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A Note on Catalan Clitics

Abstract

L'objectiu d'aquest article és de suggerir una interpretació del sistema col·loquial dels clítics del dialecte barceloní (així com d'altres dialectes) mitjanqant l'ús de la noció objecte fonèticament buit. L'anàlisi proposada es basa en les consideracions de Farrell (1990) sobre objectes buits en el portuguès del Brasil.

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A Note on Catalan Clitics

Author: Gavarró Algueró, Anna
Publisher: Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB
Year: 1991
Source: https://ddd.uab.cat/pub/cwpil/1132256Xv1/1132256Xv1p65.pdf
A NOTE ON CATALAN CLITICS
Anna Ga a ó
Uni e si ei an Ams e dam
The pu pose o his pape is o sugges
an
in e p e a ion o he colloquial cli ic sys em o
Ba celona Ca alan (and o he dialec s) in he ligh o he no ion o "phone ically emp y
objec ". The analysis p oposed d aws on some conside a ions on emp y objec s in
B azilian Po upese ound in Fa ell(1990).
In his pape I discuss in wha way he a gumen s o a head may
be
ealised in a Go e nmen -
Binding g amma . The pa icula ins ance o such ealisa ion deal wi h is ha o he hi d pe son
cli ic a gumen s in some (colloquial) dalec s o Ca alan, hough i is beyond he scope o his pape
o gi e a ull accoun o he cli ic sys em o Ca alan. In b oad e ns, i seems o
be
he case, hough,
ha bo h colloquial and p esc ibed Ca alan coincide in p esen ing simple sequences o cli ics o i s ,
second and hi d pe son. Wha is mean by simple is ha each cli ic can be iden i ied in he sequence
( oge he wi h epen he ic owels which o he p esen pu poses can be igno ed). This is illus a ed
in
(1).
(1)
a.
E eig
2
I-see
'I see you'
b.
La
eig
3-F
I-see
'I
see he /i
Ca alan Wo king Pape s in Linguis ics (CWPL),
1991:
65-73
Uni e si a Au bnoma de Ba celona
(1)
c. Me les dóna
1
3-F-PL slhe-gi es
'Slhe gi es hem o me'
In all hese examples, each cli ic can be iden i ied wi h an a gumen o he e b, in he same way as
a ull NP complemen ; e.g.
La
eig
can be a pa aph ase o
Veig
la
saba a
'I see he shoe' and in bo h
sen ences all he a gumen s o he e b
eu e
' o see', EXPERIENCER and THEME, a e sa is ied.
This con as s wi h he ung amma icali y o
(Z),
whe e one o he a gumen s o he e b, he
THEME in his case, is no ealised -gi ing ise o a iola ion o he P ojec ion P inciple.
In common p ac ise, he complemen a i y o cli ics and
ull
complemen s (cli ic doubling aside) is
exp essed by pos ula ing he ollowing lund o s uc u e ep esen a ion o sen ences wi h cli ics:
(3) Lai eig [p oli
3-F
I-see
Tha is, cli ics sa is y he hema ic equi emen s o hei heads by coindexa ion wi h
an
emp y objec
p o
which is in a gumen a1 posi ion ( a he han being hemsel es in an a gumen a1 posi ion).
No hing he e depends on his mechanism; wha ma e s is ha he well- o medness o a sen ence
es s uni e sally on he sa is ac ion o he a gumen a1 equi emen s o i s cons i uen s.
The hi he o egula pa e n o a one- o-one co espondence be ween he a oles and cli ics (o
complemen s) does no appa en ly hold wi h hi d pe son cli ics in some dialec s o Ca alan, he
'
Ba celona one a nong hem:
(4) a. Li dono la
ca a
[li] I-gi e he le e
'I gi e himlhe he le e '
b. L'hi dono
[li] I-gi e
'I gi e i o himlhe '
(5)
a. Els hi dono la
ca a
[alzi] I-gi e he le e
'I
gi e hem he le e '
b. Els hi dono
[alzi] I-gi e
'I gi e i o hem'
In hese examples he cli ic (o cli ic sequence) lildlzi seems o s and o a
DAT
3
pe son in
(4a,
Sa),
and o a
DAT
3
pe son and an
ACC
3
pe son in (4b, Sb). Desc ip ions o his sys em can be ound
in he li e a u e (e.g. Fab a (1912), Fab a (1956), Badia
(1%2),
Wheele (1979), Masca 6 (1986)).
On
he unde s anding ha i is no "ex año y bá ba o" (Fab a
(
1912: 167)), bu mus con onn in
some way o he
p incipies
o
UG,
1'11 sugges a syn ac ic accoun o his cons uc ion. No ice ha
[li] and [alzi] a e phone ically iden icd in he wo examples in
(4)
and
(5)
espec i ely ( hough he
o hog aphic con en ion is ha
(44
and (4b) a e no w i en he same). I see no eason o expec a
solu ion o he p oblem p esen ed in he PF componen o he g amma .
Le us i s go h ough he occu ence o hi d pe son cli ics sys ema ically. (6) and
(7)
display he
occu ences o one cli ic only, (8) hose o wo cli ics.
(6)
a. El dono a la Ma ialal Joan
3-M I-gi e o Ma ial o Joan
'I gi e i (M) o Ma ial o Joan'
b.
La
dono a la Ma ialal Joan
3-F
'I gi e i (F) o Ma ial o Joan
c.
Els dono a la Ma ialal Joan
3-M-PL
'I gi e hem(M) o Ma ial o Joan'
d
.
Les
dono a la Ma ida1 Joan
3-F-PL
'I
gi e hem(F) o Ma ial o Joan'
(7)
a.
pi]
dono el lli b ella llib e a
3-DAT
I
-gi e he book(M)/ he bookno e(F)
'I gi e himlhe he booklbookno e'
b. [dlzi] dono el llib ella llib e a
3-PL-DAT
'I gi e hem he booklbookno e'
(8)
a. [li] dono
[3 DAT, 3 ACCI
b. [dlzi] dono
[3
DAT,
3
PL
ACCI
b
'
.
[ldzi] dono
[3 DAT, 3
F
PL ACCI
c.
[dlzi] dono
[3 PL DAT,
3
M
PL
ACCI
(8) d. [alzi] dono
[3
PL DAT,
3
F
PL ACCI
Some o he ea u es ha cha ac e ise he pa adigms in (6) and
(7)
abo e a e
as
ollows: (a) all hi d
pe son cli ic clus e s include [l]; (b)
3
ACC cli ics may be ma ked as [+FEM] o [-FEM]; c . (6a)
and (6b), o
(6c)
and (6d). This dis inc ion does no hold o i s and second pe son; (c)
3
ACC
cli ics may
be
ma ked as [+PL] o [-PL]
;
c . (6a) and (6c), o (6b) and
(6d);
(d) sequences including
a
3
DAT a e always ma ked by [i], and (e)
3
P DAT appea in sequences always ma ked by [z], i.e.
as [+PL].
Does hls cha ac e isa ion ca y h ough o (8), hough? I is ce ainly ue ha (d) holds in (8), since
all he cli ic sequences s and o DATS and include an [i]. As o (a), all examples in (8) in ol e a
hi d pe son ma ke
[I],
e en hough only one. Wi h espec o (b), only one o he o ns in (8)
includes
a
[+FEM] ma ke :
Les
hi
dono
(les llib e es,
a
ellla
).
'I gi e he bookno es
(F)
o himlhe '
In o he cases, he dis inc ion [+FEM]/[-FEM] is blu ed. In connec ion wi h (c) and (e), i.e. o he
ma ke s o [+PL], we ind one in all examples om (8b) o (8d); in (8b) and (8b') i can only
co espond o he ACC a gumen , while in
(&)
i can onl y co espond o he DAT. In
(8d)
he plu al
ma ke seems o be a ibu able o ei he DAT o ACC. The p oblem o a ibu ion and dis ibu ion
o ma ke s o DAT o ACC cli ics emains.
Fa ell(1990) analyses sen ences such
as
hose in (9) o B azilian Po uguese as in ol ing an emp y
objec .
(9)
EU conheci
ec
numa es a
I me
ec
a -a
pa y

These emp y objec s al e na e wi h o e ull p onouns and ACC cli ics, as in (10a) and (10b)
espec i ely:
(10) a. EU conheci ele numa es a
b. EU o conheci numa es a
'I me him a a pa y'
Fa ell a gues ha he emp y ca ego y in (9) is co ec ly cha ac e ised as p o, a he han as a
a iable bound by an ope a o
a
la
Huang 1984. Wha conce ns us in he p esen con ex is he
solu ion o he iden i ica ion p oblem ha (9) aises. Tha is, in wha way does he g amma
gua an ee ha he p o in (9) is iden i ied in o de o (9) no o
be
uled ou as a iola ion o he
P ojec ion Pnnciple (i.e. as a sen ence missing an a gumen ha mus
be
sa u a ed)? In his case,
ob iously, ag eemen on he head ca ego y is no he iden i ica o y ea u e which licenses he emp y
objec , since, unlike wi h emp y subjec s in Romance, he e is no such ag eemen . Fan-ell p oposes,
hen, o b oaden he no ion o iden i ica ion. In his iew, he in insic speci ica ion o ea u es
should coun as iden i ica ion. Acco dingly, he p o eco e abili y p inciple o Rizzi (1986) which
appea s
in
(
1 1) is b oadened wi h he clause in
(1
1').
(1 1) Le
X
be
he licensing head o an occu ence o p o: hen p o has he g amma ical
speci ica ions o he ea u es on
X
coindexed wi h i .
(1 1') O p o has he g amma ical speci ica ions o designa ed ea u es.
In pa icula , in B azilian Po uguese, he only objec s ha a e licensed a e in he hi d pe son. Fi s
and
second pe son p onouns mus be o e in objec posi ion, as shown in
(12):
(12) Coi ado do Jo?io/*de miml*de oce.
O
che e mandou ec embo a
'Poo Jo?iol*mel*you. The boss sacked ec'
The licensing o p o in B azilian Po uguese is possible, unde (1 I'), by iden i ying i in insically
wi h he ea u e [+3 pe son]. Hence, by (1 I'), he ec o B azilian Po uguese is allowed o occu
wi hou iden i ying mo phology. I sugges ha in he p oblema ic examples o Ca alan abo e i is
also possible o pos ula e an emp y ca ego y wi h he same designa ed ea u es as in B azilian
Po uguese, i.e. [+3 pe son]:
(13) a. [li] ec dono
[3
DAT,
3
ACCI
b. [alzi] ec dono
[3
PL DAT,
3
M
ACCI
c. [alzi] ec dono
[3
PL DAT,
3
F
ACCI
(The posi ion o he emp y ca ego y is i ele an he e.) Pos ula ing such an emp y ca ego y in hese
examples allows us o explain some phenomena o hen ise unaccoun ed o : he lack o o e gende
ma ke s no mally p esen in ACC o ms (c . (I)), as well
as
he p esence o one
PL
ma ke only in
(13b,c), a ibu ed now o he DAT plu al.
Howe e , we s ill ha e o accoun o he dis ibu ion o his emp y objec o Ca alan, which we will
assume o be p onominal, i.e. p o,
as
in B azilian Po uguese. Gi en he ung amma icali y o
(2),
*Veig, we know ha
a
s uc u e such as ha in (14) mus
be
uled ou :
(
14) *Veig p o
'I-see i lhe lhiml hem'
In ac ual ac , he ec a issue seems o occu only when
a
hi d pe son
DAT
complemen has
cli icised on o he e b.
(I
am lea ing aside o he possible occu ences o emp y objec s in Ca alan
whlch in ol e gene ic in e p e a ion, e c.) In gene al, he dialec s o Ca alan ha we a e dealing wi h
exclude any sequence o cli ics whe e a gi en cli ic occu s mo e han once. This is no so in
p esc ibed Ca alan, whe e e.g.
Els els
dono
'I gi e hem o hem' is gooci. Suppose hen ha he
g a nma o colloquial Ba celona Ca alan includes a p inciple excluding mo e han one occu ence o
any gi en cli ic in a cli ic sequence. Also, his g amma includes clause (1
1')
o he licensing o
p o.
Howe e , unlike in B azilian Po uguese, his
p o
only occu s when i is o ced o by he
"single-occu ence-o -a-cli ic"
il e abo e.
No ice, by he way, ha his las il e (a il e possibly de i able om Case heo y, some hing ha
I'm no going o go in o he e) co ec ly ules ou sen ences such as
(15),
whe e, concei ably, he
wo cli ics
hi
and
en
could ha e di e en sou ces (i.e., s and o di e en he a oles), so ha he
sen ences in (15) a e no p oblema ic o he a heo y.
(15)
*L hi hi dono
*En en po a un
To summa ise, he hi d pe son cli ic sys em is cons i u ed by he sequence o l+a+z+i, which s and
espec i ely o
[+3
pe son], [+FEM], [+PL], and [+DAT] (o , mo e accu a ely, a complemen
in oduced by he p eposi ion
a).
Cli icisa ion is uled by he p inciples o he g a nma , o which he
cli ic il e abo e is added, oge he wi h he licensing condi ions on
p o.1
I becomes clea ha he cli ic sys em unde sc u iny is consis en wi h a g a nma which equi es all
a gumen al ela ionships o be eco e able.
*The au ho wishes o acknowledge ha he esea ch epo ed he e is suppo ed by a pos -doc o al
g an o he Spanish Minis e i0 de Educación y Ciencia. Any commen s on i will
be
welcome a he
au ho 's add ess.
No es
1
The ca ea mus be made ha a DAT singula can possibly
be
l+i (wi h ACC singula ) o jus i
(wi h ACC plu al), since o mos speake s *[la i] (DAT singula , ACC eminine singula ) is ou .
Re e ences
Badia i Ma ga i , A. M. (1962) G m' ica ca alana, G edos, Mad id.
Fab a,
P.
(1912) G m' ica de la lengua ca alana, L'A enq, Ba celona.
Fab a,
P.
(1956) G amci ica ca alana, Teide, Ba celona.
Fa ell,
P.
(1990) 'Null Objec s in B azilian Po uguese', Na u al Language and Linguis ic Theo y
8,
325-346.
Huang,
J.
(1984) 'On he Dis ibu ion and Re e ence o Emp y P onouns', Linguis ic Inqui y 15,
53
1-575.
Masca ó,
J.
(1986) Mo ologia, Enciclopkdia Ca alana, Ba celona.
Rizzi, L. (1986) 'Null Objec s in I alian and he Theo y o p o', Linguis ic Inqui y 9,507-557.
Wheele , M. (1979) Phonology o Ca alan, Basi1 Blackwell, Ox o d.
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