Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais)

DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Institute of the Lithuanian Language Research interests: onomastics (studies of the formation, origin, and motivation of proper names). ON PRAGMATIC LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF PLACE NAMES (BASED ON THE PLACE NAMES OF MARIJAMPOLĖ COUNTY)1 On the Pragmatic Linguistic Analysis of Place Names (Based on the Place Names of Marijampolė County) ABSTRACT This article is an introduction to the scholarly pragmatic study of place names, accompanied by several results of the analysis undertaken. It draws on unique toponymic data from interwar Lithuanian questionnaires (place names of Marijampolė County) preserved in the collections of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language’s Place-Name Archive. An analysis of place names from a single ethnographic region from a selected perspective continues earlier place-name studies conducted from the customary perspectives of formation and origin. The article presents the main theoretical and methodological principles of pragmatic linguistic analysis of place names and reveals aspects of research that have been little used in Lithuanian toponymy. This publication draws on information from the notes section of the “Names of the Land” questionnaires, which is particularly interesting and valuable and has not previously been published, making it possible to view the toponymic material under study through the lens of the experience of language users in the ethnographic region. The study is summarized, and conclusions and recommendations are presented. KEYWORDS: interwar period, place names, pragmatic linguistic analysis of place names, emotional evaluative connotation, visual expressive connotation, ethnocultural connotative component, 1 Acknowledgements. The author sincerely thanks Prof. Rūta Petrauskaitė, Prof. Kazimieras Župerka, and the anonymous reviewers of the article for their valuable comments, advice, and kindness. 166 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII On the Pragmatic-Linguistic Analysis of Place Names (Based on the Place Names of Marijampolė County) stereotype, naming situation, communicative intention, perlocution, addresser (name-giver), addressee. ANNOTATION The article is a scientific introduction to the pragmatic research of place names presenting several results of the analysis in progress. It relies on unique data of toponymy from the questionnaires of interwar Lithuania stored at the Department of Onomastics in the Institute of the Lithuanian Language (place names from Marijampolė County). The analysis of place names of a single ethnic region from the selected perspective is a continuity of the previous place-name research based on the usual aspects of word-formation and origin. The article presents the major pragmatic theoretical and methodological principles of the linguistic analysis of place names; it reveals the research aspects which have scarcely been used in Lithuanian toponymy. The present publication is based on especially interesting and valuable information from the comments section of the “Land Names” questionnaires, which has not been published before. It enabled to approach the toponymic research material through the prism of experience of language users from a specific ethic region. The research generalizations were formulated; conclusions and recommendations were provided. KEYWORDS: interwar period, place names, pragmatic linguistic analysis of place names, emotional evaluative connotation, visual expressive connotation, ethnic-cultural connotative component, stereotype, naming situation, communicative intention, perlocution, addresser (name-giver), addressee. 0. INTRODUCTION In studies of regional toponymy, alongside the place-name material, semantics, and other specific features of place names, it would also be possible to identify more general linguistic matters belonging to the field of pragmatics. A pragmatic-linguistic approach to place names would broaden the scope of toponymic analysis. It would also preserve the relevance of research from a comprehensive, multi-aspect perspective. Furthermore, these studies would confirm or refute claims that place names in certain areas of Lithuania are distinctive, different, or similar—similarities perhaps outnumbering differences. To this end, the toponymy of other areas would also need to be included in the research under discussion. Rūta Marcinkevičienė was probably the first, in the context of contemporary Lithuanian toponymic research, to draw attention to the fact that the meaning of proper nouns is similar to Straipsniai / Articles 167 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ the connotative meaning of appellatives <...>, relating less to meaning itself than to its periphery, which encompasses various figurative and functional associations and evaluative elements (cf. Marcinkevičienė 2000: 137–146). The scholar investigated the connotations of Kaunas using free and directed association experiments2, and also conducted a contextual analysis of the selected place name. The findings obtained by both methods enabled the linguist to conclude that certain links exist between the context in which a place name is used and its connotations. This study also prompted other linguists—Ilona Sideravičiūtė-Mickienė and Saulė Juzelėnienė—to use electronic corpus-analysis software to select collocates of the cities of Palanga and Nida, classify them by part of speech, and examine their frequency (Sideravičiūtė-Mickienė, Juzelėnienė 2005: 70–75). In the latter case, no new theoretical insights seem to have emerged. Kazimieras Župerka observed that in texts belonging to technical styles, place names serve only an informational function, whereas the situation is different in texts belonging to less formal styles (colloquial, literary, journalistic) (Župerka 2009: 263–271). In the former case, place names are used in their literal sense and acquire no connotations; in the latter, the primary content they convey may be outweighed by additional information—the image of the place. According to the scholar, two components are closely related in the actualization of a place name3: the word (its sound structure, formation, semantics) and the image of the place named by that word. According to Aleksandras Vanagas, “the object of research into hydronym semantics is the specific meaning that a hydronym had at the time of its formation” (Vanagas 1981: 9), because “at the time of their formation, hydronyms could have meanings and be motivated; more precisely, they had a very broad and concrete semantic content (since they connoted and encompassed features characteristic both of an entire class of objects and of features that belonged, at that time, only to the one object being designated)” (see also ibid., 6–17). Thus, the most important question is what the word meant at the time it became nomina proprium [here and elsewhere, emphasis added by me—D. S.]. This approach to one class of place names (hydronyms) is applicable to the place names of all the classes (subclasses) being analyzed. The variety of approaches to studying place names from the perspective of pragmatic linguistics outlined above shows that several lines of research into the onymic forms under discussion are possible, allowing us to determine: 2 During a psycholinguistic experiment, people give the first words that come to mind in response to a given stimulus word. These reveal the associations evoked in them by a word they have heard, seen, or read (see also Marcinkevičienė 2011: 32). 3 Dėl termino žr. Župerka 2009: 263. Šios sąvokos aiškinimas autoriaus pateikiamas ir su priešingu kalbos priemonių vartojimo būdo paaiškinimu (kas daro kalbamąją sąvoką geriau suprantamą): automatizacija – įprastinis vartojimas, o aktualizacija – vartojimas, patraukiantis dėmesį, suvokiamas kaip neįprastas, nepaprastas (dar žr. Župerka 2008: 75). Aktualizacijos sąvoka, anot mokslininko, artima ekspresyvumo, išraiškingumo sąvokoms (ten pat). 168 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII On the Pragmatic Linguistic Analysis of Place Names (Based on the Place Names of Marijampolė County) (1) how a place name is used as a linguistic sign in certain pragmatic contexts, (2) an associative experiment involving a place name, and (3) the search for the pragmatic component in the meaning of a proper noun as socially perceived and encoded. In our case, the latter line of research is relevant. Here, the object of study is the pragmatic component in the meaning of an ony m, and the principal concept in this line of research is connotation. R. Marcinkevičienė describes connotation as a part of lexical meaning that supplements the denotative meaning of certain words. This connotation encompasses everything that goes beyond naming and reveals the speaker’s attitude toward the thing mentioned and, at times, the relationships between the people communicating (Marcinkevičienė 2011: 31). According to the scholar, it may be 1) systemic and stable, reflected in dictionary entries, or 2) contextual4. Drawing on Juozas Pikčilingis’s classification, she divides systemic connotation into three types: a) figurative-expressive, b) functional-stylistic, and c) emotional-evaluative. In our case, given the specific nature of the material under study, only two types of stable connotation will be considered: figurative-expressive and emotional-evaluative. “Emotional-evaluative connotation indicates how the speaker evaluates the thing designated by a word” (ibid.). “Emotional evaluation as a component of a word’s meaning, the so-called connotative seme, is not the speaker’s direct emotional reaction, but a conscious communication of such an emotional attitude through a mode of expression established and conventionalized in language. Thus, the emotional component of meaning is essentially no different from conceptual, so-called denotative, semes of meaning” (Gudavičius 2007: 83–84). This type of connotation may be (a) positive or (b) negative. Evalda Jakaitienė distinguishes two positive types (endearing, pathetic) and three negative types (derogatory, mocking, vulgar) of lexical connotation (Jakaitienė 1988 48–57; 2010: 162). The latter are also indicated by labels (abbreviations) in dictionaries alongside the meanings of monosemous and polysemous words (in our case: endearing, derogatory, vulgar). A word with figurative-expressive connotation describes its denotatum through imagery and evokes various associations (Marcinkevičienė 2011: 30). This type of connotation is determined by subjective associations and is not indicated by labels (abbreviations) alongside word meanings in dictionaries. The aim of the article is to identify components of a pragmatic nature in the meanings of place names. In pursuing this aim, the importance of the situation in which a topo-object is named must not be overlooked; in this situation, the intention of the addressor (in our case, the namer) toward the addressee, as well as the addressee’s own reaction, should be emphasized. 4 Contextual connotation cannot be recognized from the meaning of a word taken in isolation; rather, it emerges from the text that frequently or constantly surrounds the word. Methods for studying it involve the most frequent collocations of the word under analysis or a psycholinguistic experiment (cf. Marcinkevičienė 2011: 32). Straipsniai / Articles 169 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ To achieve the stated aim, the following objectives were set: 1) to find and discuss in the research material examples of place names based on a) a word whose meaning includes an emotional-evaluative feature, b) an evocative word, and c) a word whose meaning includes an ethnocultural connotative component; 2) to find and discuss examples in the interwar material of place names whose meanings are based on particular associations. Given that emotional evaluation is expressed lexically in three ways—by the word root itself as the basis for naming, by derivational affixes, and through figurative use of words (cf. Gudavičius 2007: 85)—it must be noted that place names containing suffixes characteristic of diminutive/pejorative formation fall outside the scope of this article. The research material consists of unique data from interwar Lithuanian questionnaires held in the Dictionary of Place Names Department of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language; that is, a collection of place names organized locally by former counties. The collection of these place names was initiated in the 1930s by the State Archaeological Commission of the Ministry of Education, then part of the Vytautas the Great Museum in Kaunas, and by the Commission for the Change of Surnames and Place Names. Using prepared place-name survey sheets entitled Žemės vardai, primary-school teachers and foresters, following Kazio Alminauskio’s specially prepared Instrukcija Lietuvos žemės vardynui surašyti (hereafter, the Instrukcija), recorded place names over several years (mostly in 1935–1937) and returned the completed sheets to the aforementioned commission. The questionnaires have survived and are currently kept in the Place Names archives. In total, they record more than 150,000 place names5. The study draws on place names from Marijampolė County recorded from spoken language in thirteen rural districts: Balbieriškis, Gudeliai, Igliškėliai, Kalvarija, Kazlų Rūda, Krosna, Liubavas, Liudvinavas, Marijampolė, Prienai, Sasnava, Šilavotas, and Veiveriai. Each rural district’s inhabited places had a separate questionnaire for their place names. According to the administrative division of the time, place names were entered in 640 questionnaires from villages, single-farmsteads, estates, church villages, and manor farms within these districts, as well as in 17 forestry district questionnaires. In total, more than 5,000 place names were recorded in the Marijampolė County questionnaires6. 5 For more on the collection of place names from spoken language in the 1930s, see Maciejauskienė 2002: 57; 2002a: 104; 2002b: 3–4; LVŽ I XIV–XV. 6 In this part of the article, in response to the anonymous reviewer’s comments on the independence and priority of the ongoing research in examining and publishing the interwar material in the Marijampolė County Žemės vardai questionnaires and its relationship to the Lithuanian Place Names Geoinformation Database (hereafter, the database; accessible online at http://lvvgdb.lki.lt)), the origins, course, novelty, and relevance of the research in question are explained in detail, as is the distinction between it and the information presented in the database. 170 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) At the beginning of 2001, when individual plans were being drawn up in the Department of Onomastics at the then Institute of the Lithuanian Language (LKI), the author of this article was assigned and approved a research study, and in 2004 also a future dissertation, on Patterns of Formation and Origin of the Place Names of Marijampolė County. From the principal and conventional perspectives for studying proper words (formation and origin), the plan was to analyze place names from one administrative unit, recorded in the interwar period in the Land Names questionnaires. In 2005, after the toponymic material for Marijampolė County had been collected from the questionnaires, the first publication appeared (see Sviderskienė 2005: 91–118). The results of research based on the material collected were subsequently published in peer-reviewed scholarly journals, namely in 2006–2012. The results of the author’s independent research into all the interwar-recorded place names of Marijampolė County were published in a separate work (for details, see Sviderskienė 2012: 232–243). The experience presented there in researching this regional set of place names from the perspectives of formation and origin not only confirmed the relevance of the work undertaken but also highlighted the incompleteness of research on place names in southwestern Lithuania and the need to continue it. In 2013, when doctoral studies resumed at Vytautas Magnus University in partnership with Klaipėda University, the Institute of the Lithuanian Language, and Šiauliai University, Dalia Sviderskienė continued this work. The available toponymic material was supplemented with place names recorded in the questionnaires of the forestry districts of Marijampolė County. The research direction was modified somewhat, and the title of the research topic was revised to Formation and Motivation of the Place Names of Marijampolė County. Thus, bearing in mind Aleksandras Vanagas’s proposal to study toponyms through the exceptionally closely interrelated aspects of formation, origin, and semantics, the place names of Marijampolė County recorded in the Land Names questionnaires, which have hitherto been analyzed from the first two perspectives, continue to be studied, with greater attention paid to their semantic motivation than the research topic had previously required. All onymic names are characterized and classified not only on the basis of established onomastic practice—namely, A. Vanagas’s methodology for the semantic analysis of river and lake names—but also with reference to the work of Russian linguists and ethnolinguists, seeking to make appropriate use of theoretical and practical principles considered linguistic universals. The motivational analysis of place names is based on identifying and examining the principles by which topographic features are named (for these, see Sviderskienė 2014: 16–17). This aspect of analysis is new and promising in studies of regional Lithuanian toponymy. Identifying and examining the principles by which topographic features are named is important for many fields of linguistics, as it provides ethnolinguistic, sociolinguistic, and psycholinguistic information for clarifying the relationship between language and reality, and reflects the linguistic worldview. In 2008–2009, place names recorded in the relevant interwar Land Names questionnaires for areas that now belong to the municipalities of Kalvarija, Kazlų Rūda, and Marijampolė were incorporated into an online database whose development had begun in 2007. There, the names were grouped, classified, and described according to the planned linguistic criteria as well as other criteria adapted and suited to the online environment (for details, see Bilkis 2011: 3–10). It should be borne in mind that the boundaries of the interwar administrative unit (the county) and those of the present-day municipalities mentioned above only partially coincide. Thus, only part of the material studied by the author of this article was added to the online database (see the list of scholarly literature used for the database work: available online at http://www.lvvggb.lki.lt/vietovardziai/Default.aspx?pid=5). In addition, the distinction between the portion of Marijampolė County toponyms published in the database and the independently conducted regional research is clear. In the first case, the database serves as a source of toponymic material, presenting a portion of the interwar questionnaire material processed according to certain criteria, standardized descriptions of the formation and origin of individual toponyms, and so forth (for details, see Bilkis 2011: 6, 9). This material can be further sorted and studied from the perspective of interest. In the second case, the toponymic material from a certain area in the primary source—the questionnaires—has been independently and comprehensively processed linguistically by the author of this article: its formation has been analyzed, Straipsniai / Articles 171 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ It is therefore clear that the place names used to achieve the article’s stated aim constitute only a small part of this data bank. The article uses terms of mixed origin: some are Lithuanian, while others contain stems of Greek origin—this accords with established practice in Lithuanian toponymy: water name – hydronym; settlement name – oikonym; name of a marshy place – helonym; mountain name – oronym; field or meadow name – agronym; forest name – drymonym; road or path name – hodonym. Where necessary, these are replaced by the synonymous terms place names and toponyms. As has become customary in studies of regional Lithuanian toponymy (Mickienė 2001; Endzelytė 2005; Bartkutė 2008), the term žemėvardžiai, proposed by Petras Jonikas (Jonikas 1990: 563), is used for names of land features: hills, fields, meadows, forests, roads, and paths. It was used by Stanislovas Tarvydas, a Lithuanian geographer who also wrote on linguistic topics (Tarvydas: 1958 5, 46), by other Lithuanian linguists (Savukynas 1963: 235; 1971: 168; Razmukaitė 2003: 67), and by the ethnologist Auksuolė Čepaitienė (Čepaitienė 2013: 112, 129). This article, too, follows the established tradition. Viewing place names from the perspective of pragmatics also prompted the use of additional terms in the article. The terms chosen are those commonly used in the works of Lithuanian linguists (Čepaitienė 2007; Župerka 2008; Jakaitienė 2010; Ryvitytė 2011): speech act—the process by which language is realized; addresser (in our case, the namer) and addressee⁷; pragmatic competence—the ability to understand the meaning the addresser (namer) intends to convey; illocution—a component of the content at one level of a speech act that conveys the addresser’s (namer’s) communicative goal (communicative intention); perlocution—the effect of an action, or what is achieved by what is said. Time has carried into oblivion those who supplied and recorded interwar place names. Thus, to establish the background, evaluative, and other information accompanying place names, as well as informants’ (in our case, addressees’) reactions, we must rely on the information preserved in the “Notes” section of the interwar questionnaires. Without these comments, research into formation, origin, and motivation is already yielding tangible results. Considered as a whole, it is informative: the productivity of word-formation types in individual place-name subclasses becomes clear, their similarities and especially their differences stand out, and patterns in the naming of topographic features in the ethnic region are revealed. The results of regional toponymic research are valuable to onomastic scholarship, important for preparing a synthetic work on Lithuanian toponymy, the Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names, significant both for Baltic studies and Indo-European studies, and may also be used by researchers in other fields. Moreover, in explaining the motivation of place names and the components of pragmatic origin in their meanings, the information in the “Notes” and other sections of the Land Names questionnaires—which has not yet been published or made publicly available online—is particularly useful (for more on this, see section 0, Introduction, of this article). 7 Kitaip Birutės Ryvitytės Lingvistinės pragmatikos įvade (2011), kuriame vartojami kalbėtojo ir klausytojo terminai. Dėl pastarųjų vartojimo dar žr. Ingos Hilbig recenziją (Hilbig 2011). 172 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) descriptions, motivational accounts, that is, unique, authentic data about the place names recorded in the questionnaires, the features of topo-objects, and the informants’ relationship to them; an analysis of toponyms from one or another perspective (formation, motivation)8, aspiring to accuracy, comprehensiveness, and precision, is in many cases impossible. Moreover, studying these accounts would mean viewing the toponymic material under investigation through the prism of the experience of language users in the ethnic area. Our position is also supported by R. Marcinkevičienė’s view: “In fact, it is not a word but a person who has a certain meaning in mind—a concept, notion, or understanding—which can be expressed by one word or another. Associations arise and images emerge only when an individual uses words. Therefore, meaning should be sought not in a word or a dictionary, but in the context of its use, by asking the interlocutor and comparing one’s own understanding of a particular word with the characteristics of the word heard or read” (Marcinkevičienė 2011: 8). In conducting comprehensive toponymic research from the perspectives of semantics and pragmatics (Березович 2014: 91), Jelena Berezovič (Yekaterinburg) draws on the principles set out by Svetlana Tolstaja (Moscow), according to which it is not the “bare” meanings found in dictionaries that explain the semantics of place names; rather, studying descriptions and commentaries on place names reveals the actual circumstances in which a place name originated (was formed)9 (see Толстая 2008: 13–14). S. Tolstaja had earlier also emphasized the importance of place-name descriptions and their accompanying commentaries (Толстая 2002: 112–127). She argued that the more a place name is “woven around” with stories, the more it itself “tells.” Russian researchers generally agree that the varying recurrence of commentaries in place-name descriptions provides a key to interpreting place-name meanings. Thus, descriptions and commentaries recorded in the questionnaires also become an object of study, helping to establish the a d d r e s s e e’s position. The informants’ descriptions of the features of the named topo-object, as well as their accounts of the reasons why a place is given a name, also remain important in the material under discussion. The Lithuanian ethnologist and researcher of folklore, Baltic religion, and mythology Radvilė Racėnaitė, who analyzed how memories of the past are embedded in different genres of legends and how they interact with the landscape, drew on the material from the Land Names questionnaires for Alytus and Trakai counties (for more detail, see Racėnaitė 2013: 107–131). In the context of our study, her observation that the abundance of place-name descriptions and commentaries in the questionnaires depends on the recorder’s background does not seem insignificant 8 The usefulness of information provided in other questionnaire sections had already been demonstrated earlier: entries in the sections “Type, appearance, and quality of the land surface” and “Locations and descriptions of river and stream sources and mouths” proved helpful in more precisely determining the formation type and base words of the toponyms under study, identifying topo-objects, and so on (see Sviderskienė 2010: 341–353; 2012: 81–98). 9 This situation is also called onomastic in theoretical works on toponymy. For the term onomastic situation, see TMOI: 220. Straipsniai / Articles 173 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ place. The researcher’s observation is supported by information provided on the title page of the questionnaires: which county, district, church village, village, or estate’s place names are recorded in the questionnaire, and what details are given about the recorder: surname, first name, occupation (teacher; forester), place of birth, specified by district and county, and address. These details make it possible to judge whether the recorder is local or an outsider. According to the researcher, information about places and their names is provided more extensively to someone from outside: “obviously, such topographical directions, sometimes even excessively numerous, are most abundant when an attempt is made to describe a place in the landscape to someone from outside” (Racėnaitė 2013: 127). This tendency seems to apply in our case as well. Presumably, the aim is to be properly understood, which is why one’s own linguistic expression is explained. Furthermore, the subject in question (in our case, the topo-object) is little known to the recorder and is not imagined accurately by them. It may therefore be assumed that the aim is also to evoke analogous informational, associative, or similar processes in the recorder’s mind, as in the informant’s, so that the place name heard does not “remain a foreign body, a figure of incomprehension, an unsuccessful dialogue” for them (Mykolaitytė 2013: 16). After all, the ability to understand the meaning another speaker intends to convey is what is called pragmatic competence (cf. Ryvitytė 2011: 9). To achieve the stated aim and meet the objectives, the article applied the following methods to the research material: 1) formative analysis, 2) componential analysis, and 3) the descriptive method incorporating elements of the comparative method. The units of interwar material were first assessed from a word-formation perspective by applying A. Vanagas’s structural-grammatical method of analysis, developed for the study of hydronyms (for more detail, see Vanagas 1970: 21–27) and readily adaptable to the analysis of place names in other classes (subclasses). After establishing the base words of the place names and their morphological and lexical status in this way, the analysis proceeded with the Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language (second electronic edition (2013); hereafter LKŽe₂). The connotative differences between the base words became clear from the labels (abbreviations) provided in the dictionary and from a componential analysis of the meanings of these words. In addition, place-name descriptions and informants’ commentaries recorded in interwar questionnaires were analyzed; as already mentioned, these revealed addressee reactions and information about places and names. Place names are presented in alphabetical order in the sections of the article. Word-formation formatives in suffixal and ending derivatives, and the components of compounds, are separated from one another by a hyphen. Following published hydronym sources¹⁰, water names are marked for stress. Other place names whose stress is reliably indicated in the questionnaires are also marked for stress. If a toponym is unstressed in the interwar data, or its stress 10 Official published hydronym sources: Dictionary of Lithuanian SSR River and Lake Names (1963; hereafter LUEV) and Etymological Dictionary of Lithuanian Hydronyms (1981; hereafter LHEŽ). 174 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) unclear, it is not marked for stress in the article; sometimes the basis of the stressed syllable is emphasized when the pitch accent is uncertain. For all place names, references to the objects named and their locations are provided. Lists of these references and abbreviations for object references were not compiled anew; for spelling, the already compiled Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names, vols. 1 (2008) and 2 (2014), was used. When seeking a base word to substantiate the origin of a particular place name and indicating the meanings of base words, the Electronic Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language (LKŽe₂) was used. In every case, attention was paid to the local correspondence between the place name, the common noun, its meaning, and usage examples (from spoken language, folklore, etc.)11. When deriving place names from personal names, the latter were first sought in the Dictionary of Lithuanian Surnames, vols. 1 and 2 (1985, 1989; hereafter LPŽ I, LPŽ II). The source supporting the reconstructed personal names is the alphabetical index of historical personal names held in the collections of the Department of Onomastics at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language (hereafter IAK). In addition to the value of publications regarded as universal in linguistics—they provide new knowledge about the Lithuanian language and contribute to the collection, systematization, and dissemination of intangible linguistic heritage—a distinctive theoretical (1), practical (2), and interdisciplinary (3) value is also envisaged for this article: (1) a) The proper lexicon of the ethnic area under study could be an excellent source for research on stereotypes. “Stereotypes contain an element of truth—they reflect a fragment of the worldview encoded in language and influence communication among Lithuanians from different ethnic areas” (Papaurelytė, Župerka 2010: 199). b) The set of recorded place names formed on the basis of emotional evaluation could be a reflection of the moral values of the inhabitants of the area under study. c) Personal names of nickname origin preserved in place names could support research describing the national character. d) For psycholinguists and researchers of place-name semantics, studies of this kind could help provide a better understanding of the sympathies and attitudes that have developed in society’s consciousness within a locally defined space (a particular area), and of the mechanisms by which they arose. e) The local distinctive features, differences, and impulses of the period identified during the study reveal the world of people. They are likely to prove useful in researching the mentality and self-awareness of the inhabitants of this area. (2) a) The county’s place names discussed in this article, which have expressive, emotionally charged base words, could constitute a certain reserve 11 In the future, research into the formation and motivation (semantics) of place names in Marijampolė County will be supplemented with dialect dictionaries among the written sources: Vito Labutis’s Dictionary of the Daukšiai Region (2002), Aldonas Pupkis’s Dictionary of the Kazlų Rūda Dialect, vols. 1 (2008) and 2 (2009), and Dictionary of the Zanavykai Dialect, vols. 1–3 (2003–2006). Straipsniai / Articles 175 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Works on the names of streets, squares, and plazas, or other urbanonyms, in the municipalities of Kalvarija, Kazlų Rūda, Marijampolė, and Prienai. b) One or another place name with positive connotations might be useful in choosing company names. c) In some cases, the part of toponymy discussed could also prove useful in creating social and cultural advertisements, particularly in southwestern Lithuania. Taking into account the subject and target audience of an advertisement, and purposefully choosing a particular composition and style for its text—factors on which the advertisement’s effectiveness depends—several place names from the area under study discussed in this article could also be used as expressive means. This suggestion is based on an analogy: to make an advertisement effective, its creators often follow the rule that “the better-known the person who presents or recommends the advertised object, the more attention the target audience pays to the advertisement” (see Gabrėnaitė 2010: 19). Thus, paraphrasing this idea somewhat, it is hypothesized that the language’s ethnostylistic character12, preserved in place names, could likewise help an advertisement successfully influence its target audience. d) Writers could extend the naming tradition by creating a literary or journalistic landscape of this area. The use of one or another onomastic element (whether a place name or a personal name) would help readers perceive more strongly the comic or ironic tones of a work. (3) In the future, place-name research from the perspective of pragmatics, linked with research in folklore, mythology, beliefs, customs, anthropology, ethnology, and other fields, could deepen the latter studies. And vice versa—it could be supported by them. After all, the most reliable conclusions can be reached by comparing the results of research in several fields of science (cf. Papaurelėtytė, Župerka 2010: 185). 1. PLACE NAMES FORMED FROM WORDS WHOSE MEANINGS INCLUDE AN EMOTIONAL EVALUATION A. Vanagas, who studied the semantics of Lithuanian hydronyms, classified water names designating hydrographic features according to their motivation (Vanagas 1981: 4–153). In addition to motivation describing the surroundings and motivations based on colour, size, depth, and other characteristics, he distinguished water names expressing emotional evaluation (ibid., 115–116). According to his research, more than 80 such hydronyms (0.9%) have been counted in Lithuania as a whole (ibid., 123; Vanagas 1999: 242), among which 12 Dėl termino žr. Župerka 2013: 183. Šiuo atveju terminas vartojamas siaurąja prasme, turint galvoje pietvakarinio Lietuvos ploto kalbos etnostilistiką. 176 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) there are more water names with a positive emotional evaluation than with a negative one (see also Vanagas 1981: 115). In the area under study, one river name recorded on the basis of an emotional evaluation of the topographic feature is Laukšč-iōtas Šil. It is derived from Lithuanian laukstùs, -i ‘unwelcoming, long, dreary’ (see also LHEŽ: 183), cf. laukstù Mrj: Per anksti nueisim, tai mum bus dar labai laukstù Brt. Judging by the evaluation in question, as far as could be observed, a pair of field names were also recorded: Mùdrė, Skaistė. These examples show that emotional evaluation is expressed metaphorically. One of the tendencies of metaphorization identified by Stephen Ullmann is anthropomorphism. This involves words describing the human body, spirit, and activity being used to name things in the inanimate world (in our case, features of the earth’s surface) (see also Ульман 1970; Gudavičius 2007: 165–168)13. Naming topographic features in this way evokes in the addressee associations with a human being or another living creature14. Adjectives describing a human being (a living creature) provide the basis for the nomination of the field names presented below: Mùdr-ė dr. Brb: Lithuanian mudrùs, -i ‘splendid, lively, alert’, cf. Blizga, tviska kamanelės iš šilkelių kaspinėlių, gražus mudrùs žirgužėlis nuo rūtelių vainikėlio Jrb; Skaist-ė pv. Lbv: Lithuanian skaistùs, -i ‘whose face is rosy, bright, pleasant’, cf. Visa ji kap iš pieno plaukus: skaisti, raudona Vlkv. In our case, the metaphor PLACE IS A LIVING CREATURE / HUMAN BEING is activated by directly identifying the concepts of the target and source domains, ‘place’ = ‘living creature / human being’15. In addition to its naming function, this metaphor also serves a descriptive one. As the examples show, among all parts of speech, an adjective oriented toward the object—that is, describing it—was chosen to express emotional states. Two field names (Plerva and Pupučiai) recorded in the interwar questionnaire materials reflect an emotional evaluation preserved in the linguistic consciousness of the community. The meanings of the appellatives serving as their base words are marked in LKŽe₂ with the labels (abbreviations) m e n k. and m a l o n. Pler-va pv. KzR – is to be linked with Lithuanian plérti, 13 T. Fedotova (Transbaikal State University of Humanities and Education) calls this type of metaphor in toponymy cognitive (see Федотова 2008: 48, 49). 14 Anthropomorphic metaphors form the basis of personification—stylistic figures in which human qualities and characteristics are attributed to objects in the inanimate world (cf. Gudavičius 2009: 117). K. Župerka, drawing on the findings of researchers of Lithuanian advertising, argues that personification is especially common among the types of metaphor used in advertising (Župerka 2008: 79). 15 The available material shows that phenomena in the source domain of metaphors can also be perceived as animate and as capable of being associated with certain actions. In the place names Atšlėtė and Sąkandai, these characteristics are expressed by the verbs atšlėti and sukąsti: Atšlė-tė river Ldvn – is to be linked with Lithuanian atšlė-ti ‘to lean against, press against, rest back against something; to lie down somewhat’ (for discussion of the formation and origin of this place name, see also LHEŽ: 51; LVŽ I 211); Sąkand-aĩ settlement KzR – is to be linked with Lithuanian sukąsti, sukanda, sukando ‘to press the teeth together or bite down’. Straipsniai / Articles 177 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ –sta, colloq. plėro „to spread, to expand, to become soggy16. According to the data in LKŽe₂, no illustrative sentences from living speech were recorded in the area under study; therefore, a sentence from written sources is provided: Lysvės nuo vandens plėrsta, i.e. they spread out. Pupučiai lake, Brb: Lith. pupūtis „‘something resembling a bean, rather round’. Here the motivating feature of the place name is expressed metaphorically; cf. Ale kokia graži, kokia pupūtė Mrj – it brings to mind rounded human forms. The reason for the emergence of the place names in the group discussed is most aptly expressed in K. Alminauskis’s quotation from Instrukcijos: “people give even the smallest corner of land a name of their own, in other words, they personify it and thereby bring it closer to themselves” (Alminauskis 1934: 3). The root words of other place names are vulgarisms, classified by lexicologists as emotives (see Jakaitienė 2010: 162). These words carry a strong negative connotation with respect to the topo-objects named—in our case, a river and a hill: Mỹž-upis river, Ss: Lith. vulgar myžti, -a, -o ‘to flow, run, or spurt in a stream’, cf. Kad kirto nagaika [kumele], tik kraujas myža Lp [primary meaning ‘to urinate’]; Šūd-kalnis hill, Šil: Lith. vulgar šūdas „‘useless, worthless, very poor’ [primary meaning ‘excrement’]. The examples show that the root word of a place name is used in a secondary, figurative sense, in which the denotatum is not only named but also evaluated. The compound helonym Šikn-ā-balė marsh, KzR, is formed from the Lith. vulgarism šikna and the geographical generic term balà. The vulgarism’s primary meaning is ‘buttocks, backside’. From this developed a secondary, literal (metaphorical but not evaluative) meaning, ‘Mrj the thick end or bottom of an object’. The first defining component of the place name under discussion is used in this latter sense, to name a marsh with a widened shape. In analyzing the place names, attention was drawn to the fact that the Jūrė Forestry District questionnaire recorded, alongside this marsh name (Šiknābalė), another helonym, Uodeg-ėlė bog, KzR. The root word of the bog’s name is Lith. uodegà ‘a narrowing part of a plot of land, meadow, field, or forest’17. The questionnaire states: it is an extension of Šiknābalė. That is how it got its name. This complex of neighboring names for semantically related places constitutes a semantic microsystem18. From the perspective of the interwar namer, the seman- 16 Also cf. Lith. tižti, tyžta, -o ‘to get wet’, cf. Atsiųlėk takus, kad netižtų Mrj. 17 Dėl tokio balos vardo darybos ir kilmės aiškinimo žr. Bilkis 2008: 98. 18 J. Berezovič, who has studied microsystems in Russian toponymy, observes that they consist of two or several toponyms connected by lexical-systemic relations of various kinds. This linguist distinguishes 1) taxonomic nomination (when two or more neighboring bodies of water are named according to the species of fish that inhabit them, settlements according to the ethnic composition of their residents, and so on), 2) gradational systems, which are much more numerous and varied (the naming of neighboring hydro-objects according to water quality, water taste, and so on; other topo-objects according to 178 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) The reason for the emergence of the semantic microsystem Šiknãbalė – Uodegėlė is specification. The place names under discussion are linked by part–whole, or partonymic, relations. Šiknãbalė denotes a whole, while the extension Uodegėlė – Šiknãbalės denotes a part of it. This type of relation between words is called meronymy by linguists and distinguished from hyponymy (for more detail, see Jakaitienė 2010: 114). Specification in this case is apparently determined by context, and can therefore be regarded as contextual. Translator Lionginas Pažūsis, discussing specification in translation, states that contextual specification is used for stylistic purposes: to achieve greater clarity, vividness, and imagery (Pažūsis 2014: 516). It is likely that specification was used here for pragmatic reasons, to make the topo-objects easier for the addressee to identify: instead of one place name with a broader meaning, two names with more specific meanings are chosen, enhancing a certain expressiveness. Of course, one might also speculate otherwise: perhaps the language lacked a suitable alternative means of expressing the place name, so the additional information is “encompassed” by combining two names. It should be noted that some place names recorded in the Žemės vardų questionnaires are primary, having no variants used in living speech and recorded in the questionnaires, while others are used in variant forms. The latter land names are recorded side by side in the questionnaires⁽¹⁹⁾ as designating a single object, with the note kitaip (‘otherwise’) or without it. A few examples⁽²⁰⁾ readily show that one place name is lexically neutral, whereas another form of it has a negative emotional connotation⁽²¹⁾. The anthroponymic genitive place name⁽²²⁾Pauliùko kálnas hill, Klvr, with the possessive meaning ‘belonging to Pauliukas’, is used in the area under study time of origin, spatial position, size, etc.), 3) certain groups of place names (formed according to the formula if... then (если... то), for example, the hill name Pečius (Печ) – the hill name Kaminas (Труба), and so on (for more detail, see Березович 1991: 75–90). Another example from the Russian scholar: to show a river’s affiliation with a particular basin, background information is used: in the Волчьи Воды river basin (the root of the place name has a pejorative meaning, indicating that the river water is unfit to drink), the names of many rivers are “salty” [называются Соленными]. One of their tributaries is named Карчойи (Горькая). According to J. Березович, such toponymic systems are very ancient. In antiquity, they served the community not only an aesthetic function but also a mapping function, in the absence of maps (see ibid., 86). 19 This would probably make it more accurate to call them co-occurring forms rather than variants, as is customary in onomastic literature (for the use of the term gretybė, see Lubienė 2012: 104). 20 For further discussion of the two other place names used in variant forms, Abromýnė || Žýdynė meadow, Mrj, and Šeldekšnynas || Vėlnia-raistis swamp, Vv, see section 4 of the article. 21 For place names in Russian toponymy that vary between lexically neutral and connoted forms, see Березович 1997: 104. 22 Dėl termino žr. Savukynas 1963: 238. Straipsniai / Articles 179 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ with a parallel form Tried-a-kalnis. The first constituent of the determinative formation 23tried- is associated with the nickname-derived personal name *Triedžius or the like, whose existence is supported by the nicknames Trydūtė Pkn, Trydà ‘hot-tempered’ Bb, and Triėšlius ‘hasty, never finishes anything’ Dmk, recorded in the study area and somewhat farther afield (Butkus 1995: 425)24. The motivations behind the nicknames25 indicate that their derivational basis is the verb Lith. triėsti, triėdžia, triėdė. According to LKŽe, this verb has the literal meaning ‘suffer from diarrhoea, have diarrhoea’ || ‘soil’ and two secondary figurative meanings: ‘worry needlessly, get worked up, be impatient’ || ‘want very much, yearn for’ and ‘babble nonsense pointlessly’. All the personal names listed above are associated with the latter meanings of the verb triėsti. Thus, the second name of the hill carries a negative connotation, arising from the namer’s negative attitude toward the owner of the hill (land), Pauliūkas, who was characterized by the traits expressed by the verb’s secondary figurative meanings triėsti: in character (worries needlessly, gets worked up, is impatient) and in speech content (chatters pointless nonsense). More place names in the study area were also formed from nickname-derived personal names. From the perspective of motivation, their direct derivation from appellative designations of persons based on nicknames might seem highly convincing; in fact, however, the place names presented here arose according to the model place name ← personal name ← appellative designation of a person based on a nickname26. To highlight what aspects are focused on when a person is evaluated in the study area, several groups of place names are distinguished below according to their base words27. 1) Evaluation in terms of physical defects: a) in terms of physique: Storkoj-inė field KzR: personal name *Storkojis or the like; compare Lith. stóras, -à ‘muscular, bulky’ and Lith. kója ‘one of the paired body parts with which a person or other creature walks’; for the semantics, also compare field name Stalakójis (LPŽ II 795). According to this source on Lithuanian anthroponymy, one family with this surname lived in Bartninkai and two families in Marijampolė. Thus, it may be assumed that the personal name *Storkojis was also formed according to the same derivational model; b) in terms of gait: Šlub-iškė field Šil: personal name *Šlubis or the like; compare the personal name Jasius Szlubis from 1637 (IAK), and Lith. šlùbis, -ė ‘a person who is lame, limping’; c) in terms of vision: Kušl-iškė field Ldvn: surname Kušlỹs (LPŽ I 1140) or the like; compare Lith. kušlỹs, -ė; kušlius, -ė ‘one who cannot see well; a blind person’; Žvair-ỹnė forest. 23 Dėl termino žr. Urbutis 1978: 173. 24 Dėl lietuvių pravardžių ir prasivardžiavimų dar žr. Butkus 1995: 19–138; Zaikauskas 2004: 5. 25 Konkretūs motyvacijos atvejai nusakomi terminu motyvuotė (žr. Drotvinas 1987: 33). 26 Dėl šio modelio etnoniminės kilmės gyvenamųjų vietų vardų aiškinimo žr. Bilkis 2012: 99–118. 27 Plačiau dėl asmenvardinės kilmės agronimų tiriamame plote žr. Sviderskienė 2010a: 232–243. 180 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII On the Pragmatic Linguistic Analysis of Place Names (Based on Place Names from Marijampolė County) land parcel Ss: personal name *Žvairys or the like; compare personal name Waliul Zwayris from 1610 (IAK), and Lith. žvairỹs, –ė ‘a person with squinting eyes, a cross-eyed person’. 2) Evaluation in terms of manner of speaking: Miketón–iškė field Lbv: personal name *Miketonis or the like; compare Lith. mikėti̇s ‘one who stutters, stammers, gets stuck while speaking’; Vekč–iškė forest Klvr: personal name *Vekčius or the like; compare Lith. vekčioti, –ioja, –iojo ‘to stutter’; 3) Evaluation in terms of speed of movement and work: Riogl–iškis stream Mrj: personal name *Rioglys or the like; compare Valentinum Roglis from 1639 (IAK), and Lith. rioglỹs, –ė ‘an awkward, clumsy, ungainly person’ (from the perspective of motivation, the hydronym means a stream flowing through land belonging to Rioglys)28; Tupikai land parcel Brb—most likely from the surname Tupikas (LPŽ II 1086); compare Lith. tupikas, –ė, colloquial in Mrj, ‘one who potters about in one place, works slowly, a slow worker’; 4) Evaluation in terms of emotional expression: Verksn–iškės field Klvr: surname Verksnỹs (LPŽ II 1195); compare Lith. verksnỹs, –ė ‘one who cries constantly or is quick to burst into tears’. The base words of all these place names are characterized by a negative connotation embedded in the meanings of the appellative designations of persons. A derivation from a personal name observed in the study material, Vilkpaul–ynė, a part of a forest in KzR, proved interesting: personal name *Vilkpaulis or the like; in this regard, compare Lith. vil̃kas ‘wolf’ and personal name Paũlius (LPŽ II 410; LVKŽ₅ 261). The place probably received its name from the personal name Paũlius, belonging to a person who lived here or owned this part of the forest. Thus, the most important feature of the place is conveyed by the second constituent, Vilkpaulis, of this compound ony m, –paul–: ‘Paul’s place of residence / a part of the forest owned by Paul’. Since no additional information or comments were provided in the questionnaire, we can only tentatively assume that the first element of the compound Vilkpaulis, vilk-, conveys a certain (probably negative) connotation. When examining the motivation of place names from Marijampolė County, it was also observed that not all place names whose base word is vil̃kas ‘wolf’ are directly related to the name of this animal, that is, denote places where it is distributed (lives, occurs, etc.). For example, the oronym Viĩk–a–kalnis. The questionnaires from the Purviniškės estate and village state that this elevated area of land is in fields and that the hill is sandy. These descriptions make clear that the first constituent of the compound also has an evaluative component of meaning, that is, the connotative seme ‘false’29. Other compound place names in the study area with “animal” first constituents also seem to have an evaluative component of meaning; for example, the oronym 28 Perhaps an alternative explanation of the origin of the hydronym Riõgliškis should not be ruled out either—it could derive from Lithuanian riõglinti (–yti), –ina, –ino ‘to walk awkwardly, to drag oneself along’; cf. Kur rioglini tu, rioglỹ? Mrj. 29 According to J. Lubienė, “the negative emotional evaluation of Russian phytonyms and myconyms is particularly clearly conveyed precisely by the name for wolf; poisonous plants or fungi are called ‘wolfish’” (Lubienė 2012: 111). Straipsniai / Articles 181 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Blus-a-kalnis hill Igl: Lithuanian blusà30; hodonyms Kurap-kelis (< *Kurapk-kelis) village Gdl: Lithuanian kurapkà; Rupuž-kelis village KzR: Lithuanian rupužė. In the cases under discussion, the connotative seme is ‘small’. Moreover, as these naming units show, all the living creatures (flea, partridge, toad) are small; perhaps for this reason their names were used in the naming process to denote the smaller-than-usual dimensions of these objects (hills and roads). Thus, the negative connotation observed in some compound place names is probably related to the semantics of animal names occurring as the defining constituents of the compounds. According to A. Gudavičius, “animals are generally evaluated negatively in language” (Gudavičius 2007: 87)31. 2. PLACE NAMES DERIVED FROM EXPRESSIVE WORDS An expressive group consists of place names derived from verbs. The name of the marsh Marm-ynė Mrj is associated with the verb marmėti, marma, -ėjo, used in a secondary figurative sense, ‘to blabber, chatter (while boiling); to boil vigorously’; cf. Marma puodas – dar pradės bėgti sriuba Brt [primary meaning ‘to sink with a sound, to submerge’]. The name of the hill Ūžkiršč-iai Lbv is associated with Lithuanian ūžkiršti, ūžkerta, ūžkirto figuratively ‘to block or close off by cutting across; to obstruct’, cf. Net paprasta akimi galima buvo matyti priešakyje milžiniškus kalnus, kurie užkerta kelią (from written sources) [primary meaning ‘to separate a part from the whole’]. This type of naming likely aims to affect the addressee’s imagination by evoking certain associations related to sound (Marmynė) and image (Ūžkirščiai). The research material also drew attention to land names whose derivational bases are ideophones associated with connoted verbs. The name of the meadow Šnikšt-a-pievė KzR is associated with Lithuanian šnikšt ‘snip, clip (indicating cutting or chopping off)’; cf. Aš tik šnikšt ir nupjoviau šniūrą Vv. The choice of this derivational base for the land name is also supported by these linguistic-geographical data, which explain the width of a strip of land (Lithuanian šniūras ‘a long, narrow plot of land, a strip’), such that it can be cut/chopped off with one stroke: Šniūras – kaip tik akėčia galima pereiti (so narrow that one can cross it with a harrow) Brt32. The ideophone šni kšt is- 30 For an explanation of its formation and origin, see also LVŽ I 523. 31 Studies of the motivation of Lithuanian phytonyms and myconyms (Gritėnienė 2006; 2010: 163–181; 2013; Lubienė 2012: 99–122; 2013: 52–70) support this observation. 32 According to ethnologist A. Čepaitienė, land area was measured in beds, headlands (a strip of field occupied in one pass), furrows (10–12 cm wide), and harrow-widths (about 1 m) (see 182 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) associated with the connotative verb šnikštelėti, –ėja, –ėjo ‘to cut off suddenly <...>’. Thus, the impression produced by the action is recreated in language by the ideophone šnikšt. The hill name Zig-lius Prn is associated with the ideophone zig, which, according to data from LKŽₑ₂, describes the circumstances in which an action takes place—when repeated, it denotes 1. walking or running in small steps, 2. dangling or swinging33. Linking this ideophone with the cognate verb zigȧluoti, –uoja, –avo ‘to run about, to scamper’, cf. Kur dabar tep rengiesi zigaluot? Vv, it becomes clear that the primary meaning of the ideophone—marking walking or running in small steps when repeated—was most likely activated in this area. Thus, in the process of naming the topographic feature (perhaps because of the steepness of the hill), the ideophone zig was apparently chosen as the derivational base, with the intention of emphasizing and highlighting the action it denotes—running in small steps. 3. PLACE NAMES FORMED FROM WORDS WITH AN ETHNOCULTURAL CONNOTATIVE COMPONENT IN THEIR MEANING “Some scholars identify etymological and ethnocultural meanings (or parts of meanings), which some regard as components of denotative meaning and others as components of connotative meaning. For example, only words (lexemes) that name specific realities have an ethnocultural meaning” (Lubienė 2009: 21). Agreeing with the latter view (that ethnocultural meaning is part of connotative meaning34) and looking from Čepaitienė 2013: 298). Dar plg. lie. akėčios ‘labai siaura žemės juosta’: Rėžis – dvejos akėčios Rm (iliustracinis sakinys iš kito ploto). 33 An illustrative sentence containing this ideophone is recorded in the dictionary from another area: Tabaluoja kaip mazgas žig, žig, žig Ds. 34 Also intriguing, and connected with ethnocultural meaning, or with a component of connotative meaning, is a fragment of Patrick Chura’s study, discovered and described by Vigmantas Butkus, who researched literary topography, as he himself puts it (and it is impossible to disagree with this assessment), as “highly intriguing”: “for his analysis and interpretation of Henry David Thoreau’s book Voldenas, arba gyvenimas miške (1854), whose component part is the map of Walden, alongside conventional literary analysis he employed surveying, both as a science and as a practice. Following Thoreau (his book, notes, and documents), he himself measured Walden and its surroundings; alongside his study of Voldenas, arba gyvenimas miške, he studied the plans and topographic maps of these places. Chura’s principal overall conclusions are: e v e r y s p e c i f i c f a c t o f n a t u r e, o f a n a t u r a l p l a c e s y m b o l i z e s a f a c t o f t h e s o u l; in other words, the more attentively you study nature (in this case, through surveying), the better you understand yourself. Thus, the work of measuring Walden and its surroundings was for Thoreau a spiritual pursuit, a way of understanding the world, which he ‘wrote out’ in his famous book” Straipsniai / Articles 183 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Given today’s perspective, when modernity and industrialization are displacing certain specific features of a nation’s way of life, it would be unacceptable to publish an article on this subject without mentioning a few place names recorded from living speech in the interwar period that preserve non-equivalent words35, naming the aforementioned specific realities of the nation36, which are absent from the cultures of other nations. This small group comprises (a) names for realities of the historical past: a term for smallholders with narrow plots (preserved in an oikonym) Daržininkai (also Daržinykai) bk. (Daukšiai) part Pdvn: Lithuanian daržininkas ‘smallholder, plot-holder’ (see also LVŽ II 143–144); (b) a name for a unit of measurement (preserved in an agronym) Prėntai ar. Ss: Lithuanian preñtas ‘an ancient unit of length (approximately 4.5 m); a unit of area (approximately 18.66 m²)’, cf. Pirkau margą ir devynis prentùs žemės Kt. Another name for a unit of measurement is márgas ‘a land measure’, more abundantly preserved in the place names of the study area: Márgai hill Igl, Lbv; Marg-ėl̇iai meadow Brb; Marg-ėlis hill Ldvn, Ss; 2 meadows KzR; Kai̇l-ia-margis hill KzR; Pūšt-a-margis hill KzR. Here, as a representative of lexicon characterized by national distinctiveness, it can be mentioned only in part. Margas is a word derived from the German morgen ‘morning’, calculated as the area that can be ploughed from breakfast until noon (Čepaitienė 2013: 297). The German margas is smaller than ours. The Lithuanian margas is 0.71 ha; the old karūnos (Polish) margas equals 0.59 ha (see also Martinkėnas 2011) 37. “The material world of objects has a significant feature that determines its order. It is proportional. Here one object, tool, implement, or piece of furniture matches another, fits inside another, or contains another” (Čepaitienė 2013: 295). The place name Trainaĩ meadow Prn, presumably formed from Lithuanian traĩnas ‘a part of a cart—a forked trough attached to the rear crossbar, into which (Butkus 2011: 59). This quotation is complemented by the observation of linguist Giedrė Čepaitienė, based on the thought of Jokūbas Minkevicius: “a nation relates to its nature psychologically, aesthetically, and ethically,” and a nation’s morality is said to arise from the symbiosis of its nature and culture (cited from Čepaitienė 2007: 256). 35 Dėl šio termino žr. Gudavičius 2007: 89; 2009: 93–96. Reginos Kvašytės teigimu, tautiniu savitumu pasižyminčiai leksikai įvardyti įvairių šalių kalbininkai vartoja terminus lakūna, regioninė geografinė leksika, kultūriniai skoliniai, beekvivalente leksika. Lietuvių kalbotyroje tinkamiausiu laikytinas terminas beekvivalente leksika, kalbininkės nuomone, yra sąlygiškas (plačiau žr. Kvašytė 2009: 56–67). 36 Dėl sąvokos realija vartojimo plačiau žr. Maksvytytė 2012: 50–56. 37 Linguistic geography data from the study area also attested another name for a unit of measurement, mentioned by Vincas Martinkėnas, who wrote about metrology in ancient Lithuania (see Martinkėnas 2011): kartis, kártis ‘a measure of this kind for measuring dry goods’: Kartį miežių gavau Klvr; Jis du karčius kviečių užsimeta Grš; Jam kartis rugių nešti tik juokai Gdl; Kartį bulvių pasodyk AlksnV; Seniau žmonės javus mieruodavo karčiais Šn. Unfortunately, the inventory of place names in Marijampolė County did not attest this latter term, which survives in the toponymy of the study area. 184 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) into which a notch is inserted; a notch together with a trough.’ In the Šiauliškiai village Land Names questionnaire, it is written: it branches in the middle of the meadow. The reason why the denotatum was given precisely this name is clear and comprehensible: the meadow’s configuration reminded the namer of a forked trough with an inserted notch, which “match in form or dimensions. The whole human-made and created environment fits together as a system, whose principal unit of reference is the human being himself” (ibid.)38. 4. PLACE NAMES WITH ASSOCIATIVE AND STEREOTYPICAL EVALUATIVE MEANINGS According to J. Berezovič, the associative background of toponyms is related to connotations. The special extralinguistic status of the component under discussion is due to the fact that it lacks linguistic verification. It may be made explicit in acts of motivation, but not in the nomination itself (cf. Березович 2001: 8). As examples, the researcher gives the place names Темнук (lake), Тёмной (stream), Бездонное (lake), Бездонный (pond), formed from the common nouns темный (dark) and бездонный (bottomless), accompanied by informants’ comments: “a dark lake, evil forces lead people there and then drown them”; “there’s a cemetery there and the stream is so gloomy, a terrible place”; “there’s no bottom there; people say devils appear there”; “the elders forbade swimming in it; a terrible place, it has no bottom.” The consistency and recurrence of reactions of this kind testify that the corresponding meanings can acquire the status of linguistic connotations (see also ibid.). It seems that what has been said is also related to Renata Grzegorczykowa’s concept of stereotype. She regards stereotypes as established meanings or connotations—as associations linked to a particular phenomenon of reality and fixed in language through phraseological expressions and other relatively stable combinations. Aloyzas Gudavičius, supporting his claim that the concept of stereotype is sometimes understood very broadly in linguistics, gives this linguist’s concept of stereotype as an example (see Gudavičius 2007: 156). In our case, perhaps the more precise meaning, and the one more closely related to the article’s topic, is this one for the word stereotype: ‘a simplified, schematized, emotionally coloured image of an object, functioning in public consciousness’ (TŽŽ: 704). An example from the interwar questionnaire material also supports this. In the Petkeliškės village questionnaire, the name of a peat bog is recorded as Šeldekšnynas, also known as Vėlniaraistis. 38 On the other hand, perhaps the agronomist could be connected with Lithuanian traīnas, meaning ‘a piece of wood from which kindling is split; kindling wood’; for the semantics, cf. also Klỹnai meadow, 2 examples from Brb: Lithuanian klỹnas ‘a triangular-shaped plot of land <...>’ (the “Land Names” questionnaire from Vartai village says: the sharp-pointed field plots were divided up). Straipsniai / Articles 185 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ (Šeldekšnynas || Vėln-ia-raistis peat bog, Vv), the description of the object says a peat bog that never dries out. The first name means a place overgrown with alder buckthorn; the other is associated with the common noun vėlniai (‘devils’). The second land name is evaluated according to a certain unchanging, standard view—where there are devils, there are difficulties and failures—without regard for the individual meaning of the place name, ‘a place overgrown with alder buckthorn’ (Lithuanian šeldekšnis ‘a shrub or tree of the buckthorn family (Frangula’). Thus, the place name Šeldekšnynas conveys a rather stereotypical, emotionally coloured image of a place described as never drying out, as well as a negative evaluation of it. “The study of ethnic stereotypes is relevant because stereotypes associated with ethnic groups influence people’s behaviour and reflect the worldview and attitudes towards other people characteristic of a particular community” (Papaurelytė, Župerka 2010: 185). In another case, the lexically neutral field name Abrom-ynė 1. Mrj has a variant form Žyd-ynė. Derivatives with the suffix -ynė, formed from personal names, designate places where people live or have lived in the area under study (cf. Ambrazas 2000: 55). Thus, Abromynė: personal name Abrōmas (LPŽ I 60; LVKŽ, 39), from the point of view of motivation, means ‘Abromas’s place of residence’. The meaning of the other land name used in colloquial speech, Žydynė: Lithuanian žydas, -ė, ‘the place of residence of a person of Jewish ethnicity’, supplements and specifies the meaning of the first place name (‘the place of residence of Abromas, who is Jewish’)39 and apparently reveals the namer’s attitude towards another, different person (of another ethnicity, speaking another language, with different customs) who lives or has lived in this place. The person is regarded as an “outsider” and viewed unfavourably (cf. Papaurelytė, Župerka 2010: 199)40. 5. DISCUSSION OF RESULTS (A), CONCLUSIONS (B), RECOMMENDATIONS (C) A. The material presented in the article, drawn from questionnaires in Marijampolė County and recorded from spoken language in the 1930s, concerning the surroundings and inhabitants of one village or another, made it possible once again41 to observe that the surviving questionnaires and their authentic data constitute a distinct and important part of the interwar heritage. 39 According to the 1923 general population census, Jews made up 6.42% of the population of Marijampolė County. The ethnic composition of the county’s other residents was as follows: Lithuanians – 87.92%, Germans – 3.42%, Poles – 1.31%, Russians – 0.33%, and others – 0.60%. For more on demographic data for the area under study, see Subačius 2009: 228. 40 Cf. also linguist Giedrė Čepaitienė’s observation that “different nations treat the ‘own’ and the ‘foreign’ differently” (Čepaitienė 2007: 257). 41 Plg. Sviderskienė 2012a: 240. 186 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII On the Pragmatic Linguistic Analysis of Place Names (Based on the Place Names of Marijampolė County) The study revealed a certain part of the vocabulary of this area of Lithuania that has been preserved in place names: not only expressive vocabulary, based on the expression of emotions, but also vulgar and derogatory vocabulary. The article also recalled some place names recorded in the interwar period, whose underlying words (daržininkas, prėntas), together with the extinct realities and the cultural connotations accompanying them, have already disappeared from active usage. The words mudrūs, skaistūs, which describe a person (a living being), form the basis for the naming of two place names in the area under study. This does not contradict the claim that the emotional component provides information about the addresser’s (namer’s) attitude toward the object being named. However, it should also be borne in mind that, when perceiving certain features of the earth’s surface as sensory objects, the addresser (namer) seems to see more than is actually there42. The article discussed several land names derived from nicknames used as personal names. It was precisely these personal names (the underlying words of the land names) that were assessed from a pragmatic perspective. Many of them are formed from verbs denoting a particular behavioral trait or action, or the nature of an activity (Rioglȳs, Šlūbis, Tupikas, etc.), or a state (Verksnys), from verbs meaning ‘to speak poorly, indistinctly’ (miksėti, veksėti), ‘to move slowly, limping, awkwardly’ (riōglinti, šlubūoti, tupinė́ti). The negative assessment is based here on mockery (Kušlys, Vekčius, Žvairys, etc.) and disparagement (Storkojis). These evaluative nuances could have been expressed directly in a familiar mode of interaction, in everyday settings. These personal names also make it possible to infer the relationships among members of the community. They were probably not regarded as equals—mockery and disparagement seem to have been associated with those “standing a rung lower.” The examples analyzed also showed that people in the area under study look down on slow workers. This observation relates to historian Petras Kalnius’s observation that Lithuanians from other regions, while generally acknowledging the excessive thriftiness of the inhabitants of Suvalkija, also consider it a fairly positive trait: economy in the good sense of the word, which leads to more rational farming, greater tidiness, and industriousness among the Suvalkija people (for more detail, see Kalnius 2002: 23–52). Thus, the views on industriousness held by members of the ethnic region under study and those from other parts of Lithuania coincide. The community members’ halting speech does not go unnoticed by their “own”; nor does it go unevaluated—evidently, it is judged negatively. “Loud-voiced, slow-speaking, their speech is sparse, direct, even blunt”—this is how linguist K. Župerka writes about the speech and speaking style of the Suvalkija people (Zanavykai), having investigated what kinds of dialectal speech 42 Emotives can also be used to describe subjectively perceived specific circumstances (for this claim, see Jakaitienė 2010: 163). Straipsniai / Articles 187 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Non-linguists also pay attention to these manifestations and to the metalinguistic comments used to describe dialect speech in non-linguistic texts (for more, see Žūperka 2006: 178–191). From what has been said, it can be inferred that the assessments made by the inhabitants of the area under study and by representatives of other ethnic regions, concerning “fast talkers” and “slow talkers,” coincide only in part. The interwar-period material contains a semantically related pair of helonyms Šiknâbalė and Uodegėlė, which provides a suitable example for studying place names from a pragmatic perspective. Pragmatics studies the relations between means of communication and their users. Pragmatics is precisely concerned with how a listener perceives semantics (cf. Župerka 2008: 42). Thus, the namer performed a particular linguistic act, which they “conveyed” to the community in an intelligible way. Another possibility should not be overlooked: perhaps no suitable alternative means of expression was found in the language for naming the place with a single name, so the information is conveyed through a combination of two names. It has been observed that some place names vary in living speech (Abromỹnė || Žydỹnė, Pauliūko kálnas || Triedakalnis, Šeldekšnynas || Vėln araistis), thereby expressing more fully both the denotative and connotative content of their semantics. Associative place names (Abromỹnė || Žydỹnė, Šeldekšnynas || Vėln araistis) do not describe the denotatum, since they are formed from a coexisting, lexically neutral place name on the basis of its semantic similarity. Thus, this place name describes not a topo-object but another place name, through the associations it evokes, which are based on stereotypical thinking. If one of the names used in variation expresses a relation between the denotatum’s features and that name, then the other, associative name expresses a relation between itself and the aforementioned coexisting, lexically neutral place name. An associative name is, as it were, a play on the other name. If an associative place name is based on the name of some object—in this case, a bog (Vėln araistis: vėln ias, raĩstas)—then the place named by another name (Šeldekšnynas: šeldekšnis) is, as it were, ascribed the features of that object, which it does not in fact possess. The study brought into focus the contours of subjectively, emotionally, and culturally significant forms of (self-)identification. The cases analyzed showed that the tendency toward generally negative emotional evaluation, characteristic of Lithuanians as a whole, is also manifested in this area43. This may have been due in part to the specific nature of the material under study—place names recorded from living speech. R. Marcinkevičienė’s observation that “the strong connection between negative evaluation and colloquial stylistic connotation <...>” (Marcinkevičienė 2011: 31) also appears to support this assumption. B. Having discussed the results, we can draw conclusions. Place names that appeal to the addressee exert a verbal impact. The choice of particular lexemes—whether the name is based on an emotive or an expressive—is what also 43 Dėl šio teiginio žr. Gudavičius 2009: 99. 188 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) determines the intention behind naming the topo-object. As is known, emotives affect the addressee’s feelings, while expressives affect the imagination. The addressee’s reactions are expressed directly and presented in the form of evaluative comments, thus making it possible to assess the perlocutionary effect of the place name. In terms of their denotative basis, emotive lexemes are situational, since emotions are closely connected with the subject experiencing them and the object that evokes them. Accordingly, place names formed on the basis of an emotive are also considered situational. Place names formed from expressives are also situational, especially when one type of situation is applied to another type of situation related to it by similarity and/or other connections (Marmynė, Ūžkirščiai). In the “landscape texts” of the area under study, place names Plerva, Šnikštapievė, Ziglius, as well as anthropomorphized place names Mùdrė, Pupučiai, Skaištė and others, serve the function of particular stylistic figures. In this way, various illocutionary intentions of the addresser (namer) are realized. The naming of topo-objects anthropomorphically, from the addressee’s perspective, inevitably distorts the representation of reality and therefore cannot be sufficiently informative. To make topo-objects easier for the addressee to recognize, two more specific names may be chosen instead of a single, broader name, enhancing both clarity and vividness (the semantically related pair of helonyms Šiknãbalė ir Uodegėlė). The group of place names used in the study, whose constituent names contain nicknames used as personal names, revealed the attitude characteristic of representatives of the ethnic region toward the character, appearance, and behavior of community members. The varying forms of land names showed that their coexistence in living speech enables the community in the area under study to better understand place-name meanings, accompanied by emotional and stereotypical evaluation, and to share this knowledge with one another. Place names can also reveal the stereotypes upheld by representatives of the ethnic region, since these are the best-founded. The results of the pragmatic linguistic analysis of the place names of Marijampolė County showed that the giving of an onym (place name) could be classified as a linguistic act that characterizes the namer. The namer selects the optimal linguistic means and deliberately directs it toward the addressee, intending to influence them as effectively as possible in the naming situation. In this way, the namer’s outlook and worldview are revealed, that is, those of a representative of a particular ethnic area for whom what they do—name places—is important. Only then do the places become familiar and inhabited, and become identified with a specific national community and culture. Straipsniai / Articles 189 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ C. In the future, other pragmatic feature domains would also merit researchers’ attention. For example, the feature “female” may have a negative motivational value44 (for Russian, see ППК: 118). Here it should be borne in mind that “the lexical background has a national specificity” and that “equivalent words in different languages may evoke different associations” (Gudavičius 2009: 101). Place names formed from Lithuanian gūdas also warrant special attention (for example, Gud-ā-pievė meadow, Klvr; Gùd-a-raistis swamp, Gdl, etc.). Since gūdas is not a true ethnonym, it is not geographically associated with any particular territory or people (cf. Karaliūnas 1999: 44). Thus, on the basis of the place-name descriptions in the questionnaires, each specific case would need to be examined to determine when Lithuanian gūdas is used to mean ‘a Belarusian (sometimes a Pole or a Russian)’, and when the first constituent of a compound also carries an evaluative component of meaning. In the future, (1) place names with suffixes characteristic of diminutive or pejorative formation should also be assessed from a morphopragmatic perspective; (2) the way place names coexist in speech acts should be examined in relation to the linguistic situation—formal or informal (especially in the class of oikonyms); and (3) a pragmatic analysis of place names based on a comparison of several naming situations belonging to different synchronic cross-sections would be relevant. The results of the latter analysis would help, in part, to identify features of changing “onomastic fashion” (contemporaneity, change, and so on). Thus, the inventory of Marijampolė County place names from a pragmatic perspective has begun. The observations presented in this article are a necessary prerequisite for more detailed toponymic research from the perspective discussed, since the place names used to achieve the article’s stated aim made up only a small portion of the available database. Including analyses of place names from other parts of Lithuania in pragmatic research would considerably broaden the horizons of Lithuanian toponymy and make it possible to examine the pragmatic issues of place names on a wider scale—in the context of similar research in other countries. 44 For example, Bób-a-kalnis part of a forest, Mrj, etc. 190 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) ABBREVIATIONS FOR OBJECT REFERENCES AND OTHERS ar. – arable field aukšt. – upland avd. – personal name b. – swamp bk. – church village dr. – soil drb. ž. – cultivated land drp. – peat bog ež. – lake kl. – road kln. – mountain l. – field malon. – affectionate, affectionately menk. – pejorative, pejoratively mš. – forest plk. – swamp, marshy place prk. – figurative meaning pv. – meadow pvd. – surname ršt. – written form šnek. – colloquial language tv. – pond up. – river upl. – stream vlg. – vulgarism, vulgarly vv. – place name ž. – land ABBREVIATIONS FOR LOCATION REFERENCES AlksnV – Alksnėnai (Vilkaviškis District) Bb – Bābtai (Kaunas District) Brb – Balbieriškis (Prienai District) Brt – Bartninkai (Vilkaviškis District) Dmk – Domeikava (Kaunas District) Ds – Dùsetos (Zarasai District) Gdl – Gudėliai (Marijampolė Municipality) Grš – Griškabūdis (Šakiai District) Igl – Igliškėliai (Marijampolė Municipality) Jrb – Jùrbarkas Jrgž – Jùrgežeriai (Kalvarija Municipality) Klvr – Kalvarija (Marijampolė Municipality) Kt – Keturvalakiai (Vilkaviškis District) KzR – Kazlų Rūda Lbv – Liubāvas (territory of Kalvarija Municipality) Ldvn – Liudvināvas (territory of Marijámpolė Municipality) Lp – Léipalingis (Drùskininkai District) Mrj – Marijámpolė Pdvn – Padovinỹs (territory of Marijámpolė Municipality) Pkn – Pakúonis (Prienai District) Prn – Prienai Rm – Ramýgala (Pãnevėžys District) Ss – Sasnava (territory of Marijámpolė Municipality) Šil – Šilavótas (Prienai District) Šn – Šunskai (territory of Marijámpolė Municipality) Vlkv – Vilkaviškis Vv – Veiveriai (Prienai District) Straipsniai / Articles 191 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ ŠALTINIAI IAK – Istorinių asmenvardžių kartoteka. 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Москва: Индрик. 196 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) Ульман С. 1970: Семантические универсалии. Prieiga per internetą: http://www.philology.ru/linguistics1/ullman-70.htm [žiūrėta 2014-08-01]. Федотова Т. В. 2008: Специфика метафорических топонимов в аспекте восприятия мира человеком. Вестник ВГУ, серия: Лингвистика и межкультурная коммуникация 2, 48–51. On Pragmatic Linguistic Analysis of Place Names (Based on the Place Names of Marijampolė County) SUMMARY In addition to word-formation, semantics and other specific characteristics of place names in the studies of regional toponymy, other general linguistic – pragmatic sphere related aspects could be taken into consideration as well. A pragmatic linguistic approach towards place names would expand the boundaries of toponymic analysis. It would also preserve complex multi-aspect research relevance. The diversity of research of place names from the perspective of pragmatic linguistics presented in the article shows that there is a possibility of several directions of research of the onyms under analysis. In this case, a relevant research field is the search for a pragmatic component in the meaning of a socially perceived and encoded proper name. In the present research the research object is a pragmatic component in the meaning of the onym, with connotation as the principal concept of the research field. In order to single out the components of pragmatic nature in the meanings of place names, the importance of the situation of naming a toponym object should be taken into consideration by highlighting the intention of the addresser (in our case – the name-giver) in respect of the addressee as well as the reactions of the addressee him / herself. The research material is unique data of toponymy from the questionnaires of interwar Lithuania which are stored in the Onomastics Department of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. Whereas a pragmatic linguistic analysis of place names from a single ethnic region is a continuity of the previous research of place names from Marijampolė County recorded during the interwar period in terms of word-formation and origin, the place names from the same county, recorded from the actual language usage, have also been selected as the basis for this research. In pursuance of the goal, the following objectives were raised: 1) to find examples of places names in the research material with a) an emotive word, b) an expressive word, c) a word with an ethnic-cultural connotative component in its meaning as the base word and to discuss them; 2) to identify the examples Straipsniai / Articles 197 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ of place names of the meaning based on certain associations in the interwar material and to discuss them. Bearing in mind that an emotional evaluation is lexically expressed in three ways, i.e. the root of the word as the basis of nomination, derivational affixes and the figurative use of words, it should be noted that the places names with the suffixes characteristic of the formation of diminutives / pejoratives remained outside the focus of attention. The descriptions and comments recorded in the questionnaires, which help to identify the addressee’s position, have also been selected as the research object. In the material under analysis the addressee’s position does not only reveal in the descriptions expressed by information providers on the peculiarities of the toponym object being named but also in the description of the conditions under which the place is given its name. To achieve the goal and objectives, the article applied the following methods to the research material: 1) word-formation analysis method; 2) componential analysis method; 3) descriptive method with comparative method elements. The units of interwar material were first evaluated from the perspective of word-formation by applying a structural-grammatical analysis method developed by A. Vanagas for the analysis of the names of water bodies which can also be easily applied to the analysis of the place names of other classes (sub-classes). After identifying the base words of place names and their morphological and lexical status on the basis of this method, the research further focused on the “Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language” (2013). The connotative differences of base words became clear from the abbreviations provided in the dictionary and a componential analysis of the meanings of these words. What is more, the descriptions of place names recorded in interwar questionnaires and the comments of information providers were analysed; as mentioned before, they revealed the addressee’s reactions. In this way, the toponymic material under analysis was evaluated through the prism of experience of the language users from a specific ethnic region. The research revealed a certain part of the fund of words from the specific Lithuanian region surviving in place names: not only expressive, based on the expression on emotions, but also vulgar and pejorative. The article also recalls certain place names recorded in the interwar period with the base words (daržininkas, prēntas) already withdrawn from active usage together with defunct realia and the accompanying cultural connotations. The place names appealing to the addressee make a verbal impact. The choice of certain lexical properties – whether the base word is an emotive or expressive word – determines the intention of naming a toponym object. As it is well known, emotive words appeal to the addressee’s feelings, while expressive words affect his / her imagination. The addressee’s reactions are expressed directly and provided in the form of evaluative comments, thus enabling to decide on the perlocutionary effect of the place name. Emotive lexis is situational by its denotative base because emotions are tightly linked with the subject experiencing them and the object arousing them. Hence, place names with an emotive word as their base word should also be considered situational. 198 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Dėl pragmatinės lingvistinės vietovardžių analizės (remiantis Marijampolės apskrities vietovardžiais) What is more, the place names formed from expressive words are also situational, especially in cases when the situation is applied to the situation of a different type, which is related to the former by similarity and / or other relations (Marmynė, Užkirščiai). The function of certain stylistic figures in the “landscape texts” of the region under discussion is not only performed by place names Plerwa, Šnikštapievė, Ziglius but also by anthropomorphized place names Mūdrė, Pupučiai, Skaistė and others. In this way, various illocutionary intentions of the addresser (the name-giver) are realised. Anthropomorphic naming of toponym objects from the perspective of the addressee does not escape the deformations of the reflection of reality; thus, it cannot be sufficiently informative. To make toponym objects more easily recognizable to the addressee, two names of a more specific meaning can be selected instead of one place name of a broader meaning in order to strengthen both clarity and picturesqueness (a pair of semantically related helonyms Šiknabalė and Uodegėlė). A group of place names with nick-name related personal names recorded in its units used in the research revealed an approach characteristic of the representatives of the ethnic region towards the traits of personal manners, exterior looks and behaviour of certain community members. The varying forms of place names (Abromynė || Žydynė, Pauliūko kalnas || Triedakalnis, Šeldekšvynas || Vėlniairaistis, etc.) showed that their co-existence in the actual language usage enables the community of the area under analysis to better understand the meanings of place names accompanied by an emotional and stereotypical evaluation and to share these competences among themselves. In addition to the above, place names enable us to decide about stereotypes supported by the representatives of the ethic region because they are most valid. The observations presented in the article are a necessary precondition for more thorough toponymic research from the perspective under discussion because the place names used to achieve the goal raised in the article account for a small share of the available databank only. The inclusion of the analysis of place names from other Lithuanian regions in pragmatic research would substantially expand the horizons of Lithuanian toponymy and enable the analysis of place-name related pragmatic problems on a broader scale – in the context of similar research of other countries. Įteikta 2015 m. spalio 19 d. D A L I A S V I D E R S K I E N Ė Lietuvių kalbos institutas Petro Vileišio g. 5, LT-10308 Vilnius, Lietuva [email protected], [email protected] Straipsniai / Articles 199