y membe s conside his a ie y as a
combina ion o he olde Miya an language, mu u-mee amuni, and he one om Kohama. He e, I use
Miya an as a ansla ion o di e en ia e i om di e en a ie ies o he Yaeyaman language.
36
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
any monolingual speake s o Miya an le . Cu en ly, he popula ion o he illage
includes some people who mo ed om mainland Japan, some people om o he
islands o he Ryukyus and some people om o he illages on Ishigaki island27
(i.e. women who a e ma ied o Miya an men, o some amilies who mo ed o
he illage). Thus, he e a e no only bilingual speake s o Miya an and Japanese
and monolingual speake s o Japanese, bu also ew speake s 28 o o he Ryukyuan
languages (e.g. Miyakoan, Okinawan/Uchinaaguchi), and ew speake s o o he
a ie ies o he Yaeyaman language in he illage.
Al hough i is my he i age language, as in he case o mos indi iduals in he
Ryukyus, I did no ha e he chance o lea n his language in my childhood like mos
o younge gene a ions in he Ryukyus. My g andpa en s and some ela i es a e
ull speake s o Miya an. A pa o decolonizing wo k is o ake back ou language
h ough he esea ch p ocess (e.g. Smi h, 1999). I ha e been lea ning he language
as an adul and speak i wi h people in he illage. This a emp is o become a new
speake o Yaeyaman has b ough mysel an expe ience o “muda” (see mo e in he
sec ion o new speake s, 4.3.2. o his hesis). The e o e, his wo k is aimed no only
a schola ship bu also as a means o decoloniza ion o my communi y and mysel .
The e ha e been an inc easing numbe o language e i aliza ion e o s in
Ryukyuan languages and in Yaeyaman, hough he ques ion o whe he hese
e o s a e e ec i e in eali y emains unanswe ed. Fo example, in 2008, he local
women’s associa ion in Miya a illage (see Figu e 5 and Pic u e 1), Miya a Fujinkai,
s a ed o deli e Miya an language lessons a Miya a Elemen a y School and wo
kinde ga ens olun a ily. The same associa ion published a book in Miya an, which
in oduces basic ocabula y, g ee ings and a Miya an e sion o peach boy [momo a ō],
a well-known Japanese child en’s s o y (see Pic u e 1). Addi ionally, wo people in
he illage w o e wo communi y-based books on Miya an. Mo e ecen ly, in 2018,
he communi y membe s published a bilingual book called “The legend o ed ho se
[akanma monoga a i]” which a ge s mainly Miya an child en. In Miya a, he e is a
cha e o a public hall o Miya a illage [miya a kōminkan kenshō] made by he local
people, which se es as a cons i u ion o he illage (see Pic u e 2). This cha e is
also w i en in he Miya an a ie y o Yaeyaman. In o he a eas o he Ishigaki island,
he e is a Yaeyaman language lea ning lesson held e e y wo weeks. Addi ionally, a
Non-P o i -O ganisa ion (NPO) called Yun aku Ga den [a communica ion ga den]
is loca ed in Hi ae illage on Ishigaki island, whe e Tsuyoshi Higashiōhama29, a
27 Some people in Yaeyama call Yaeyam “Uni ed S a es o he Ryukyus” since he e a e popula ions om
o he pa s o he Ryukyus since long ime due o i s his o y ( ieldwo k no e).
28 Those speake s end o be no he na i e speake s bu semi-speake s o o he Ryukyuan languages,
since younge gene a ions in he Ryukyus do no speak comple ely hei languages.
29 He allowed me o include his name on his hesis. He always encou ages me o lea n Yaeyaman and o
speak he language. E en hough speake s o he Sïka a ie y o Yaeyaman end o be in hei 80s o 90s,
he speaks i luen ly and he is in his 70s.
37
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
na i e speake o he Sïka a ie y o Yaeyaman, eaches he Yaeyaman language o
people who come om ou side he island o lea n Yaeyaman. On Take omi island,
local elde s conduc language lessons a elemen a y school e e y week. In he illage
o Ohama on Ishigaki island, he e is a lesson on e e y Wednesday e ening o each
he language o child en a school in 2018 ( ieldwo k no e). These ac i i ies a e
ini ia ed by local indi iduals who ac as eache s and g ass oo s policy make s o
he Yaeyaman language.
Pic u e 1. Th ee books w i en by communi y membe s o Miya a illage30
30 F om he le , “ aka a nu sïmamuni” by he Miya a women`s associa ion, “mee amuni yōgo bin anshū”
by Saneyoshi Ishigaki and “Miya a mu a hōgen shu” by Shūkichi Ma suba a. All o hem ha e been
eaching me Miya an h oughou my ieldwo k. These a e he books w i en by eache s o my language.
38
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Pic u e 2. a cha e o a public hall o Miya a illage31
(miya a kōminkan kenshō)
3.3. Sámi languages
The Sámi languages a e Finno-Ug ic languages (a g oup ha also includes Finnish,
Hunga ian, Es onian, K en Mienkieli) spoken in he Sámi egion (Sápmi) in
no he n pa s o No way, Sweden, Finland and in he Kola Peninsula o Russia
(see Figu e 4). Sámi languages a e spoken in he en i e a ea o Sápmi in ou
di e en coun ies as seen on Figu e 6. Sámi languages can also be u he di ided
o he wes e n and eas e n Sámi languages, o sou he n, cen al and eas e n
language g oups (Sammallah i, 1998). The g oup o Sámi languages comp ises
se e al a ie ies, o which nine a e s ill spoken (Aikio-Puoska i, 1998; Sa i aa a,
31 This is w i en bo h in Miya an and Japanese. Miya a seems o be one pa icula illage in Yaeyama
whe e he Yaeyaman language is s ill spoken by ai ly younge speake s compa ed o o he illages in
Yaeyama, which speake s hemsel es o en ag ee wi h. People om o he illages o Yaeyama e e
o Miya a as a illage o adi ion, hence, people o en see i as a place whe e Yaeyaman is s ill spoken,
compa ed o o he illages in Yaeyama ( ieldwo k no e).
39
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Uusiau i, & Mää ä, 2013). All Sámi languages a e endange ed due o cen u ies-
long assimila ion policies, and he deg ee o legal p o ec ion o he languages a ies
depending on he coun y (Keski alo, Mää ä, & Uusiau i, 2013; Pie ikäinen, Huss,
Laihiala-Kankainen, Aikio-Puoska i, & Lane, 2010). O hese nine languages, a
leas one sou he n language (Ume Sámi) and one eas e n language (Te Sámi) a e
se e ely endange ed as only a hand ul o speake s emain. A li le less han hal o
he Sámi people speak one o he Sámi languages (see Kulonen, Seu ujä i-Ka i, &
Pulkkinen, 2005). Owing o he cen u y-long assimila ion policies, he e a e people
who belong o he “los gene a ion.” These people did no ha e a chance o lea n
Sámi languages in childhood (see Sa i aa a e al., 2013). Among hose people who
belong o he los gene a ion, some s a ed lea ning he Sámi languages as adul s
(Pasanen, 2018; Sa i aa a e al., 2013). People who speak di e en a ie ies o Sámi
do no necessa ily unde s and each o he and he e a e di e en dialec s depending
on he a ea.
Figu e 6. Map o Sámi Languages
Th ee Sámi languages a e spoken in Finland: No h Sámi, Ina i Sámi and Skol
Sámi, all o which a e conside ed o be se iously endange ed (see Moseley, 2010;
S onni, 2008). Sámi languages ha e di e en posi ions in each Sámi speake ’s
mul ilingual linguis ic epe oi e, a ying om luen speake s o he language o
40
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
speake s wi h knowledge o a ew wo ds (Pie ikäinen, 2014), wi h assimila ion
ha ing p oduced many Sámi people wi h a passi e o inabili y o speak Sámi
(Sa i aa a, 2012). As an indigenous mino i y popula ion, he Sámi ha e a igh o
lea n hei language, g an ed ha linguis ic igh s, pa icula ly he igh o lea n one’s
own language, a e one componen o human igh s (Sku nabb-Kangas, Phillipson,
& Rannu , 1994).
Since joining he EU, Finland has a i ied wo impo an ins umen s o he
EU wi h ega d o p o ec ing mino i ies: The F amewo k Con en ion o P o ec ion
o Na ional and Regional Mino i ies and The Eu opean Cha e o Mino i y and
Regional Languages (see mo e in Hammine, 2016). Finland also signed he Uni ed
Na ions Decla a ion on he Righ s o Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in 2007 (Uni ed
Na ions, 2007). The Cons i u ion o Finland speci ies ha he Sámi people ha e he
igh o main ain and de elop hei languages and cul u es. Sámi language eaching
s a ed in he illage o U sjoki in he 1970s, and school classes ha e been augh
in Sámi wi h special pe mission o he Finnish Educa ion Minis e s. The Sámi
language was men ioned in he Finnish P ima y School Ac o he i s ime in
1983 (Aikio-Puoska i, 2014). The Finnish go e nmen gi es special unding bo h
inside and ou side he Sámi homeland a ea (municipali ies o Enon ekiö, Ina i,
U sjoki and a pa o he municipali y o Sodankylä) o eaching in Sámi. The
Finnish Sámi Pa liamen p oduces lea ning ma e ials o all h ee Sámi languages
spoken in Finland.
The Sámi language can be s udied ei he as a language o ins uc ion, as a subjec
o mo he ongue and li e a u e, o as a subjec o o eign language (Aikio-Puoska i,
2007). Acco ding o he Basic Educa ion Ac (1998), ou municipali ies in he Sámi
homeland a ea a e obliged o gi e ins uc ion p ima ily in Sámi o pupils wi h Sámi
language abili y. This obliga ion applies only o municipali ies wi hin he Sámi home
a ea, and no o he municipali ies ou side i . Ou side his a ea, i is possible o gi e
complemen a y Sámi language classes o wo hou s pe week, bu i is some imes
di icul due o he small numbe o eache s who can each Sámi (see mo e in
Rahko- a an i, 2016; Hammine, 2016). Mos eache s in he ou municipali ies
o he Sámi home a ea each in Finnish: he numbe o Sámi speaking eache s
is usually smalle han he numbe o Finnish speaking eache s. Sámi speaking
eache s a e o en indigenous hemsel es, bu some a e non-indigenous. Al hough
esea ch conduc ed in o he indigenous con ex s emphasizes he impo ance o
unde s anding how one becomes an indigenous language eache (Ho nbe ge ,
2014), esea ch abou he backg ound and expe iences o Sámi language eache s
and how indi idual language eache s nego ia e and cons uc hei p o essional
iden i ies is lacking.
47
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
(2008) de ined indigenous people as hose who ha e expe ienced he impe ialism
and colonialism o he mode n his o ical pe iod beginning wi h he Enligh enmen .
They emain cul u ally dis inc , some wi h hei na i e languages and belie sys ems
s ill ali e. They a e mino i ies in e i o ies and s a es o e which hey once held
so e eign y. Some indigenous peoples hold so e eign y o e land, igh s o language
and cul u e bu o such small s a es ha hey wield li le powe o e hei li es
because hey a e subjec o he whims and anxie ies o la ge and powe ul s a es.
Since he e a e di e en de ini ions bo h om inside and ou side he indigenous
communi ies, hey ca y many names and labels, being e e ed o as na i es,
indigenous, au och honous, ibal peoples, o e hnic mino i ies. Many indigenous
peoples come oge he a egional and in e na ional le els o a gue o hei igh s
and ecogni ion (Cli o d, 2013; Minde, 1996).
4.1.2. Indigenei y and he Ryukyus
Acco ding o he de ini ion o he UNDRIP, 34Uni ed Na ions Decla a ion on he
Righ s o indigenous Peoples, he e a e wo g oups in Japan which could be iden i ied
as indigenous. In Japan, he Ainu a e he only na ionally ecognized indigenous
people o he Ainu e i o ies (Hokkaido, he Ku il Islands and Sakhalin), loca ed
in, wha is now, he No he n pa o Japan and No h Eas e n pa o Russia.
Okinawans o Ryukyuans2 a e on he Ryukyu Islands, which make up he cu en
Okinawa P e ec u e and a pa o Kagoshima p e ec u e a e no o icially ecognized
by he Japanese go e nmen as an indigenous people o Japan due o he complica ed
his o y and complica ed sel -de ini ions o Ryukuan people, as desc ibed b ie ly
in he p e ious chap e (see e.g. Uemu a & Gayman, 2018; Yoko a, 2015). Since
he e is a complexi y amongs iden i ies o Ryukyuan people, some people deny
hei indigenei y, while o he s iden i y hemsel es as indigenous people35. Al hough
Ryukyuan o en conside hemsel es as a sepa a e people o na ion o a he e y leas ,
an e hnic mino i y, on he o he hand, o he s main ain he p ide in hei cul u al and
his o ic legacy wi hin a sense o belonging o a la ge Japanese communi y (Siddle,
2002; Tanji, 2006). Al hough he indigenei y o Ryukyuan people has no been an
issue o he Japanese go e nmen o o icially con i m, so called, Okinawa p oblem
has been an issue since he annexa ion o he Ryukyu Kingdom (see Tanji, 2006;
Yoko a, 2017; also see my hi d a icle).
Such complexi y ela ed o sel -de ini ion o Ryukyuan people is pa ially ela ed
o he his o y o indigenous policies and indigenous peoples in Japan (McCo mack,
2018). The idea o indigenous peoples was in oduced o Japan and o he Asian
34 The Uni ed Na ions human igh s bodies ha e deal wi h he Ainu people as an indigenous people
since 1987 and ha e accep ed Okinawan delega ions as membe s o he communi y o indigenous peoples
since 1996.
35 This issue will be discussed la e h oughou his hesis.
48
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
coun ies in he la e 1970s mainly om No h Ame ica o Eu ope whe e he e had
been ecogni ion and in e na ional mo emen o indigenous peoples since 1970s
(e.g. Minde, 1996; Lee, 2006). Howe e , he ecogni ion o Indigenous peoples
o Japan only eme ged as a opic o discussion a e 1980s. Un il hen, Indigenous
peoples we e no an issue o he go e nmen , as he Japanese go e nmen old he
UN in 1980, such mino i ies did “no exis in Japan” (Emo i, 2015; Siddle, 1996,
2003). Majewicz (2011), o ins ance, no es as he ollowing:
“In Japan, pe sis en ea o he e y idea o any e hnic di e si y o he
popula ion inhabi ing he coun y led o he schizoph enic insis ence
on he “homogenei y o he na ion” wi h “one ace/one cul u e socie y”,
despi e moun ing e idence om in e disciplina y esea ch o he con a y.
[…] In 1980 he Japanese go e nmen e en o icially in o med he UN ha
he e we e no mino i ies in Japan as unde s ood by he A icle 27 o he
In e na ional Con en ion on Human Righ s (pp.157)”
The concep o indigenei y is p oblema ic when adap ed in my communi y (see
mo e in Chap e 9, conclusion o his hesis). The de alua ion o indigenei y and
he lack o policies suppo ing indigenous peoples in Japan migh explain why
inhabi an s o he Ryukyus do no wan o iden i y hemsel es as indigenous and
why hey seek o be conside ed Japanese. I some imes wonde whe he I could adap
o i since i b ings many p oblema ic issues. I ha e been puzzled by his concep ,
and I will con inue o be puzzled. In my case, I was old ha “you a e Japanese bu
also Uchinaanchu36” bu ound ou la e ha I was indigenous h ough highe
educa ion (see Chap e 1), which b ough con usion. In such cases, i is i ha de o
people o emb ace hei indigenei y (see mo e in Chap e 9). Being an academic in
Eu ope is al eady no easy o me, bu going back o he communi y a e becoming
“indigenous” is di icul in a di e en sense. I am awa e ha i is no possible o
use he same concep o indigenei y in di e en con ex s, since indigenei y is no
homogenous, bu mul iple. The e a e also some cau iona y no es o he de ini ions
o indigenei y ha we e de eloped in he “Wes ”. Na i e/indigenous/mino i y
communi ies a e no homogeneous, communi y membe s do no ag ee on he same
issues. This example o indigenei y in he Ryukyus shows he complexi y o he
concep s o indigenei y and indigenous langauges: i is p oblema ic since in some
cases, indigenei y is denied by he language speake s and by he socie y. (Hein ich,
2018; Roche, 2019).
36 Uchinaanchu, is a e m used by many Ryukyuans hemsel es o e e o hei iden i y. I emembe
one p o esso in my unde g adua e s udy in Tokyo, asked me i I am Japanese and I answe ed ha I
am Japanese bu Uchinaanchu. This e m o sel -iden i ica ion o Ryukyuan people canno be simply
explained by bila e al o indigenous .s. non-indigenous.
49
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
4.1.3. Indigenei y and he Sámi in Finland
T adi ionally, he Sámi li e in he middle and No he n pa s o No way, Sweden,
and No he n Finland, and in he Kola Peninsula in Russia. Sápmi is he a eas
whe e Sámi people ha e li ed e en be o e he na ional bo de s we e es ablished.
Sámi people a e he only ecognized indigenous people in he EU, wi h hei own
languages, cul u e, means o li elihood and iden i y (Kulonen, Seu ujä i-Ka i, &
Pulkkinen, 2005). I has been es ima ed ha he e is a o al o 80,000-100,000 Sámi
ac oss he ou coun ies in e sec ing hei homelands (Joona, 2012). The Sámi
people adi ionally ha e pu sued a a ie y o li elihoods, including coas al ishing,
u apping, and eindee he ding. Amongs hese a ie ies o li elihoods, hei
bes -known means o li elihood is semi-nomadic eindee he ding. As indigenous
peoples, he Sámi ha e pa icipa ed in na ional and in e na ional policymaking
wi h ega d o language igh s, land igh s, and igh s o na u al esou ces (see e.g.
Tennbe g, 2006).
Figu e 7. Map o Sápmi and Sámi languages
The Sámi o Finland o icially en e ed he global indigenous people’s mo emen
in 1973 (Nyyssönen 2013). Finland also signed he UNDRIP in 2007 (Uni ed
Na ions, 2007). The Cons i u ion o Finland also speci ies ha he Sámi people
ha e he igh o main ain and de elop hei languages and cul u es. In Finland, he
ac o es ablishing he Finnish Sámi Pa liamen was passed on No embe 9, 1973.
50
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Finland ecognized he Sámi as a “people” in 1995, bu Finland has no a i ied ILO
con en ion 169 conce ning Indigenous and T ibal Peoples. Finland a i ied he
1966 U.N. Co enan on Ci il and Poli ical Righ s hough se e al cases ha e been
b ough be o e he U.N. Human Righ s Commi ee. O hose, 36 cases in ol ed
a de e mina ion o he igh s o indi idual Sámi in Finland and Sweden. The
commi ee decisions cla i y ha Sámi a e membe s o a mino i y wi hin he meaning
o A icle 27 and ha dep i a ion o hei igh s o p ac ice adi ional ac i i ies ha
a e an essen ial elemen o hei cul u e come wi hin he scope o A icle 27. The
Sámi language was men ioned in he Finnish P ima y School Ac o he i s ime in
1983 (Aikio-Puoska i, 2014). The Finnish go e nmen gi es special unding inside
and ou side he Sámi home land a ea, (municipali ies o Enon ekiö, Ina i, U sjoki
and a pa o he municipali y o Sodankylä) o eaching in Sámi. Sámi language
eaching s a ed in he illage o U sjoki in he 1970s, and school classes a e also
augh in Sámi wi h special pe mission o he Finnish Educa ion Minis e s.
In Finland, Sámi people ha e had access o Sámi language ins uc ion in some
schools since he 1970s, and language igh s we e es ablished in 1992. The e a e
h ee Sámi languages spoken in Finland: No h Sámi, Skol Sámi and Ina i Sámi.
The e has been a language e i aliza ion o Ina i Sámi language since 1990s, by he
means o language nes s, language educa ion in school, which has been a success
(Pasanen, 2018). Al hough hey a e ecognized as an Indigenous people in Finland,
Sámi people ha e had e y li le ep esen a ion in Finnish na ional poli ics. Fo
ins ance, in ac , as o 2007, Janne Seu ujä i, a Finnish Cen e Pa y ep esen a i e,
was he i s Sámi e e o be elec ed o he Finnish Pa liamen . In Finland, non-Sámi
people can also he d eindee legally.
4.1.4. Nego ia ion o Iden i ies
This sec ion cla i ies my easons o applying a pos s uc u alis app oach o
in es iga e he “nego ia ion o iden i ies” in mul ilingual indigenous language
communi ies (Blackledge & Pa lenko, 2004; Blackledge & C eese, 2014; Cummins,
2001). As indi iduals, we ha e mul iple di e en iden i ies depending on he
con ex s and si ua ion. In his esea ch, I explo e how indi iduals, especially eache s
and lea ne s, nego ia e hei iden i ies in he con ex o language e i aliza ion (see
Sec ions 4.3.1. and 4.3.2), o en, as a way o challenging and con es ing language-
ela ed hie a chy and inequali y. As men ioned by Joshua Fishman37 (1991), who is
some imes e e ed as he a he o language e i aliza ion, he ela ionship be ween
language and iden i y has ecei ed g ea in e es om esea che s. When an
indi idual egains one’s own language h ough language e i aliza ion o language
eclama ion, i has a e y s ong connec ion wi h egaining a dis inc iden i y since
37 Fishman has heo ized Re e sing Language Shi (RLS). His heo iza ion o RLS has made g ea
impac in sociolinguis ic esea ch and esea ch on language endange men .
51
Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
language is o en connec ed o he e hnolinguis ic iden i y o a g oup (Liebkind,
2010; Walsh, 2018). I iew iden i ies om a pos s uc u alis app oach.
To analyze he ela ionship be ween language and e hnolingusi ic iden i y, I
in oduce an example om Walsh (2018) o he mission s a emen o an Abo iginal
o ganiza ion add essing he impo ance o language;
“… I a pe son knows a wo d in hei language, he/she is main aining a link ha
has las ed housands o yea s, keeping wo ds ali e ha ha e been used by hei
ances o s— language is an ances al igh and i dis inguishes some hing
special abou Abo iginal people om non- Abo iginal people. Language
is a pa o cul u e, and knowledge abou cul u e is a means o empowe ing
people. Language con ibu es o he wellbeing o Abo iginal communi ies,
s eng hens ies be ween elde s and young people and imp o es educa ion in
gene al o Indigenous people o all ages.”
(as ci ed in Walsh, 2018, p.5).
This is jus one example o many s a emen s by indigenous people indica ing
how hey ela e o hei ances al languages and how hei languages a ec who
hey a e. Simila s a emen s we e ound also in bo h con ex s o my esea ch as
discussed la e in his hesis38. This example shows us ha ances al languages a e an
impo an way o indigenous peoples o main ain hei iden i y. By gaining hei
languages, indigenous people ha e he op ion o choosing o be indigenous. Since
pos s uc u alis app oach iews iden i ies a e luid, mul iple and changeable hough
he expe iences o indi iduals’, socio poli ical and socio his o ical ci cums ances, i
i s well wi h he examples o gaining an op ion by lea ning an ances al language.
This is an example o show why I use pos s uc u alis app oach o language and
iden i y.
I b ie ly e iew h ee pa adigms o in es iga e he ela ionship be ween language
and iden i y. The i s pa adigm o app oaching iden i y and language is called, he
“socio-psychological pa adigm”, which d aws om Taj el’s (1978) heo y o social
iden i y. Taj el (1978) p oposed ha he g oups (i.e. social, class, amily, oo ball
eam, o, which people belonged we e an impo an sou ce o p ide and sel -es eem.
The socio-psychological pa adigm ends o iew iden i y and e hnic iden i y
as ha ing a one- o-one ela ionship. The second pa adigm, he socio-linguis ic
pe spec i e, examines he nego ia ion o iden i ies by ocusing on language use and
language choice. Gumpe z (1982) poin ed ou ha social and e hnic iden i y is,
in mos cases, es ablished and main ained by languages. In his amewo k, code
38 In many places in he Ryukyus, he e is a well-known saying: “when you o ge you language,
you o ge you island, when you o ge you island, you also o ge you pa en s.” This saying is o en
epea edly used in many public e en s o Ryukyuan languages in gene al ( ieldwo k no e).
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
swi ching may be used as a choice o nego ia e social dis ance, hus language choice
and code swi ching a e seen as he exp essed index o iden i ies (Mye s-Sco on,
1998). One o he c i icisms o iewing code-swi ching as a way o exp essing
iden i ies is ha “iden i y is no he only ac o in luencing code-swi ching and ha
in many con ex s he mixing o he wo languages a e bes explained h ough o he
means” (Blackledge & Pa lenko, 2004). Since his s udy in es iga e he nego ia ion
o iden i ies no only in e ms o he language choice bu also om socio-cul u al
and socio-poli ical in luence, he pa adigm o socio psychological is no app op ia e
o his esea ch.
In he pas wo decades, sociolinguis ic and an h opological esea ch on
mul ilingualism has ecei ed a solid g ounding in pos s uc u alis and c i ical
heo y, which has led many schola s o conside language choices in mul ilingual
con ex s as being embedded in la ge social, poli ical, economic, and cul u al sys ems
(Blackledge & Pa lenko, 2004; Pennycook 2001; Pille , 2016). In pos -mode n
socie ies, whe e languages a e no only make s o iden i y, bu also si es o esis ance,
empowe men , solida i y o disc imina ion, i is impo an o heo ize language
choices and iden i ies using “a pos s uc u alis app oach”. As men ioned, when
discussing he si ua ions o Ryukyuan peoples and hei languages; Okinawan bo n
schola s39 also nego ia e hei iden i ies acco ding o hei pe sonal his o y, s a us o
languages, his o y o mino i ies and indigenous peoples (see Sec ions 3.1. and 3.2.).
We nego ia e ou iden i ies h ough language since sociolinguis ic iewpoin iews
social s uc u e as “a sys em ull o inequali ies, in which people and ac ions de elop
on o ac oss di e en le els” (see also King & He mes, 2014).
The heo y o posi ioning by Da ies and Ha é (1990) is ano he essen ial heo y
employed in he pos s uc u alis app oach, which hey explain as ollows:
“Once ha ing aken up a pa icula posi ion as one’s own, a pe son ine i ably
sees he wo ld om he an age poin o ha posi ion and in e ms o he
pa icula images, me apho s, s o y lines and concep s which a e made
ele an wi hin he pa icula discu si e p ac ice in which hey a e posi ioned
(Da ies & Ha é, 1990, p. 46).”
This heo y o posi ioning was o iginally de eloped in he socio-psychological
pa adigm; howe e , he pos s uc u alis app oach also employs his pe spec i e,
in ha people posi ion hemsel es acco ding o wha is happening a ound hem.
Employing hese amewo ks, in he p ocess o iden i y nego ia ion, language use s
may seek new social and linguis ic esou ces ha allow hem o esis iden i ies ha
posi ion hem in undesi able ways o p oduce new iden i ies and assign al e na i e
39 This includes mysel . My wo k also is in luenced by my own iden i y nego ia ions, my expe iences and
socie al powe ela ions.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
meanings o he links be ween iden i ies and linguis ic a ie ies (Blackledge, 2005).
Pa lenko and Blackledge (2004) a gued ha nego ia ion o iden i ies akes place
whe e di e en ideologies o language and iden i y come in o con lic wi h each
o he . While iden i ies o posi ions a e o en gi en by social s uc u es, con lic ing
ideologies, o asc ibed by o he s, hey can also be nego ia ed by social agen s
who wish o posi ion hemsel es (No on & Toohey, 2011). In his sense, in he
pos s uc u alis app oach, iden i ies o indi iduals a e seen as no “being” bu
“doing,” being cons uc ed, communica ed, and nego ia ed in each con ex and ime
(see also Pille , 2002). In my disse a ion, I am in e es ed in how indi iduals exe cise
each indi idual’s agency and how hey nego ia e iden i ies. The e o e, indi iduals
and social ac o s in my esea ch may also se o o nego ia ion o hei a i udes,
belie s, ideologies o iden i ies when hey ace di e en pe spec i es, which may lead
hem o econs uc ion o iden i ies.
In indigenous language con ex s, iden i y nego ia ion o indi iduals o en ela es
o sociopoli ical, his o ical, and s uc u al ac o s in socie y. Acco ding o Sku nabb-
Kangas, (2000) sugges s indigenous language speake s can be used o legi ima e
lack o se ices o e ed in he indigenous language, and hen leads o less use and
compe ence and in luences indigenous language speake s’ iden i ies. One o hese
se ices is he educa ion. Fo ins ance, indigenous language speake s can be labeled
as p imi i e o backwa d people and hus, hey migh abandon hei language
esul ing in assimila ing hei iden i ies o he majo i y. Language in educa ion is
ecognized as an essen ial pa o a s uden ’s and eache ’s iden i y nego ia ion and is
an impo an ac o o inclusion (Sku nabb-Kangas & Heugh, 2011).
4.1.5. Iden i ies o Language Teache s
Unde s anding eache s’ iden i ies is a c ucial ac o because eache s’ iden i ies a e
expec ed o shape hei pedagogical p ac ices and a ec s uden s’ iden i y o ma ion
(Cummins, 2014; Fishman & Gà cia, 2010; Fong & Yee, 2013; G àcia, 2009).
Mo eo e , wi hin he educa ional sys em, including educa ional policies o he
go e nmen and school as an ins i u ion, eache s wi h mino i y backg ounds migh
nego ia e hei iden i ies in ela ion o hei p o essions (see mo e Sec ion 4.3.3. o
his hesis). This aspec will be u he discussed in he la e sec ions in his hesis.
Teache iden i y is no uni ied bu agmen ed, no singula bu mul iple. Iden i y
cons uc ion is in luenced no only “by inhe i ed adi ions such as cul u e, o by
ex e nal exigencies such as his o y, o by ideological cons uc s such as powe , bu
by he indi idual’s abili y and willingness o exe cise agency” (Kuma a adi elu,
2012, p.10). Based on Bou dieu’s model o symbolic domina ion (Bou dieu, 1991),
I iew eache iden i y om a pos s uc u alis s’ iew on iden i ies as “mul iple
and nego iable,” which allows us o in es iga e human agency in ins ances whe e
indi iduals esis , nego ia e o change hei iden i ies. This iew o iden i ies enables
us o analyze eache iden i ies as embedded wi hin powe ela ions be ween he
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
majo i y and mino i y in any gi en socie y. Teache iden i y has been also s udied
om sociocul u al and sociopoli ical pe spec i es (e.g. No on, 1997; Pennycook,
1994, 2001). Along his line, i has been a gued ha he e is a ‘na i e speake allacy’
(Canaga ajah, 1999), meaning ha some imes he bilingual and in e cul u al skills
o non-na i e speake eache s ha e been ma ginalized. Na i e speake allacy is
also ele an o mino i y o indigenous language eache s. Because o he his o y
o coloniza ion and assimila ion o majo i y cul u es and languages, Sámi language
eache s may be non-na i e speake s who lea ned he language la e in hei li es
depending on each eache s’ li e pa h. Simila ly, Ryukyuan language eache s migh
be na i e speake s who expe ienced he pe iod o assimila ion o migh be non-
na i e speake s who lea ned he language as a second language. Since hese heo ies
a e mainly de eloped wi hin he ield o eaching majo languages such as English,
one aim o his esea ch is o in es iga e hese heo ies wi hin he ield o indigenous
Sámi/Ryukyuan language eaching.
4.2. The Second Theme – Language –
The second heme is language (see Figu e 1, p.20). I iew language om a c i ical
sociolinguis ic pe spec i e, which means ha I iew language as a social phenomenon
and I examine linguis ic p ac ice wi h i s embedded powe dynamics o socie y.
P e iously, esea che s in he domains o sociolinguis ics, applied linguis ics,
bilingual educa ion, mul ilingualism, and linguis ic an h opology and o he ields,
ha e examined some o he ac o s and p ocesses ha con ibu e o he c ea ion o
inequali ies ela ed o languages, as well as he e o s ha coun e hese inequali ies
(e.g. Fishman, 1991; Cummins, 2014; Ho nbe ge , 2008; Tolle son, 1991). I engage
my esea ch socially, ollowing wo ks such as Pennycook’s (2001) app oach o
“C i ical Applied Linguis ics” and Pille ’s (2016) “Applied Sociolinguis ics” who ha e
shed ligh on he powe dynamics ha in luence linguis ic choices and p ac ices. To
examine he ela ionship be ween socie y and language u he , I iden i y i e ac o s
wo h discussing in his disse a ion: (1) mul ilingualism, (2) language igh s, (3)
language policy, (4) language endange men , and (5) language a i udes and belie s.
4.2.1. Mul ilingualism
Mul ilingualism, one o he key wo ds o his esea ch, desc ibes he use o mo e
han one language in socie y. In oday’s wo ld, 6,000 o 7,000 languages a e spoken
and mos o he coun ies in he wo ld a e mul ilingual (e.g. Hin on, Huss &
Roche, 2018). While “mul ilingualism” is a eali y o he oday’s global wo ld, mos
coun ies ha e one o a ew o icial languages ha a e suppo ed in he go e nmen ,
media and educa ion; which means ha mos o he wo ld`s languages a e e y
local and unsuppo ed ou side he speech communi y. These languages a e o en
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
labeled as “mino i y languages” and many o hem a e “indigenous” languages which
ha e been spoken adi ionally on he land. Al hough he e m mino i y language
gene ally e e s o “language spoken by a g oup o nume ically in e io o he es o
he popula ion o a s a e wi h a mo e es ic ed use a he ins i u ional le el” (Cenoz,
2009, p. 32), he concep o mino i y language is no s aigh o wa d. Many mino i y
o indigenous languages ha e been endange ed a ound he wo ld, pa ially due o
he global sp ead o dominan languages, na ion`s desi e o main ain ideology o
homogenei y, o lack o legi imiza ion and p o ec ion in language policy planning
(e.g. G o , 2017; Helle , 1997, 2007; May, 2003; Tolle son, 1991). The concep
o mul ilingualism and mino i y/majo i y languages, hus, canno be discussed
wi hou he amewo ks o powe ela ion.
4.2.2. Language Righ s
The loss o language di e si y also in ol es he loss o di e si y o knowledge
sys ems, cul u es, and ecosys ems, as well as human igh s (e,g, E ans, 2009; Magga
& Sku nabb-Kangas, 2003). In e na ional s anda ds such as UNDRIP40 explici ly
s a e he igh o indigenous peoples o main ain, ansmi , e i alize and de elop
hei languages. Among hese igh s o indigenous peoples, he language igh e e s
o ha ing access o hei language and being able o lea n i and acqui e skills in
eading, w i ing, speaking and lis ening and use hese skills wi hou di icul ies. I is
a pa o human indi idual and collec i e igh o choose he language o languages
o communica ion (Phillipson & Sku nabb-Kangas, 1995). Ha ing such skills in
one`s own language is a p i ilege ha many indigenous peoples and mino i ies
ha e no had o a e jus s a ing o enjoy; people who a e no indigenous canno
expe ience wha i is like o be wi hou his p i ilege (e.g. Ou akoski, 2015). Fo
ins ance, Ou akoski (2015, p. 1) no ed ha “ o indigenous peoples, being li e a e
in one’s own language, and no only in he domina ing language, is a s ep o wa d in
acqui ing basic human igh s.”
This di e si y o language has been a c i ical pa o human’ abili y o adap
and g ow cul u ally. When people mee new people who ha e di e en languages,
we o en ask hem o speak hei languages ou o cu iosi y. Linguis ic di e si y is
o used o be e e ywhe e o people o enjoy na u ally41. F om he pe spec i e o
linguis ic human igh s, schola s ha e a gued ha he loss o linguis ic di e si y
is a iola ion o linguis ic human igh s. Phillipson & Sku nabb-Kangas, (1995)
claimed ha he loss o language di e si y esul s in linguis ic genocide/linguicide,
which e e s o he loss o he language igh s o indigenous o mino i y peoples.
40 UNDRIP (Uni ed Na ions Decla a ion on he Righ s o Indigenous Peoples) delinea es and de ines
he indi idual and collec i e igh s o indigenous peoples, including hei owne ship igh s o cul u al and
ce emonial exp ession, iden i y, language, employmen , heal h, educa ion and o he issues.
41 In my book chap e , I no ed how adi ional speake s o Yaeyaman na u ally use anslanguaging
p ac ices and how linguis ic di e si y was he no m o hem (Hammine, 2019).
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
The language igh is aken away om indi iduals o g oups when languages a e
ma ginalized and dep i ed o esou ces o ecogni ion, and when a language shi is
imposed on indi iduals and g oups. The e a e abundan examples o he majo ole
played in his p ocess by educa ion sys ems and language policies wo ldwide, he
unde lying policy being o assimila e linguis ic mino i y g oups o he dominan
language and cul u e (Ho nbe ge , 2008). Since i is abou human igh s, i is no
enough o celeb a e linguis ic di e si y by saying we a e suppo ing endange ed
languages. I is impo an o emembe ha indigenous peoples ha e he igh o
main ain, e i alize, and de elop hei languages ega dless o wha people say abou
he aes he ic, his o ical, scien i ic, o cul u al alue o hose languages. This igh
does no depend on hose pe cep ions o “ he beau y o linguis ic di e si y” o “ he
beau y o indigenous languages (Roche, 2019).”
As he loss o indigenous languages ela es o human igh s, i e okes di e en
kinds o emo ions and eelings among i s communi y membe s. I someone inside he
communi y ealizes he loss o hei languages, i usually e okes di e en eac ions
om indigenous language communi ies. Thus, i is impo an o emembe ha
wi hin he communi ies whose languages and cul u es a e disappea ing, he e a e
complex, a ied eelings and eac ions, which include he loss o hei own sense
o iden i y (Walsh, 2017; see Sec ion 4.3.2). I is na u al ha membe s o mino i y
communi ies ha e emo ional esponses o language use, e en i language is no , o
i sel , a c ucial make o e hnic iden i y.
“As linguis s, i is a p i ilege o wi ness he emo ion ha bo h language loss
and language eclama ion p o oke, om deligh a ha ing someone o alk
o, o ange and dismay ha he linguis ic eco ding he language is a membe
o he e hnic g oup whose ac ions di ec ly led o he language becoming
endange ed in he i s place. (Bowe n, 2017, p. 249)”
Language loss o iola ion o human igh s e okes emo ions. As a communi y
membe , I ha e s uggled wi h his issue because al hough we a e old ha we ha e
igh o main ain, e i alize o de elop ou languages, o en he communi y has
mixed eelings abou he language igh . In o he wo ds, i people do no know
keeping he language is ela ed o human igh , people wi hin he communi y
migh o migh be willing o sha e hei language wi h ou side s. I seems qui e
di e en om he “Wes e n” indigenous language si ua ion whe e he ela ionship
be ween he colonize and he colonized is e iden (see mo e in my conclusion).
In my communi y, du ing my ieldwo k, I no iced ha he linguis s coming om
he ou side a e gene ally welcomed, pe haps due o he complexi y o his o y in he
Ryukyus. Recogni ion o a language igh among communi y membe s migh play
an impo an ole o he indigenous communi ies o ealize wha hey can ask o
wi h hei languages.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
hesis. When I e e o language eclama ion, I emphasize i s decolonial aspec ,
including non-linguis ic ac o s in language e i al.
Educa ion is one me hod o language e i aliza ion ( eclama ion); howe e , since
language e i aliza ion is ela ed o powe s uc u e, educa ional change om he
g ound le el could con es unequal dis ibu ion o powe (see e.g. Da de , 1991). I
iew educa ion om a pe spec i e o c i ical pedagogy and c i ical heo y, meaning
ha any a emp o cons uc a heo y o educa ion wi h he opp essed mus in ol e
a se ious and since e a emp o unde s and he eali ies o hei daily li es (e.g. F ei e,
1970). The hough s om c i ical heo y iew he socie y as di ided and hie a chical
in luenced by an unequal dis ibu ion o powe . I iews educa ion as a ool used
by dominan g oups o legi ima e he iniqui ous a angemen . Fo ins ance, Da de
(1991, p. 77) no ed ha “c i ical pedagogy iews all educa ion heo y as in ima ely
linked o ideologies shaped by powe , poli ics, his o y and cul u e.” C i ical pedagogy
in educa ion enables us o emphasize he impo ance o bo om-up powe o change
and challenge he powe ela ions (see also Gi oux, 1998).
Following hese iews, language e i aliza ion, as a ool o o e come symbolic
domina ion, lies wi hin he simila pe spec i e o c i ical pedagogy and c i ical
heo y in educa ion. Language e i aliza ion emphasizes he impo ance o bo om-
up powe o challenge symbolic domina ion c ea ed by unequal dis ibu ion o
powe . C i ical hough s in educa ion, no only a school bu in he communi y,
b ing he po en ial o challenge exis ing powe inequali y h ough means as language
e i aliza ion. In bo h con ex s o his esea ch, he e a e language e i aliza ion
a emp s in he espec i e communi ies. In he case o Sámi languages, local ini ia i es
s a ed language nes s, whe e child en lea n Sámi languages in a language imme sion
en i onmen . In he No h Sámi language, language e i aliza ion s a ed ea lie
han o he among he smalle Sámi languages such as Ina i and Skol Sámi. Howe e ,
cu en ly, in Finland, he e a e also language nes s o child en whose mo he ongue
is Ina i o Skol Sámi. The Finnish go e nmen p o ides s a e unding o suppo
Sámi language educa ional ac i i ies and all h ee Sámi languages spoken in Finland
can be lea ned by adul s in a oca ional school in Ina i.
In he Ryukyus, al hough he Japanese na ion s a e does no p o ide any
o icial unding o eaching Ryukyuan in school, some local ini ia i es and he
local p e ec u al go e nmen o Okinawa s a ed o eac g adually o language
endange men . The Okinawa P e ec u al Assembly enac ed a egula ion d a ed
by he local go e nmen o p omo e he use o Ryukuyan languages and se up
Language Day46 held e e y yea . The e a e some local go e nmen al mo emen s
which y o include Ryukyuan in school. The Depa men o Cul u e, Tou ism and
Spo s o he Okinawa P e ec u e Go e nmen implemen ed he “Shimaku uba47
46 Shimaku uba no hi.
47 Shimaku uba means shima (island, communi y, locali y, na i e land) ku uba (language) in Okinawan.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
p e ec u al campaign” and held he i s Shimaku uba Ci izen’s Rally on 18 h
Sep embe , 2013 (see Ishiha a, 2016). A he ally, hen Vice go e no Ku ayoshi
Taka a ead he speech o hen Go e no Hi okazu Nakaima claiming ha “The
languages ha Okinawan people ha e been passing down in each communi y a e
he basis o Okinawan cul u e. They iden i y Okinawa. We wan o pass on ou
cul u e o u u e gene a ions” (Ryukyu Shimpo, 19 h Sep embe , 2013 as ci ed in
Ishiha a, 2016, p.69). The Depa men o Cul u e, Tou ism and Spo s o Okinawa
P e ec u al Go e nmen also published guidebooks o be dis ibu ed in schools in
he Ryukyus in 201550 (Ishiha a, 2016). These guidebooks ha e been dis ibu ed
o elemen a y schools and junio high schools e e y yea since 2015. Howe e ,
acco ding o my iends who a e eaching in elemen a y and junio high schools
in Okinawa, hese books a e ne e used in ac ual class oom. Mos classes ocusing
on Ryukyuan language eaching a e locally led by local school eache s and local
ini ia i es, especially du ing “in eg a ed s udy hou ”48 (see Hein ich, 2018).
As a esul o ecen in e es s in language e i aliza ion, he e a e inc easing
numbe o books and lea ning ma e ials, language classes, ocusing on he Okinawan
language. Howe e , he e a e ewe educa ional ma e ials, o Ryukyuan languages
including Yaeyama49, Yonaguni, Miyako, Kunigami and Amami. Amami, o ins ance,
is no included in Shimaku uba Dokuhon [island language eade ] pa ly due o
he ac ha Amami is spoken in ano he p e ec u e, Kagoshima, no in Okinawa
p e ec u e. This is a simila phenomenon no ed in Sámi language communi ies in
No dic coun ies, whe e smalle Sámi languages, mino i ies wi hin mino i y, end
o ha e less lea ning ma e ials (see e.g. Huss, 2011; Todal, 1998). Mos uni e si y
d i en language lessons on Ryukyuan languages ocus on he Okinawan language
a he han o he Ryukyuan languages. Since he e a e no uni e si ies excep
on Okinawa main island, i is ha de o each o he Ryukyuan languages spoken
on o he islands o he Ryukyus a he highe educa ion le el. In hese cou ses a
uni e si ies, due o i s di e si y e en wi hin he Okinawan language (see Figu e 4),
lec u e s and eache s al eady ha e s uggles in deciding which linguis ic a ie ies o
he Okinawan language hey should ocus on50in hese cou ses.
50 This is published no by he depa men o educa ion, bu by he depa men o cul u e, ou ism and
spo s.
48 Sōgō ekina gakushū no jikan (in eg a ed s udy hou s) was in oduced in he school cu iculum in
2000. Mos o he language lessons o Ryukyuan languages in school a e aken place in hose hou s
by local eache s and ini ia i es in each communi y since he e is no o icial cu iculum o Ryukyuan
languages in na ional cu iculum.
49 I made a podcas se ies o he lea ne s o Miya an a ie y o Yaeyaman du ing my ieldwo k.
50 No s anda d a ie y o any o he Ryukyuan languages exis s, and ideas o de elop s anda d a ie ies
a e con o e sial (Ishiha a, 2016).
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
4.3.2. Newspeake ness51
In his disse a ion, I use he concep o newspeake ness o include and emphasize
he impo ance o he people who may no be na i e speake s o he language
(Ja e, 2015; O’Rou ke e al., 2015). I is de ined as “indi iduals wi h li le o no
home o communi y exposu e o a mino i y language bu who ins ead acqui e i
h ough imme sion o bilingual educa ional p og ams, e i aliza ion p ojec s o
as adul language lea ne s” (O’Rou ke & Walsh, 2015). The ocus on new speake s
o endange ed language is an eme ging ield since p e iously, mos esea ch o
endange ed languages ended o ocus on olde na i e speake s (see also O’Rou ke,
Pujola , & Ramallo, 2015; Smi h-Ch is mas, ÓMu chadha, Ho nsby, & Mo ia y,
2018). The concep o new speake s b ings complexi y o Fishmanian pa adigm o
language e i aliza ion and in pa icula , he concep o new speake s b ough up
ques ions abou he ole o new speake s as po en ial agen s o sociolinguis ic change
in he p ocess o language e i aliza ion o eclama ion. O’Rou ke (2018) poin ed
ou ha Fishman’s (1991) iew o RLS is la gely abou expanding language use in o
ins i u ions such as educa ion and go e nmen , which is no eally wha happens in
he cu en si ua ion o language e i aliza ion o eclama ion. Wha comes ou he
o he side o language decline as a e i alized language is no he same language, bu
a he a new language wi h many ea u es o he old language, being used by new
speake s in new enues and alking abou new opics ha we e ne e alked abou
be o e in ha language. Since e y ew esea ches o Ryukyuan languages looked
a newspeake ness, he in oduc ion o he concep has a po en ial o decolonize
endange ed language esea ch since i p e en s esea che s om w i ing abou da a
o na i e speake s bu o shi hei eyes also o newspeake s o al eady endange ed
languages.
I use he concep o new speake s o b ing he agencies o non-na i e speake s.
Since membe s in endange ed language communi ies al eady ha e s igma, he sole
ocus on olde speake s could possibly b ing ano he laye o s igma o he new
speake s who a e lea ning o speak hei language (c. . new speake s migh eel no
con iden o speak he language). Many linguis s who come o he Ryukyus wi h a
goal o “sa e” us om language endange men iew ou communi ies as “dying” o
ha we a e “losing” ou languages. These kinds o a i udes om esea che s could
po en ially discou age non-na i e speake s.52 Du ing my ieldwo k, I ha e seen
ha people in hei 40s o 50s a e he mos di icul o alk o because hey end
o ha e de eloped some unce ain y abou hei linguis ic iden i y. E en hough
hey a e p oud o be om his communi y, hose people end o lack luency in
51 D . Wesley Leona d kindly ead he ea lie e sion o his sec ion and ga e me a lo o cons uc i e
commen s. Thank you e y much.
52 Fo ins ance, some linguis s conside he Yaeyaman language has ewe speake s so i is no wo h
going he e, which ela es o Hill`s (2002) no ion o enume a ion (also see Moo e e al, 2010)..
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
he language. When I isi people’s houses, hey end o a oid being in e iewed
pa ly because hey eel unsecu ed. Also, hey we e old by esea che s ha hei
languages a e endange ed, bu hey eel unsecu ed due o hei lack o luency. I
shows ha hey a e he gene a ions o be empowe ed o ensu e language eclama ion
e o s. In communi ies wi h mino i ized o endange ed languages, he e a e young
people who wish o lea n indigenous languages o who speak indigenous languages.
To in es iga e he si ua ion o indigenous language educa ion, he concep o new
speake s is impo an because i includes oices o eme ging young gene a ions
lea ning he languages.
Du ing my s udies, I ha e lea ned no only he Yaeyaman language, bu also he
Okinawan language.53 Al hough my esea ch ocuses on Yaeyaman, my mo he ’s
amily speaks Okinawan (see Hammine54, 2017). My g andmo he is a na i e
speake o Yonaba u a ie y o Okinawan and I g ew up lis ening o he speaking,
especially when she is emo ional, she ends o swi ch o Okinawan. She used o be
a eache o Japanese, which means ha she used o each S anda d Japanese as an
Okinawan eache . The e o e, I ha e a posi ion whe e I canno comple ely deny he
need o Okinawan o me eache s like my g andmo he , who a e Okinawan o
speak and each Japanese o he be e o he child en.
On he o he hand, my o he g andma, who is a na i e speake o Miya an
Yaeyaman, did no inish elemen a y school. She used o ell me no o speak
Miya an o he , bu I con inued o do so, making many mis akes. One day du ing
my ieldwo k, she s a ed c ying and s a ed holding my hand. She epea ed “ hank
you o lea ning Miya an.” She s a ed p aying o spi i s and ou ances o s, wishing
hem o p ay o me. On ha day, she did no wan o le me go so I slep in he oom,
holding he hand. Tha was a momen o “muda” o me and o he . The Ca alan
noun muda (based on he e b muda ) means “ o ans o m o change signi ican ly
and a linguis ic “muda” o a c i ical junc u e in a language ajec o y when a pe son
makes a signi ican shi owa ds he a ge language” (Walsh, 2017, p.5). Walsh
(2017) explained ha mudes en ail a change in linguis ic p ac ice bu may also be
accompanied by a shi in posi ionali y as subjec s change hei sel -awa eness and
o ien a ion o o he s. Fo me, his momen was an iden i y ans o ma ion (see also
Ma sumu a55, 2018). The expe ience o lea ning an endange ed indigenous language
53 I am aking he Okinawan language cou se by D . Gijs Van De Lubbe and Misa o Maeda a he
Uni e si y o he Ryukyus. They ha e been eaching he Okinawan language o local Okinawan s uden s
e e y week. The cou se is di ided in o h ee le els: beginne , in e media e and ad anced. Fo each class,
s uden s mee one o wo hou s e e y week.
54 I w o e a bilingual essay in Yaeyaman and Okinawan wi h he help o elde s in he illage in 2017.
55 Yukie Ma sumu a (2018) explains he expe ience o lea ning and speaking Hyoomuni (Okinoe abu
a ie y o Ryukyuan). She says ha when i was he i s ime o me o w i e and ead in Hyoomuni, so
i was un. She explains he ela ionship be ween psychological wellness and he language (Ma sumu a,
2018).
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
in ol es emo ions. Emo ions expe ienced by lea ne s and speake s o an indigenous
language ha e been heo ized ecen ly. Speake s expe ience a spec um o emo ions
expe ienced du ing he p ocess o becoming new speake s anging om shame, ea ,
and us a ion o exci emen , joy and p ide (Walsh, 2017).
4.3.3. Indigenous Teache s` Iden i ies
The expe ience o he indi idual eache s and he colonial his o y a ound indigenous
languages in luence he indigenous eache s’ iden i ies in speci ic ways. Fo ins ance,
acco ding o San o o and Reid (2006), indigenous eache s ha e a numbe o complex
and some imes con lic ing oles wi hin and beyond class ooms. Thei oles co e no
only hose o eache s, bu also ha o a counsello who lis ens o hei s uden s’
s uggles and healing, due o he complica ed eelings and psychological needs o
s uden s who a e lea ning indigenous languages. Mo eo e , Liu and Xu (2011) poin
ou ed ha when wo king in a complex si ua ion, eache s nego ia e hei iden i ies
o adap o he “new wo k o de ” whe e wo pedagogies, indigenous pedagogies and
pedagogies based on majo i y alues, mee . Thei esea ch illumina es he complexi y
o eache iden i y in he con ex whe e eache s mus econcile hei con lic ing
sel es o con end wi h a wo kplace in which libe al and adi ional pedagogies
coexis . These indings show ha eache s need o shi , nego ia e and cons uc hei
iden i ies o cope wi h changes (Liu & Xu, 2011; San o o & Reid, 2006).
Fu he mo e, o he esea che s ha e explo ed indigenous eache s’ iden i ies
in o he indigenous language communi ies. One example is he wo k o S ewa d
(2005), who explo ed pe sonal and p o essional iden i ies among nine indigenous
eache s in he lowe mainland o B i ish Columbia in Canada. While he s udy
ound se e al common hemes, ela ing o ma ginaliza ion and a passiona e
commi men o change, also eme ged56. As p e ious s udies in Sámi schools ha e
shown (Keski alo, 2010; Rahko- a an i, 2016), Sámi language eache s a e also
cons an ly sea ching ways o wo k in cul u ally ele an ways in demanding con ex .
As Bu gess (2016) shows, mo e ecen ly, he ex en o which indigenei y plays a ole
in enac ing agency is dependen upon indi idual li ed expe iences as well as pe sonal
esponses o educa ional con ex s. Based on hese s udies, I in es iga e and highligh
he agency o an indi idual eache as a key ac o in he de elopmen o indigenous
eache s’ iden i ies. This esea ch includes non-indigenous Sámi language and
non-indigenous Yaeyaman o Ryukyuan eache s’ expe iences o unde s anding
he cu en si ua ions o indigenous language educa ion. The e a e non-indigenous
Sámi language eache s who each Sámi languages (see my i s a icle). In he case
o Yaeyama, he e a e non-Yaeyaman eache s who wo k in school bu hose eache s
do no know he language since hey speak only Japanese in school and a home (see
my second a icle).
56 See mo e in my i s a icle.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Chap e 5 Resea ch Ques ions
The heo e ical concep s p esen ed in he p e ious chap e 4 will be aken in o
conside a ion in his hesis. This esea ch ocuses on educa ional con ex s o
Sámi and Ryukyuan languages, no only o icial educa ional ins i u ions bu also
he e e yday use o language p ac ice and how indigenous languages a e lea ned,
acqui ed and augh . The pu poses o his esea ch a e o (1) in es iga e he si ua ions
o indigenous language eaching and lea ning, and (2) acili a e be e ways o
emb ace mul ilingualism in indigenous language communi ies. To achie e hese
pu poses, h ee impo an concep s (iden i y, language and educa ion) a e discussed
h oughou h ee a icles. The i s pu pose is explo ed in h ee a icles, he i s
and second a icles discuss i om da a ob ained om linguis ic e hnog aphies in
wo con ex s. The hi d a icle ocuses on Japan, and explo es he pu pose (1) om
a mo e his o ical, and poli ical pe spec i e. In his s udy, I se one main esea ch
ques ion wi h six sub-ques ions. Each sub-s udy has wo esea ch ques ions (see
Figu e 2). Thus, he e a e se en ques ions in o al. Fi s , I gene a ed one main
ques ion o achie e he aims and pu poses o his s udy (see Chap e 2). The main
ques ion o his esea ch conce ns o how socio poli ical, his o ical aspec s o each
con ex in luence indi iduals in indigenous language communi ies.
Main Resea ch Ques ion
How do he social, poli ical, and cul u al aspec s o each con ex , he his o y o
policies owa d indigenous languages and he implemen a ion o language-in-
educa ion-policies in luence he iden i ies o indi iduals in indigenous language
communi ies?
In each sub s udy, I aim o iden i y nego ia ions o social ac o s ( eache s, new
speake s and adi ional speake s) in each con ex and examine how eache s,
adi ional speake s and new speake s posi ion hemsel es in each con ex . To
in es iga e hei expe iences o eaching and lea ning, I se he ollowing esea ch
ques ions o each sub-s udy. In he i s and second a icles, I examined wo con ex s
o indigenous language communi ies and analyzed expe iences o indigenous
language eaching and lea ning. Two esea ch ques ions we e gene a ed o achie e
he esea ch pu pose o (1) in es iga ing he si ua ions o indigenous language
eaching and lea ning and (2) acili a ing be e ways o emb ace mul ilingualism
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
in indigenous language communi ies. Each sub s udy has wo esea ch ques ions.
The conclusion o his disse a ion discusses pu pose (2) o acili a e be e ways
o emb ace mul ilingualism in indigenous language communi ies, in mo e g ea e
de ail.
Resea ch Ques ions o he Fi s A icle
“Sámi language eache s p o essional iden i ies explained h ough na a i es abou
language acquisi ion”
1. How do Sámi language eache s na a e hei expe ience o Sámi language
acquisi ion?
2. How do hese eache s cons uc hei p o essional iden i ies in a ious
educa ional se ings?
Resea ch Ques ions o he Second A icle
“Educa ed no o speak ou language: Newspeake ness and language a i udes in he
Yaeyaman language”
1. How do school eache s ace he language endange men si ua ion in Miya a
illage on Ishigaki island?
2. Wha kind o language a i udes do people ha e owa d he Yaeyaman
language?
A e conduc ing wo e hnog aphic ieldwo k s udies in Finland and Japan, I
ound he concep o “indigenei y” and “linguis ic-sel o ien alism” as co e concep s
which a e closely ela ed o he language endange men o he Ryukyuan languages.
The e o e, o he hi d a icle, I adjus ed my o iginal esea ch plan which was o
compa e he wo con ex s o Finland and Japan, and I ins ead ocused mo e on
indigenous policies, and language policies o Japan and examined how hese policies
ha e in luenced he cu en language endange men o he Ryukyus. I e-gene a ed
wo addi ional aims o he hi d sub-s udy o his disse a ion. These aims a e (1)
o in es iga e how he educa ional policies o Japan ha e deal wi h educa ion o
i s indigenous popula ion his o ically and oday and (2) examine how indigenous
g oups, pu sue hei indigenous iden i ies in he cu en Japanese educa ional sys em
(see also Chap e 2 o de ails). The ollowing wo esea ch ques ions a e examined
in he hi d sub-s udy.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Resea ch Ques ions o he Thi d A icle
Indigenous in Japan? -The eluc ance o he Japanese s a e o acknowledge Indigenous
peoples and hei need o educa ion-
1. How ha e he educa ional policies o Japan deal wi h he educa ion o i s
indigenous popula ion his o ically and oday?
2. How do indigenous g oups pu sue hei indigenous iden i ies in he cu en
Japanese socie y?
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
Chap e 6 Me hodology
This chap e in oduces he me hodological amewo k and my me hodological
app oach used in his esea ch. The chap e is di ided in o ou sec ions. Fi s , I
in oduce he main me hodological amewo k o his esea ch: Indigenous Resea ch
Me hodology. Second, I discuss esea ch wi h Indigenous Resea ch Me hodology as
a means o decolonize endange ed language esea ch. Then, I in oduce linguis ic
e hnog aphy as a means o da a collec ion o his esea ch. Finally, I men ion my
posi ionali y and he esea ch e hics o his wo k.
6.1. Indigenous Resea ch Me hodology,
Pa icipa o y Resea ch, Ac ion Resea ch
I employ Indigenous Resea ch Me hodology (hence o h, IRM) (Smi h, 1999)
as a main me hodological amewo k o his s udy. The eme gence o IRM aims
a gaining indigenous peoples’ au onomy in he meaning making o he esea ch
p ocess. IRM allows indigenous esea che s o include hei agencies in heo y
building and enables indigenous esea che s o pu o wa d hei pe spec i es aside
om he ames o Wes e n epis emologies sui ed o Wes e n academic hough,
which a e, in mos cases, di e en om he indigenous ways o hinking. Based on
hese unde s anding, in his esea ch, my expe ience o ms pa o his s udy and I
si ua e mysel as a cul u al inside (see also Gaude , 2009).
The choice o his amewo k ela es o my philosophy as a esea che and o
he impo an e minology in esea ch philosophy: epis emology (belie s and
assump ions we make abou knowledge and wha cons i u es accep able, alid and
legi ima e knowledge) (see Isae a, 2018). In he amewo k o IRM, i is “ he cul u al
aspi a ions, unde s andings and p ac ices o indigenous people ha implemen
and o ganize he esea ch p ocess and ha posi ion esea che s in a way as o
ope a ionalize sel -de e mina ion” (Bishop, 2010). Fo my epis emology, I assume
ha ha my esea ch p ocess shapes and cons i u es knowledge and my expe iences
as an indigenous schola shape he knowledge making p ocess. Hence, as Bishop
(2010) claimed, IRM places emphasis on how he cul u al con ex posi ions he
pa icipan s by cons uc ing he s o y lines. I also emphasizes how he language
is used and how he esea che - esea ch pa ne s (pa icipan s) ela ionship is
o ganized. Thus, IRM ejec s ou side con ol o e wha cons i u es au ho i y and
u h and i emphasizes he agency o indigenous peoples and hei way o meaning
making, heo y building based on hei sel -de e mina ion. IRM also p omo es an
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
app oach o alidi y; ha is, wha is alid in esea ch. I loca es he powe wi hin
indigenous p ac ices. By loca ing powe wi hin he communi y, wha is accep able
and wha is no accep able esea ch, ex , and/o p ocesses is de e mined and de ined
by he esea ch communi y i sel (see also Denzin & Lincoln, 1994, 2008).
Based on hese philosophical unde s andings, I in e ac wi h he communi y
h oughou he esea ch p ocess and cons uc knowledge wi h my esea ch pa ne s
and he esea ch communi y. This app oach has been used no only in endange ed
language esea ch bu in o he esea ch wi h indigenous communi ies in gene al.
By choosing his me hodology as a basis o he esea ch amewo k, I aim o no
only use his me hodology o in es iga e wo endange ed language communi ies,
bu o also es ablish a mo e solid ounda ion o indigenous schola ships in Japan
and mo e gene ally in Asia. The e is a need o include mo e indigenous esea che s
o explo ing and de eloping he decoloniza ion p ocess o esea ch in a Japanese
con ex (see also Shinya,57 1972). Pa ly because he e has no ye been a widely
known ansla ion o “indigenous me hodology” in he Japanese language ye (see
also Uzawa, 2019), my esea ch becomes, o he bes o my knowledge, he i s
a emp a he PhD le el o use his amewo k in he con ex o he Ryukyuan
language endange men in Japan.
Wi hin he amewo k o IRM, I combine pa icipa o y communi y-based esea ch
me hodology wi h an ac ion esea ch (see Gaude , 2009). Pa icipa o y communi y-
based esea ch, a ela i ely new app oach in academia, is bo h a heo e ical and a
me hodological inqui y ha eme ged wi h he ise o c i ical indigenous schola ship
as men ioned abo e, encou aged by in e na ionally ecognized indigenous Mao i
schola s such as Linda Tuhiwai Smi h (2000, 2008) and Russel Bishop (Bishop &
Glynn, 1999; Bishop, 1999, 2010). The pa icipa o y esea ch pa adigm eme ged
wi hin IRM as an al e na i e way o hinking o he esea ch p ocess. The eme gence
o pa icipa o y esea ch wi hin he social science, educa ional science and
sociolinguis ics s ems om he awa eness ha esea ch ini ia i es a e en iched by
he pa icipa ion o he knowledge keepe s.
In he las ew decades, esea che s ha e been encou aged o e-examine
epis emological ounda ions as pa o he me hodological shi om an objec i e
model o science o a humanis ic app oach (e.g. Gaude , 2009). Some schola s a gue
o a pa icipa o y p ocess ha di ec ly add esses he ine i able issues o powe
and con ol, he eby ecognizing he limi a ions o he me hodology (Va coe,
B own, Calam, Buchanan, & Newman, 2011). Th oughou my esea ch, I seek o
unde s and he ways in which pa icipa o y communi y-based esea ch ei he e-
57 Shinya (1972), in his book, Ainu Minzoku Teikōshi (A His o y o Resis ance o he Ainu) w i es abou
he need o include mo e Ainu schola s in esea ch on Ainu issues. To he au ho ’s knowledge, in Japanese
academia, he e is s ill li le awa eness in esea ch on indigenous peoples and he e is a need o imp o e
ou unde s anding o indigenous me hodology in Japanese schola ship.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
ou side esea che , wo indigenous Sámi esea che s assis ed me in he da a analysis
and a icle publica ion. In Japan, all in e iews we e conduc ed using Japanese,
Okinawan and Yaeyaman. I mos ly s a ed speaking Yaeyaman wi h my esea ch
pa ne s bu some did no wish o speak i wi h me so we used Japanese (see mo e
in my second a icle). In mos ield loca ions, schools, educa ional con ex s on he
Yaeyama islands, I used mos ly Japanese and Yaeyaman. Those in e iews we e
ansla ed, analysed, coded by he esea che .
I employed a linguis ic biog aphy (Busch e al., 2015) as he main me hod o
conduc ing he in e iews, ocusing on he eache s’ language-lea ning and eaching
expe iences ela ed o hei p o essional agency. The analysis is based on nine mon hs
o e hnog aphic ieldwo k ( ou mon hs in No he n Lapland and o he mon hs
in Ro aniemi) in 2016-2017 and nine e hnog aphic ieldwo k in 2017-2018 on
he Yaeyama and Okinawa islands, du ing which I obse ed he use o indigenous
languages in o mal and non- o mal se ings in mul iple loca ions in he espec i e
illages. In Finland, my esea ch pa ne s we e aged be ween 25 and 60 yea s and
bo h male and emale eache s we e included. The pa icipan s had a ended olk
and p ima y schools in hei childhood. Each in e iew las ed 1-4 hou s. Some
in e iews we e conduc ed a he schools whe e he eache s wo ked, and o he s
we e conduc ed ou side he school con ex . In Japan, my pa ne s we e aged be ween
6 and 94 yea s and bo h male and emale eache s, olun ee eache s, and some
child en we e included. Fo bo h ields, open-ended ques ions we e c ea ed be o e
he in e iew pe iod, employing a s anda d semi-s uc u ed in e iew me hodology
(K ale, 2007; Wei & Moye , 2008).
Fo he da a analysis, wi hin he gene al amewo k o posi ioning heo y
(Da ies & Ha é, 1990), I used Bambe g’s (2000) h ee-s age p ocess o analyse
how in e iewees posi ion hemsel es in hei in e iews. I paid special a en ion o
how language eache s and language lea ne s emembe ed hei expe iences (see also
Keski alo e al., 2016). Du ing coding, all in e iews we e eplayed se e al imes o
in-dep h analysis. Following S ewa d (2005) and Rahko-Ra an i (2016), I ini ially
examined he ollowing hemes: (1) he impac o he o icial discou se o iden i y,
(2) expe iences o powe ela ions wi hin he communi y, in eache educa ion and
in he wo kplace, (3) de alua ion o indigenous p og ammes and cu icula, (4) being
a language esou ce o indigenous languages o hei s uden s, (5) obliga ion o
hei communi ies and (6) pa icipan s’ complex ole as language eache s. Di e en
hemes we e gene a ed and analysed.
Fo my hi d s udy, I combined da a ob ained du ing my ieldwo k wi h language
policy documen analysis. In he hi d s udy, I ocused mo e on he analysis o
policy documen s and his o ical analysis o language-in-educa ion-policies owa d
indigenous languages in Japan. I also analyzed how ideologies in he language-in-
educa ion-policies o Japan in e ac wi h indigenous iden i ies. The analysis ocused
on policy documen s, a his o ical analysis o indigenous educa ion policy and
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
how indigenous peoples as social ac o s in luence and a e in luenced by policies.
Acco ding o Tolle son & Pe ez-Milans (2018), language policy is augh wi h
ensions be ween he p ocesses o social change and he s ill-powe ul ideological
amewo k o mode n na ionalism (Tolle son & Pe ez-Milans, 2018). I analysed
language policy in e ms o he ideology which i p oduces and in which i is
embedded. I discuss and analyse language-in-educa ion-policies om a social
heo y pe spec i e which is use ul o discussing he ole o he s a e, powe and he
ela ionship be ween social cons ain and indi idual eedom (e.g. Foucaul , 1972;
Giddens, 1985; Habe mas, 1973, 1979; see mo e in Sec ion 4.2.3.).
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Chap e 8 Summa ies and E alua ion o he Sub-S udies
This sec ion summa ies and e alua es each sub-s udy. In Sec ion 8.1., I summa ize
he pape en i led “Sámi language eache s` p o essional iden i ies explained h ough
na a i es abou language acquisi ion.” This pape is a collabo a ion wi h wo Sámi
esea che s, D Pigga Keski alo and D E ika Ka jaana Sa i aa a. I is based on my
ieldwo k in Lapland in Finland. In Sec ion 8.2., I summa ize he pape en i led
“Educa ed no o speak ou language: language a i udes and new speake s in he
Yaeyaman language.” This pape is based on my ieldwo k in he Yaeyaman communi y
in he Ryukyus. Sec ion 8.3. summa ize my hi d pape en i led “Indigenous in
Japan? The eluc ance o Japanese s a e o acknowledge indigenous peoples and hei
need o educa ion,” which is based on a his o ical analysis o language-in-educa ion-
policies o Japan. I also d aws da a om my own ieldwo k in he Ryukyus.
8.1. Sub s udy 1: Sámi language eache s’ p o essional iden i ies
explained h ough na a i es abou language acquisi ion
My i s s udy was conduc ed in no he n Finland. I ocused on how eache s’
p o essional iden i ies a e shaped by hei language acquisi ion p ocess. The esul s
a e based on he na a i es o nine No h, Ina i and Skol Sámi language eache s.
The esul sugges s ha wo aspec s o eache s’ na a i es we e signi ican ly linked o
hei iden i ies as Sámi language eache s: (1) hei backg ounds (indigenous/non-
indigenous) and (2) hei language acquisi ion expe iences (acqui ed Sámi language in
childhood/adul hood). The esul s o he i s sub-s udy indica e ha Sámi language
eache s ha e a ange o p o essional iden i ies and hei p o essional iden i ies a e
in luenced by no only hei language acquisi ion p ocess bu also hei eaching
expe iences. I highligh ed how he Sámi language eache s pe cei e hei backg ound
(indigenous/ non-indigenous) and hei language acquisi ion expe iences (acqui ed
Sámi in childhood/adul hood) o in luence hei p o essional iden i ies.
Fi s , symbolic domina ion (Bou dieu, 1991) appea s cons an ly in he eache s’
na a i es in his s udy. Fo ins ance, some eache s desc ibed how Finnish was
conside ed he no m in socie y: i was he p ima y, —i no only—, language o
ins uc ion in school and some s a ed ha hey did no speak Sámi a home. In his
case o symbolic domina ion, bo h mino i y and majo i y g oups belie ed ha he
majo i y language and cul u e was s onge , which was conside ed no mal. To esis
he symbolic domina ion, he language choice o each eache plays an impo an ole.
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The choice o speak a pa icula language, whe he eely chosen o imposed, seemed
o play an impo an ole. Thei choice o speak, s udy in indigenous languages, speak
hem and/o each hem is a way o esis symbolic domina ion (Bou dieu, 1991;
Helle , 1997). Ye , some indigenous eache s became language eache s, a leas in
pa , o y o mee he expec a ions o hei indigenous communi ies, pa icula ly
hose o small communi ies ying o p ese e hei languages.
Ano he impo an esul o my i s s udy is ha non-indigenous eache s who
ha e lea ned Sámi languages as adul s ac i ely link hei oles as language eache s
o he language e i alisa ion p ojec . Sámi language e i alisa ion has been ac i e
since he 1990s. Many eache s, including non-indigenous eache s, ha e lea ned
Sámi languages as adul s. In pa icula , he Ina i Sámi communi y has e i alised
i s language wi h he coope a ion o non-indigenous language eache s (Ol huis,
Ki elä, & Sku nubb-Kangas, 2013; Pasanen, 2015). To ensu e i s su i al, he
communi y has s a egically ec ui ed and welcomed non-indigenous people o
lea n and ansmi he language o child en and o he s who wan o lea n Ina i
Sámi as a second language (Pasanen, 2015). In his s udy, non-Sámi eache s who
lea ned Ina i Sámi as adul s pe cei ed hemsel es o be accep ed in indigenous
communi ies and in schools, despi e being non-na i e speake s and nonindigenous.
This inding e eals he Sámi communi y’s p agma ic a i ude owa ds main aining
and e i alising hei language.
This esea ch eminds us o he impo ance o ca e ully examining smalle
and endange ed languages as he esul s sugges ha eache s who lea ned Sámi
languages as adul s end o ha e posi i e a i udes owa ds hemsel es and hei
oles as eache s, hus implying a posi i e change in hei iden i ies hough lea ning
indigenous languages. Du ing he in e iews, some eache s men ioned ha hei
non-na i eness some imes educed hei con idence in eaching, e en hough he
communi ies seemed o accep eache s who acqui ed Sámi as adul s. Being a non-
na i e speake could be a bene i in such cases when communi y membe s suppo
he eache s posi i ely and hey app ecia e ha ing a eache . Thus, i would seem
ha he Sámi communi y has la gely a oided he non-na i e allacy, ha is, he idea
ha only na i e speake s can be good language eache s by suppo ing non-na i e
language eache s s a egically (see Phillipson, 1992 o mo e de ails).
Fo indigenous language educa ion, he e a e much mo e di e se ad an ages
o being a language eache 65. Fo ins ance, one ad an age o being a non-na i e
language eache o an indigenous language is o become in ol ed in language
65 Fo ins ance, o indigenous language eache s, one ad an age o being a non-na i e language eache
o indigenous language is o be able o in ol e in language e i aliza ion. Some eache s in my esea ch
shows ha hei ole as eache s is much bigge and hey a e wo king owa d e i alizing he language as
well as educa ing young people. This is a pa icula ad an age ha only indigenous language eache s can
ha e, while dominan language eache s canno ha e.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
e i aliza ion. Some eache s in my esea ch showed ha hei ole as eache s is
much di e en om ha o a eache o dominan languages. Being able o wo k
wi h an indigenous communi y owa d an aim o e i alizing hei languages gi es
eache s hope, a d eam and posi i i y which canno be expe ienced in dominan
language eaching and lea ning. This is an ad an age ha only indigenous language
eache s can ha e, and ha dominan language eache s canno .
The e ha e been disad an ages and limi a ion in his esea ch. Fi s , due o
he lack o my knowledge abou Sámi communi ies and due o my lack o Sámi
languages, he analysis migh be in luenced by hese ac o s. Mo eo e , he da a is
small due o he limi ed ime and budge o my esea ch. The u u e esea ch needs
o ocus on de eloping heo ies o iden i y nego ia ions in di e en Sámi language
communi ies. Despi e hese disad an ages, he indings o his s udy show ha
some eache s ha e lack o con idence as a eache o indigenous languages due o
he ac ha hey acqui ed he language as a second language. Fo such eache s,
u he suppo and alida ion o hei p o essional iden i ies is necessa y. This is an
impo an ac o o emembe , because esea ch on indigenous educa ion should be
aimed a empowe ing he weak and less powe ul and no discou aging hem om
challenging he exis ing symbolic powe in socie y.
8.2. Sub-S udy 2: Educa ed No o Speak Ou Language -Language
A i udes and Newspeake ness in he Yaeyaman Language-
T adi ional na i e speake communi ies in he Ryukyus ha e been e oded as a
esul o mode niza ion, leading o a b eak he in e gene a ional ansmission o
indigenous language in domains such as home o educa ion. While he ansmission
o indigenous languages om one gene a ion o na i e speake s o he nex has o
long been conside ed a c ucial pa o linguis ic i ali y (Fishman, 2001), he ecen
heo iza ion a ound new speake s seeks o explici ly ques ion he na i e speake
ideology in language e i aliza ion mo emen s (see also O’Rou ke e al., 2015;
Smi h-Ch is mas e al., 2018). Th ough hei linguis ic p ac ices, new speake s ha e
he po en ial o gene a e bo om-up language planning on he g ound, in luencing
language lea ning and c ea ing u u e gene a ions o speake s. New speake s a e
expec ed o ha e po en ial o c ea e and implemen “in isible language planning”
de ined as “non-go e nmen al and spon aneous language planning ela ing o he
acquisi ion and use o a language” (Paki , 1994) and may also wo k as a esis ance
agains he op-down language policies in oduced by he s a e in he e i aliza ion.
To examine he oices and expe iences o indigenous language eache s and lea ne s
in he Yaeyaman language communi y, I conduc ed my second ieldwo k ocusing
on Yaeyaman language educa ion, ocusing on one a ie y called mee amuni o
Miya an (see mo e Sec ion 3.2.).
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
My indings o he second s udy show ha educa ional policy is pa o he p oblem
o language endange men in Miya a. A hough indigenous language eache s exp ess
conce ns abou keeping and p ese ing he Yaeyaman language, he cen alized
school cu iculum and he sys em o eache ci cula ion ep esen an ins i u ional,
linguis ic and ideological obs acle o implemen ing Miya an in o ac ual eaching
p ac ices. I shows an example o people “choosing” which language o speak in a
con ex o some people in Miya a, lea ing he illage means “gaining” educa ion o
ge ing economically be e jobs. The dispa i y be ween people who only go o high
school and hose who go on o s udy a uni e si ies ou side he Yaeyama Islands also
e lec s he gap be ween hose who keep he indigenous language and hose who
do no . The e is no possibili y o lea ning Yaeyaman in highe educa ion in Japan.
These educa ional policies, which assimila e Yaeyaman sys ema ically, a e pa o
he easons why Yaeyaman has become c i ically endange ed. In o de o main ain
Yaeyaman, educa ional policies in Japan o indigenous languages needs o be
comple ely e hough , in a manne simila o o he indigenous languages in Ame ica
o in Eu ope, whe e esea ch shows ha indigenous peoples become consciously
indigenous hemsel es and accep hemsel es a e lea ning indigenous languages
h ough educa ion (e.g. Ho nbe ge , 2014).
Pic u e 3. One o he e i aliza ion ac i i ies in he Ryukyus, an example om
a Miya a Elemen a y School,66 2017
66 I conduc ed Miya an language lesson wi h D Ch is ophe Da is, a linguis a he Uni e si y o he
Ryukyus. I ansla ed wo songs om Disney ilms (see Chap e 6, p.76) wi h he help o he elde s in he illage.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
In e iews wi h language eache s who each he Yaeyaman language in school
e ealed ano he p oblem o indigenous language educa ion in he Ryukyus: a
lack o compa ibili y in language a i udes and belie s be ween adi ional speake s
and new speake s. I a gued ha some ypes o language a i udes om adi ional
speake s migh ac as an obs acle o new speake s o use and speak indigenous
languages com o ably. Younge speake s (in hei hi ies o o ies) seem o be
a aid o misusing Miya an, especially in e ms o he co ec use o hono i ics, which
is known o be complica ed and di e en om Japanese. I means ha new speake s
need o o e come hei lack o con idence ela ed o “co ec ” use o hono i ics
i s , hen need o o e come such nega i e a i udes om adi ional speake s o
speak indigenous language. This lack o compa ibili y be ween new speake s and
adi ional speake s migh be one o he easons o language endange men in
Yaeyama.
Among adi ional speake s o Miya an, I ind endencies o sel -o ien alism
wi h ega d o hei language. Simila ly, o wha has been discussed p e iously
in Fishman & Ga cia (2010), I de ine sel -o ien alism as a phenomenon whe e
indi iduals subconsciously de alue hei own language in compa ison o he
dominan language he e, Japanese. In Miya a, he ea u es o linguis ic sel -
o ien alism mani es mos ob iously in he belie ha Miya an is “ugly” whe eas
Japanese is “beau i ul”, and a desi e o speak “beau i ul Japanese” and in doing so
p o ing o be “good Japanese.” While speaking Miya an has a posi i e image o
keeping adi ion and au hen ici y wi h ega d o e hnolinguis ic iden i y, i is a
he same ime pe cei ed as no being “sophis ica ed” by many adi ional speake s.
I u he no ed ha his linguis ic sel -o ien alism can be ound in educa ional
polices made by Ci y Boa d o Educa ion. P e ious esea ch in Yaeyaman s udies
show ha i was c ucial o s ess a heo y o common o igin be ween Yaeyama
and he Japanese main islands o jus i y Yaeyama’s igh ul membe ship in he
Japanese na ion (see also sec ion 3.2. o his hesis). Yaeyaman people a e p oud
o being able o “speak like he Japanese” and his pe cep ion is linked o hei
expe iences o coloniza ion, hei accep ance o symbolic domina ion and hei
sel -o ien alism. Language-in-educa ion-policy based on symbolic domina ion,
whe he consciously o no , con inues o ep oduce he sel -o ien alism o
Yaeyaman speake s.
The p oblem in Ryukyuan language endange men is la ge han ha o school
and educa ional policies (see also Bowe n, 2017). People usually choses a language
which minimizes hei exposu e o physical o symbolic iolence. Symbolic iolence
is o en shaped by policies and i causes language endange men . Howe e , he e
a e o he ac o s which seems o con inuously a ec language endange men on
he g ound in he case o Yaeyaman. T adi ional speake s end o ha e linguis ic
sel -o ien alism, hus, discou age younge speake s om speaking he indigenous
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
language67 and end o lack con idence in eaching Yaeyaman as shown by olun ee
eache s iewing hemsel es as “unquali ied eache s”, because hey ha e ne e
s udied in highe educa ional ins i u ions. On he o he hand, he e a e some young
speake s, especially young men, who cons an ly make e o o lea n and speak he
language o p o e hei iden i y as Miya an.
The e is need o aise awa eness ha one can be “beau i ul”, “young” and “educa ed”
and, a he same ime, be a compe en speake o he indigenous language. I would
like o lea n and speak my language despi e hose di icul ies. I shows ha he e is a
need o eac o he language endange men om pe spec i es o decoloniza ion o
empowe mino i y indigenous languages (see also May, 2001). My indings sugges
ha he e is also an u gen need o e-e alua e he monolingual policy p e ailing in
he Japanese educa ion sys em since i c ucially enhances linguis ic sel -o ien alism
o adi ional speake s. A p esen , we a e educa ed no o speak ou language.
8.3. Sub-S udy 3: Indigenous in Japan? The Reluc ance o he
Japanese S a e o Acknowledge Indigenous Peoples and
Thei Need o Educa ion
Du ing he second ieldwo k in my communi y, I me wi h some con usion. I me a
eache om Kohama island who old me ha “we a e indigenous68” I me ano he
adi ional na i e speake who old me “ou language has he oldes Japanese wo d,
which we can see in ou na ional an hem.69” When I lea n my language and y o
speak i wi h he elde s, some people in Yaeyama old me, “I don’ speak my language
wi h a beau i ul woman” (see mo e in my second a icle). My ques ion shi ed: Why
can I no be beau i ul while speaking my own language? This ques ion is deep and
pain ul. Ha ing been hidden my indigenous iden i y while g owing up as Japanese,
when I ake my iden i y and language back, I ealise he e is some hing deep wi hin
my communi y ha needs o be add essed.
In my esea ch o he i s and second a icles, I ound ha Ryukyuan and Sámi
eache s end o expe ience unequal powe ela ions owa ds hei own languages
67 Du ing he ieldwo k, I me one esea che who does ieldwo k one a ea o he Yaeyama island.
He old me ha especially people whose age is be ween 40s, 50s, and 60s end o commen ha “you a e
om ou side and why do you speak his language?”
68 He used he wo d senjūmin (see abs ac oo no e 2, and Sec ion 4.1.1.). He iden i ies himsel as
non-na i e speake and he hinks his Yaeyaman is us y, bu in his e e yday con e sa ions wi h elde s on
he island, he uses Yaeyaman (See Hammine, 2019 o mo e on Kohama).
69 Pe haps, once a pe son goes o uni e si y and become “indigenous,” he ends o lose he language,
while people who emain on he island who deny indigenei y a e he one who e ain communica i e
compe ence in Yaeyaman. Mo e esea ch is needed.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
h oughou hei p o essional and pe sonal li es. Ac i e language e i aliza ion
occu ed in Sámi since 1970s, which seems o ha e had a posi i e in luence on
hei nega i e a i udes owa d indigenous languages. Teache s o Sámi languages
ha e access o highe educa ion in hei languages. Howe e , language policy in
Japan has igno ed exis ing indigenous languages wi hin he na ion (Fuji a-Round
& Mahe , 2008; Gayman, 2011; Hein ich, 2012) and e en accele a ed he sel -
o ien alism o adi ional speake s o indigenous languages (see Sec ion 8.2.).
An assimila i e language policy has in luenced he sel -o ien alism o adi ional
speake s o Yaeyaman, which has in luenced young new speake s. Thus, he e is a
need o in es iga e language-in-educa ion policies o cul i a e a space o posi i e
cons uc ion o indigenous iden i ies in Japan.
In my hi d a icle, he e o e, I se wo aims: (1) o in es iga e how he educa ional
policies o Japan ha e deal wi h educa ion o i s indigenous popula ion his o ically
(2) o examine how indigenous g oups, pu sue hei indigenous iden i ies in he
cu en Japanese educa ional sys em. I analysed he Japan’s s a e policy on indigenous
peoples and hei need o educa ion. I in es iga ed how educa ion policies ha e
con ibu ed o he igno ance o indigenous g oups in Japan his o ically and oday.
The “Japaniza ion” o Indigenous popula ion happened simul aneously in bo h
in he No h, in Ainu land and in he Sou h in he Ryukyus. Unde he ideology
o one-e hnici y as “Japanese,” non-Japanese iden i ies, indigenous iden i ies,
ha e been assimila ed h ough means such as he assignmen o Japanese names,
educa ion in he Japanese language, cons uc ion o shin ō70 sh ines in indigenous
land and adop ion o Japanese cus oms (Howell, 2004; Oguma, 1998). The goal o
hese educa ional policies was always he assimila ion because i was no possible
o achie e he ideology o monoe hnic, monocul u al, monolingual na ion wi h
he p esence o non-Japanese (Ainu and Ryukyuans /Okinawans) peoples (see also
Tai a, 1997; Weine , 1997).
How can indigenous indi iduals pu sue hei indigenous iden i ies in Japan?
Acco ding o s a is ics om he Hokkaido go e nmen , he Ainu a e app oxima ely
0.02 pe cen o he o al popula ion o Japan and hei numbe s a e ex emely
small. I is di icul o es ima e he exac numbe , bo h because many Ainu y o
hide hei e hnic backg ounds o ances y ou o ea o disc imina ion and because
o subs an ial in e ma iage o e many gene a ions (Takayanagi & Shimomu a,
2013; Emo i, 2015). The e a e many young Ainu indi iduals who do no a i m
hei Ainu iden i y and he i age due o he nega i e a i udes o hei Ainu he i age
and e hnici y ha hei pa en s and ances o s expe ienced. In he Ryukyus, Japan’s
assimila ion policy o encou aging people o speak Japanese discou aged people
om speaking hei local languages (see Hein ich 2012a; Kondo 2014; Oguma
1998; and Ishiha a 2016, among o he s). As I ha e a gued p e iously, Ryukyuans
70 Shin ō is a s a e eligion o Japan.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
also iden i y hemsel es as Japanese since hei ances o s made e o s o be Japanese
by s udying Japanese o achie e success in mains eam socie y. Al hough a s ong
desi e o lea n he Ryukyuan languages and cul u e is epo ed (e.g. Ishiha a, 2010),
he e is no ye sys ema ic educa ion which ecognises he need o indigenous
language and cul u al ansmission in he Ryukyus. The speake s hemsel es de alue
hei own language and cul u e due o he his o y o assimila ion in he pas and
belie e hei language as “di y.” Cu en ly, i is no possible o be educa ed in he
local language, which eeds o nega i e a i udes owa d hei he i age. This kind
o in e nalized psychological colonialism is a phenomenon o en epo ed in o he
Indigenous g oups all o e he wo ld (see e.g. F ybe g, Rebecca, & Bu ack, 2018).
Educa ional policies in he pas and p esen ha e ed o he igno ance among
he majo i y o Japanese ci izens o he mul ilingual, mul ie hnic, mul icul u al
eali y and o he eluc ance o Indigenous g oups o a i m hei own he i age and
iden i ies in Japan (see e.g. Mahe , 1997; Gayman, 2011; Hein ich, 2011). Ag eeing
wi h Gayman (2011), he s a us o g oups as indigenous mino i ies in Japan has
been downplayed, compa ed o he in e na ional s anda d se in UNDRIP.16
The p inciples o UNDRIP, pa icula ly, A icles 13, 14 and 15 on educa ion
and cul u al ansmission a e (1) he no ion o indigenous knowledge, (2) he
ecogni ion o he de as a ing e ec s o coloniza ion, especially h ough schooling,
(3) he simul aneous ecogni ion o he need o mode n educa ion in achie ing he
poli ical and economic aims o indigenous peoples o u he hei own au onomy
and sel -de e mina ion, and (4) ecogni ion o he need and desi e o b ing mo e
cong uence be ween adi ional ways o knowing and mode n knowledge p ac ices
as epi omized by he school (Gayman, 2011). These p inciples a e no aken in o
conside a ion in cu en educa ion policies in Japan, o ei he Ryukyuans o Ainu.
Thei indigenous igh s in educa ion a e ye unachie ed in he Japanese educa ional
sys em. I concluded my a icle ha mul icul u al, mul ilingual educa ional policy
based on he mul ilingual eali y o he di e en egions in Japan enables indigenous
indi iduals o choose o cons uc indigenous iden i ies, com o ably as well as o
achie e “success” in socie y whe e dominan alues p e ail. In o he wo ds, policy
based on mul icul u al, mul ie hnic, mul ilingual eali y o he na ion could be a
solu ion; being indigenous could be one choice in Japan.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
i makes i di icul o indigenous communi y membe s o ha e a posi i e hough
o lea ning i and acqui ing i . To o e come his linguis ic sel -o ien alism o
adi ional speake s and encou age new speake s’ e o o lea n he language, i is
impo an o adi ional speake s o accep and encou age hei e o s. I , hen,
migh be easie o some o he membe s o indigenous communi ies o li e wi hou
acing he pain esul ing om he colonial his o y. Language e i aliza ion does no
wo k when i is imposed on language communi ies, like I discussed in he example
o Sami language e i aliza ion. Resea che s a gue ha language e i aliza ion has
o be he desi e o communi y membe s (Mu wene, 2017; Whaley, 2011), bu i he
communi y has nega i e a i udes owa d hei language esul ing om his o y and
pollical si ua ion, language e i aliza ion is no only abou desi e o he communi y.
I hey a e hu ing hemsel es psychologically wi hou ealizing i like a case in
Yaeyaman, wha language e i aliza ion could do migh be bigge han language: i
becomes an issue o sel -es eem and con idence (see 9.7.3 o his hesis).
Resea ch on o he indigenous language communi ies sugges ha lea ning
indigenous languages could possibly educe acism (as men ioned in Walsh, 2018).
In my own esea ch expe iences, people who s udy Ryukyuan languages o o he
indigenous languages usually end o be kind and unde s and he inequali y mo e
han people who don’ s udy hem. The e migh be a eason o e e yone o s udy and
be awa e o indigenous languages and he speake s o indigenous languages. Fu u e
esea ch should in es iga e how younge people o child en (bo h indigenous and
non-indigenous) can lea n Yaeyaman wi hou he cons ain s ha ha e accumula ed
o e ime as a esul o Yaeyaman colonial expe iences. Fu u e esea ch should also
in es iga e whe he he e is a clea link exis s be ween he up ake o Indigenous
Languages by non- Indigenous people and a educ ion in acism (see also Walsh,
2018).
Bo h my i s and second s udies sugges he impo ance o eache s as social
ac o s o possible changes and implemen a ion o indigenous language educa ion.
I iew i is c ucial o language eache s o ha e posi i e sel -es eem as language
eache s. This posi i e sel -image and posi i e iden i ies could enhance language
lea ne s (new speake s) o cul i a e posi i e iden i ies as indigenous language
speake s (e.g. Cummins, 2014). Fo such eache s, u he suppo and alida ion
o hei p o essional iden i ies is necessa y o o e come linguis ic sel -o ien alism
unconsciously embedded in he communi y.
9.4. Educa ion Policies based on Mul ilingualism
The hi d s udy shows he his o ical and cu en educa ional policies o Japan,
which do no a o indigenous languages in Japan. A p esen , owing o he lack
o mul ilingualism in educa ional policy, i is no possible o lea n Ryukyuan
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languages in school, which esul s in di icul ies in de eloping indigenous iden i ies
in Japan. Also, I discussed ha bo h s a e and local educa ional policy based on
monolingual ideology is pa o he p oblem. Al hough eache s exp ess conce ns
abou he Yaeyaman language, he cen alized school cu iculum and he sys em o
eache ci cula ion ep esen an ins i u ional, linguis ic and ideological obs acle o
implemen ing indigenous language in o ac ual eaching p ac ices.
To encou age elde s o suppo young new speake s’ e o in Yaeyama and o be able
o speak ou language also a e ge ing educa ed a highe educa ional ins i u ion,
I a gue ha he e is a need o e-e alua e ou mul ilingualism in he Ryukyus (see
also Hammine, 2019). and ha bo h s a e and local educa ional policies based on a
monolingual ideology a e pa o he p oblem. The e is also a need o ecognize he
mul iple linguis ic, cul u al and in e cul u al esou ces ha exis in ac ual educa ion
which will enable indi iduals om indigenous communi ies o cons uc indigenous
iden i ies ha a e compa ible wi h he mode n wo ld (Cummins, 2001; Hammine,
2019; Ho nbe ge , 2014; Ho nbe ge , 2010; Sku nabb-Kangas, 2010). My indings
sugges ha he e is a need o imp o e he educa ion and p o essional educa ion
ocusing on mul ilingualism and mul icul u alism o people wi h Yaeyaman
language abili ies (e.g. Ho nbe ge , 2014).
To conclude his esea ch, I p esen a new model o indigenous language
communi ies (Figu e 9). I sugges h ee aspec s ha need o be add essed: (1) lack o
sel -es eem (language a i udes), (2) unconscious ichness in hei linguis ic abili ies
(language p ac ice), and (3) an in isible indigenous language policy (language
managemen ) (see Figu e. 8). These h ee p oblems iden i ied om my esea ch a e
he obs acles o language e i aliza ion wi hin he language communi y. I hope his
model could be adop ed no only in he wo esea ch con ex s o my esea ch bu
also in o he indigenous language communi ies in he wo ld.
9.5. A New Model o Teache Educa ion o Indigenous
Language Teache s
I p e iously a gued ha language educa ion needs o be decolonized om wi hin
endange ed language communi ies. Decoloniza ion is no easy, bu I a emp
o de elop a model o decolonizing eache educa ion based on h ee iden i ied
p oblems o my esea ch. The indings o my esea ch e ealed h ee p oblems: (1)
lack o sel -con idence and sel -a i ma ion o eache s ( adi ional speake s), (2)
unconscious linguis ic ichness o indigenous language speake s, (3) in isibili y o
communi y-based language policies (see Figu e 8, p.97). To decolonize language
educa ion om wi hin he communi y, he e is a need o change hese h ee p oblems
which seem o a ec language endange men o he Yaeyaman language. Be o e
mo ing on o my sugges ion o how o each and lea n an endange ed language (i.e.
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Yaeyaman) com o ably and how o decolonize language educa ion om wi hin, I
emind he eade s o he pu pose o his esea ch. One pu pose o his hesis was o
in es iga e he si ua ions o indigenous language eaching and lea ning. The second
pu pose o his esea ch was o acili a e he be e ways o emb ace mul ilingualism
in indigenous language communi ies (see Chap e 2) and one o he aims o his
esea ch was o sugges a possible sugges ion o an indigenous language eache
educa ion based on he esul o his s udy.
As a conclusion, I p esen he ollowing model o indigenous language eache
educa ion o indigenous languages main enance, which could hope ully be used in
o he indigenous mino i y language communi ies a ound he wo ld. No ably, in my
new model o indigenous language eache educa ion, I sugges h ee componen s
o he model om indigenous pe spec i e based on he esul s o my esea ch; (1)
he in isible language policy eplaces wha his model calls language policy, (2) he
unconscious linguis ic ichness eplaces wha his model calls language p ac ice, and
(3) he lack o con idence and sel -es eem eplaces wha his model calls language
a i udes and belie .
Language Policy
Making in isible
indigenous policy
isible
Language P ac ice
Making unconscious
mul ilingual p ac ice
isible o language
speake s
Language A i udes
Inc easing
Con idence and
Sel -Es eem o
Language Teache s
Figu e. 9. A new model o indigenous language eache educa ion
9.5.1. Making “in isible” language policy isible
Fo language policy, I emphasize he impo ance o communi y-based-language
policy, meaning ha a communi y le el, he e a e policies which a e made by
indigenous popula ions by hemsel es. Fes i al, a , and music a e pa o ou
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adi ional educa ion in he Ryukyus. In he adi ional es i als, we a e supposed
o speak ou languages, and ha is whe e we lea n he language. Educa ional policy
usually ocuses on “o icial” policies, bu he e a e mo e hings we should include. We
lea n, we speak, we dance, we sing in indigenous languages. Indigenous policies a e
he e; hey a e jus no isible (see also Canaga ajah, 2006). Jus as mul ilingualism
o he Ryukyus has been b ainwashed by he language policy based on monolingual
ideology o he na ion s a e, he e is a need o e isi he concep o language policy
once again by ecognizing he anslanguaging p ac ices and he pedagogy o elde s
in he Ryukyus (see mno e in Hammine, 2019).
The indings o his esea ch sugges ha he e a e wha is called “in isible language
policies” in he case o Yaeyaman. Howe e , wha hey call, in isible language
policies a e hose which a e he mos isible o endange ed language communi y
membe s (see Pic u e 2). In isible language policies a e “in isible” when i is looked
upon om he majo i y iewpoin bu hey a e he mos isible policies o he mos
people in he illage o Miya a because hey made hese policies and hese policies
a e embedded in hei e e yday li e. Local language policies such as shown in Pic u e
2 a e he ones which a e close o hem and hose a e he ones hey can make by
hemsel es. In u n, he language policy o he s a e is a he in isible o hose
people who a e si ua ed inside unequal powe ela ions. Local people, indigenous
people a e mo e ocused on he language policies o hei illage, which a e o hem,
mo e isible. Fo he indigenous popula ion, he na ional s a e policy o p e ec u al
go e nmen policy is in isible because hey do no see i and hey do no make i .
To ge back wha has been aken om us, i is impo an o decolonize esea ch o
language policy, by looking a ou way o language policy which comes om inside
he communi ies. This is an example o decolonising pe spec i es in language policy
esea ch, which could aise awa eness in he ideas o ins i u ional and subs an ial
colonialism (see e.g. Leona d, 2019). Leona d (2019) poin s ou ha Linguis ics
eme ges la gely om a Eu oame ican colonial adi ion, whose adi ions es ablish
languages as objec s o be desc ibed in scien i ic ma e ials (e.g., ex s, co po a,
echnical publica ions) o mul iple audiences. Con empo a y linguis ic science
p i ileges ce ain ways o de ining language and language policy. Language policy
is de ined pa icula ly by s uc u al uni s ha a e desc ibed and analysed no only
sepa a ely om each o he , bu ha a e also disembodied om he people who use
hem, hus con adic ing indigenous alues o in e ela edness as a amewo k o
desc ibing and in e ac ing wi h he wo ld. By in oducing hose e ms “in isible
language policy” which does no come om inside pe spec i e o language
communi ies, he e is a dange o emphasizing majo i y iewpoin in language
policy esea ch. Thus, he e is a need no o call hose indigenous language policies as
“in isible” since hese policies a e he mos isible policies o he local popula ion.
Fo esea che s who s udy endange ed languages, i is impo an no o endange
endange ed languages by looking a indigenous languages as an objec o esea ch.
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As one o he solu ions o his, he e should be mo e indigenous esea che s om
he Ryukyus who unde s and his poin o iew in o de o decolonise esea ch
adi ions in Japan (see Hammine, 2019).
Fo Sámi languages, he e a e legal p o ec ions including he Sámi Language
Ac and he cons i u ion o Finland men ions gua an ees he igh o lea n Sámi
languages o indigenous Sámi popula ion. This makes wha esea che s call
“in isible” policy mo e “ isible” o he majo i y people. Bu he naming o in isible
language policy is con adic o y. I we also ha e legal amewo k o isualize ou
indigenous languages in he Ryukyus, i could u he s eng hen he posi ions o
Ryukyuan languages in Japan. I , hus, ela es o sel -de e mina ion o Ryukyuan
people o hei own languages, and cul u e (McCa y & Lee, 2014). Lea ning om
an example o Sámi language e i aliza ion, my esea ch shows ha he e is need
o make “in isible” language policy “ isible” in he Ryukyus by legally. The e o e,
making legal means o indigenous Ryukyuan languages is one way no o endange
endange ed languages (Whaley, 2011).
9.5.2. Unconscious Richness in Language P ac ice
When building an indigenous language eache educa ion, my inding sugges s ha
i is impo an o shed ligh on he unconscious ichness o adi ional speake s
in he language communi y (see mo e in Hammine, 2019). I showed ha many
adi ional speake s o Yaeyaman a e mul ilingual, bu hey a e unconsciously
mul ilingual since na ional policy has conside ed hei linguis ic a ie y as less
aluable compa ed o s anda d Japanese. Those na ional policies in Japan ha e made
adi ional speake s unawa e o hei linguis ic ichness. The eache educa ion
model o indigenous language eache s needs o b ing he unconscious ichness
o wa d and make adi ional speake s be awa e o hei own ichness. The e is
unconscious ichness in adi ional speake s o he Ryukyuan languages, which
need o be ocused upon.
P e ious esea ch a i ms he impo ance o a i ming he i age language lea ne s’
mul ilingual alen as a alued componen o hei iden i ies and hence as a pa
o wha is called “empowe ing educa ion” (Cummins, 2014; E ans & Ho nbe ge ,
2005). We can see di e ences in he eache s’ awa eness o indigenous language as
alen s o s uden s and eache s. I highligh he impo ance o a i ming he he i age
language lea ne s’ mul ilingual alen s as a alued componen o hei iden i ies.
When school con ex s ein o ce s a us di e en ials be ween home and school
languages, s uden s disengage wi h hei iden i ies om hei home languages and
he p ocess o language loss is accele a ed (Cummins, 1986). We can see he esul
o his in adi ional speake s’ a i udes owa d he indigenous languages in he
Ryukyus, bu hey a e using anslanguaging in hei e e yday li e. I is impo an
ha he i age language lea ne s a e p o ided o and choose o engage in b inging
he i age languages o wa d.
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This shows ha building a model o indigenous language educa ion equi es us as
inside s o make his unconscious mul ilingualism conscious (see also in Hammine,
2019), which means i should make us no ice wha we ha e on he g ound le el. I
is also impo an o look ou side Japan and lea n om o he con ex s. Being able
o speak di e en languages means o lea n abou ou side p ac ices bu also o look
inside. Mul ilingualism, he e o e, has posi i e aspec s.
9.5.3. Lack o Con idence and Sel -Es eem in Language A i udes and Belie
Fo he las componen o Spolsky’s model, I p opose he impo ance o dealing
wi h he lack o con idence and lack o sel -es eem in language a i udes and belie s
amongs indigenous language eache s. One o he main poin s o my esea ch is
ha because o he his o y o assimila ion in he Ryukyus and in Sapmi, eache s o
indigenous o igin expe ienced he p ocess o linguis ic assimila ion o speak, lea n,
and each dominan languages, i.e. Finnish o Japanese, h oughou hei educa ion.
Because educa ion ein o ced s a us di e en ials be ween home and school languages
(i.e. Ryukyuan as a home language and Japanese as an o icial school language),
hose indigenous disengaged hei iden i ies om hei home languages and he
p ocess o language loss was accele a ed in he Ryukyus (e.g. Cummins, 2014). We
can see he esul o his language loss in adi ional speake s’ a i udes owa d he
indigenous languages o he Ryukyus ( o a u he discussion o a i udes, see my
second a icle). T adi ional speake s s ill de alue hei own language and cul u e due
o he his o y o assimila ion and disc imina ion in he pas and hey end o speak
“beau i ul,” “sophis ica ed” Japanese wi h people who a e educa ed (my second
a icle). T adi ional speake s o Miya an end o ha e sel -o ien alism o in e nalized
colonialism owa d hei language, which o en hinde s new speake s om lea ning
he language com o ably. In addi ion o in e nalized colonialism among adi ional
speake s o Yaeyaman, we ind he phenomenon o low sel -es eem and a lack o sel -
con idence among eache s o he Yaeyaman language. The eache s who a e eaching
local languages a e olun ee s who ha e knowledge o he language bu lack he
o icial eaching quali ica ions and educa ional a ainmen s conside ed p e equisi e
o being a “ eal” eache in he Japanese school sys em. The lack o con idence was
also ound among some eache s o he Sami languages in Finland. To suppo hei
lack o con idence, eache educa ion p og am which enhances hei sel -es eem is
necessa y.
The e o e, eache educa ion o indigenous languages need o ocus on
de eloping he sel -es eem and con idence o adi ional speake s o indigenous
languages. The e is a need o make people ealize ha hei language can be used as
a sophis ica ed means o communica ion and hey, as indigenous language speake s,
ha e a linguis ic, cul u al esou ce which hey can be p oud o . This sugges s ha he
wo k called decoloniza ion goes u he han ields o adi ional sociolinguis ics. I
is connec ed o psychology o language eache s. In he Ryukyus, al hough cu en ly
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in 2019, he e is a eache educa ion p og am suppo ed by Okinawa p e ec u al
go e nmen a one o he local uni e si ies in Okinawa, he p og am ex ensi ely
ocuses on g amma ical desc ip ion o he Ryukyuan languages, using g amma
based pedagogical app oach (see also He mes & King, 2019). This is pa ly due o
he lack o communica i ely o ien ed lea ning ma e ials o indigenous languages
and o cou se, lack o speake s. Al hough documen a ion-o ien ed wo k such as
dic iona ies, g amma s and collec i es o na a i es by linguis s se e as basis o
eaching ma e ials, in con as o English o o he majo high-s a us languages, he
de elopmen o Indigenous language lea ning ma e ials is in i s in ancy. A he same
ime wi h he de elopmen o communica i e lea ning ma e ials, i is impo an o
include suppo sys ems o language eache s whe e hey can consul hei wo ies
and goals wi h hei pee s. To aise hei awa eness and con idence as indigenous
language eache s, a eache educa ion p og am ocusing on hei psychological
needs is c ucial.
Decolonising he exis ing no m is no a me apho , and decolonial in e en ions
mus be speci ic (see Leona d, 2019; Tuck & Yang, 2012). Indigenous language
e i aliza ion aims a aking back wha is ou s by decolonizing he accep ed
assump ions and no ms posed om ou side. The e is a need o empowe people om
inside he language communi y. He e, I would like o in oduce one example I ound
du ing my ieldwo k in Yaeyaman communi y. I was si ing wi h o he linguis s om
he Uni e si y wi h se e al o he local Yaeyamans. One pe son s a ed alking abou
he Yaeyaman language and his lack o communica i e compe ence. He also s a ed
alking abou his colleagues who ha e high mo i a ion o lea ning Yeayaman bu
do no speak i . Then, he s a ed o ask o he linguis s o ask o help. I was si ing
and lis ening o his con e sa ion. I was somehow, sad o me o see a local pe son
asking o a help om ou side s. Fo his pe son, I am su e ha his is an oppo uni y
o lea n he language. Some o he o he local people s a ed laughing, saying ha
we do no know he language and we ha e o ask help om ou side s. I is ce ainly
posi i e o ha e such people wi h expe ise in ou language, bu his kind o a i ude
om local people shows ha people a e no so se iously wan ing o lea n and
eclaim hei he i age language. People migh be able o lea n ph ases o wo ds. , as
a esea che , am wonde ing how i is possible o e i alize he Yaeyaman when his
kind o language a i udes is common in local people. I am wonde ing i he local
people eally ha e desi e o lea n and eclaim hei language. I would like o posi
ques ions such as why child en and young people inside he language communi y do
no wan o lea n he language and ask o help om ou side linguis s o co ec ing
Yaeyaman poems o adi ional music compe i ion. Howe e , as an inside o
he communi y, i is no so simple. I canno ask such a ques ion since I become a
“s ange ” in my own communi y. Pe haps, I became indigenous h ough my PhD
s udy bu I canno become indigenous in eali y wi hin a communi y wi h such
language a i udes a e dominan (see also 10.0 and in oduc ion o his hesis). This
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ques ion will ce ainly be my li e-long ques ion, which is ela ed o my own iden i y.
My indings sugges ha con lic ing iewpoin s exis be ween he locals and he
non-locals in he endange ed language communi y. Local people seem o s uggle
wi h indigenous language lea ning due o lack o se ice and lack o educa ion based
on indigenous igh s. In he case o he Yaeyama islands, mos o he new speake s
who a e lea ning he language in a cou se held a local communi y cen e we e no
o iginally om he island; hey a e no indigenous Yaeyaman (see Hammine, in
p ess). People om ou side end o a end he cou se o lea n indigenous languages
o Yaeyama. As in he case o he Sámi language eache s, non-local lea ne s do no
expe ience s igma associa ed wi h indigenous languages. In my i s and second
s udies, indigenous eache s end o in e nalize hei colonial his o y, he pas ,
disc imina ion while non-indigenous eache s do no ha e his aspec . As an inside
esea che , I did no know ha he e was an indigenous language on my home island
un il I wen o uni e si y. The unde s anding o indigenous igh o educa ion could
b ing a s onge backbone o endange ed language si ua ion in Yaeyama. In o de o
do so, i onically, i is again h ough a means o educa ion ha we can be indigenous.
I is ne e a good idea o ha e op-down policy which do no ma ch he needs o he
local people. I he local indigenous popula ion does no pa icipa e in con inuous
e o o language e i aliza ion, i is no easy. The i s s ep migh be ha he
local people come o ealise ha hei igh o lea n hose languages acco ding o
in e na ional s anda d. I is pe haps mo e impo an o make ou sel es no ice and
educa e he child en who a e conscious o colonial his o y and cu en language
endange men . As one o my pa icipan s eache s old me, “i is no good o make
child en lea n he indigenous language; i is a he , be e o educa e child en who
wan o lea n he language” ( ieldwo k no e).
To enhance na i e speake eache s’ con idences as speake s and eache s, I
emphasize he di e en oles o locals and non-locals. The e a e di e en oles o
bo h indigenous and non-indigenous peoples in Yaeyama language e i aliza ion.
Those who know ou side Yaeyama (i.e. he immig an popula ion om mainland
Japan o local people who s udied in mainland Japan o ab oad) could empowe
he indigenous popula ion by lea ning Yaeyaman. Being mino i y should no be
a p oblem bu a he an ad an age, some hing ha people can be p oud o . Thus,
he igh insigh in o an indigenei y bo h om mino i y and majo i y could be
a key. Being indigenous should be “cool” and accep ed bo h by mino i y and
majo i y popula ions in Japan (see mo e in Hammine, 2019; Ki aha a, 2019). Being
indigenous needs o be accep ed and gua an eed in Japanese socie y acco ding
o in e na ional s anda d o human igh s (Ki aha a, 2019). The e should be an
awa eness ha keeping indigenous languages is bene icial no only o mino i y
indigenous language communi ies bu also o he majo i y popula ions. By
e isi ing he de ini ions o language policy esea ch, such as in isible s. isible, we
can unde s and ha keeping indigenous languages is bene icial o all.
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9.6. Limi a ions o he S udy
Fo my i s s udy, he e is a limi a ion due o my lack o a cul u al backg ound
in he Sami cul u e and language. By esea ching in my own communi y as an
inside esea che and in Lapland as an ou side esea che , I ound his di e ence
c ucial. My esea ch pa ne s and I c ea ed ela ionships di e en ly depending on
ou posi ions. Fo my i s s udy, my posi ion as an ou side became a limi a ion o
ha ing a cul u al unde s anding o he esea ch con ex .
The challenges limi ing he cu en s udy include subjec i i y and i s quali a i e
na u e o his s udy. My own iden i ies ha e been nego ia ed and cons uc ed
h oughou my li e; his pe haps mo i a ed my in e es in he expe iences and li e
jou neys o indigenous eache s in lea ning and eaching indigenous languages. My
iden i ies we e also nego ia ed du ing he p ocess o esea ch. Because o my inside
posi ion wi hin he communi y, his esea ch is biased. I mainly used quali a i e
me hods o da a collec ion and analysis, including obse a ions o language eaching
and lea ning, quali a i e in e iews, ieldno es, class oom obse a ion and linguis ic
landscape documen a ion. Owing o he na u e o quali a i e da a, he e is an issue o
ep esen a i eness in ha he esea ch pa ne s who pa icipa ed in my s udy migh
be hose who a e in e es ed in language e i aliza ion and he e migh be oices
om people who showed no in e es in language e i aliza ion. To compensa e o
his issue, u u e esea ch should include quan i a i e da a when in es iga ing he
language a i udes and p ac ices o he Yaeyaman language communi y and o he
communi ies in he Ryukyus.
In addi ion, owing o he limi ed ime and budge , my s udy included only one
pa icula illage o he Yaeyaman language communi y and one a ea o Lapland
in Finland. This e hnog aphic ieldwo k mainly ocused on one pa icula illage
o Yaeyaman communi y (see 3.2.). The e a e o he a ie ies in Yaeyama, whe e no
such esea ch has been conduc ed. I is possible ha o he illages and communi ies
a e di e en , and he e is a limi a ion ha I should be ca e ul in gene alizing his
esea ch as “Yaeayaman s udy.” The e is need o in es iga ing o he illages o
Yaeyama. Indigenous communi ies a e di e se (De Ko ne, 2017; Leona d, 2012).
To unde s and he whole sociolinguis ic si ua ion o he Yaeyaman language
e i aliza ion, u he esea ch is needed on o he illages and a ea o he Yaeyaman
communi y.
9.7. Fu u e Resea ch
I am c i ical abou he way some esea ch adi ion could endange al eady
endange ed languages (see also Do ian, 1994). Common discou ses a ound language
endange men ha e been c i icized by linguis ic an h opologis s and sociolinguis s.
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Hammine: Speaking my Language and Being Beau i ul
These discou ses include; he linguis ic di e si y being linked o biodi e si y, he
endange men being conside ed as ma e o a numbe o luen speake s, he
endange men being discussed wi hou conside ing he embodimen o he people
who speak indigenous languages (Da is, 2017; Hill, 2002; King & He mes, 2014;
Whaley, 2011). Some wo ks ha e c i icized he ideas such as “uni e sal owne ship,”
iewing language endange men as some hing asce ically beau i ul is disappea ing
om “ he esou ces o he wo ld” (Hill, 2002), “linguis ic ex ac ion” iewing he
p ocess o discussing languages and language eclama ion mo emen s ex ac ed
om he pe sonal li es, communica i e p ac ices (Da is, 2017), and “enume a ion,”
coun ing he numbe o speake s as i he language is disembodied om he people
who speak i (Hill, 2002; Moo e e al., 2010).
In Ryukyaun linguis ics esea ch, documen a ion linguis ics adi ionally ha e
ocused on linguis ic da a o na i e speake s o adi ional speake s. Fo example, a
a con e ence o esea ch on Ryukyuan linguis ics, I me some esea che s p esen ing
ha his communi y has only one na i e speake , so we will no be able o go he e
o esea ch on his a ie y du ing he discussion o he u u e di ec ion o Ryukyuan
esea ch. Ennume a ion, coun ing a numbe o “na i e speake ” (Hill, 2002; Moo e,
Pie ikäinen, & Blommae , 2010) could ep oduce colonial na u e o esea ch
me hodology. Mo eo e , o hose who a e labelled as “non-na i e speake ” o “non-
luen speake ” o “passi e speake ,” i could inc ease he eeling o ailu e as hey
a e labelled as “insu icien sou ce o da a.” The goal o be luen , o be able o speak
he language p ope ly, is p oblema ically being imposed on o he communi y, which
has been al eady ma ginalized. Many linguis s ac ually do documen a ion wi h a
p ima y goal o con ibu ing linguis ic science, and adop “help he communi y” as
a seconda y pu pose. T adi ionally, un il now, in Ryukyuan linguis ic esea ch, his
kind o a i udes om esea che s can be obse ed in w i ings and in con e ences.
Some esea che s a e no awa e he ac ha he e is a dange o “endange ing”
(Whaley, 2011) al eady endange ed Ryukyuan languages.
This kind o a i udes om academia possibly inc ease lack o con idence o
speake s o indigenous languages. I I use my own expe ience, i s , we a e labelled by
ou side s, like mysel becoming indigenous all o a sudden h ough highe educa ion
and being old ha he e is an endange ed language in my home. We a e shocked, like
I was, and y o lea n i . Howe e , i people do no ha e luency, hey eel like hey
a e a ailu e. We, as new speake s, ail o speak i p ope ly and deli e he “au hen ic”
da a o he esea che s who come “all he way down” o “help” us (see also Leona d,
2018). We a e ma ginalized by being labelled as indigenous in Japan whe e he e is
no ecogni ion o indigenei y as a posi i e ai , hen again labelled as insu icien
speake s o he indigenous languages.
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dicho omies, by shaping ideologies amongs indigenous language speake s (i.e. i you
a e mode n/beau i ul, i is odd o speak “ adi ional, u al” language). Fo ins ance,
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