Die Landkarte des Schlossgebietes Bērzaune vom 17. Jahrhundert und die baltische Hydronymie

OJĀRS BUŠS Institute of Latvian Language, University of Latvia Research fields: Latvian onomastics, general theoretical onomastics, lexicology. RENĀTE SILIŅA-PĪŅĶE Institute of Latvian Language, University of Latvia Research fields: Latvian historical onomastics, historical lexicography, Latvian historical dictionary, German-Latvian language contact. THE 17TH-CENTURY MAP OF THE BĒRZAUNE CASTLE DISTRICT AND BALTIC HYDRONYMY1 The 17th-century map of the surroundings of Bērzaune Castle and Baltic hydronymy ANNOTATION The first extensive collection of Latvian toponyms is associated with Sweden’s economic activities (the northern part of Latvia belonged to Sweden) in the 17th century. The results of these activities are (1) land-survey records, which contain a large number of Latvian settlement names, and (2) survey maps, which include quite a few Latvian waterbody and field names. Die Karte des Schlossgebiets Bērzaune (entstanden um 1680–1685) zeigt mehr als 70 Hydronyme. Die etymologische Analyse zeigt: die meisten von ihnen sind Namen baltischer (lettischer) Herkunft, z. B. die Flussnamen Ackman ups (= *Akmen̦upe), Roabesche 1 This article was written as part of the project “Studies of the Latvian language in the context of 21st century science” within the State Research Programme “Lettonics: history of Latvia, languages, culture and values”. Straipsniai / Articles 101 OJĀRS BUŠS, RENĀTE SILIŅA-PIN̦K̦E ups (= *Robežupe). The lake name Plaxen Siö (now Plaksis or Plaksnis) could be understood as a name of onomatopoeic origin. The river name Plising Rīvus may derive from the Latvian root plīs-/plēš- ‘to break; to tear’. Hydronyms derived from the stem Sau- (Savins ups, Sawitz Lacus, now Savīte, Savītes ezers) may appear to resemble Indo-European hydronyms and the Indo-European root *sh2eu- ‘to pour, to rain’; however, the names are more likely of Finnic origin, cf. Estonian sau, savi ‘clay’. The similarly sounding names beginning with Sāv- (now Savīte, Sāvienas ezers) probably have the Latvian dialect word sāva ‘the scar’ as their etymon. KEYWORDS: onomastics, hydronymy, 17th century, castle-district maps, Livonia. ANNOTATION The first ample collection of ancient toponyms of Latvia had been connected with economic activities in Sweden in the 17th century when the northern part of Latvia belonged to this country. Results of these activities are the materials of land revision, which represent a large number of Latvian oikonyms as well as surveying maps for the reduction of the estates that contain quite a lot of Latvian hydronyms and microtoponyms. The map of the Bērzaūne castle district (apr. 1680–1685) contains more than 70 hydronyms. Their etymological research shows that most of them are names of Baltic (Latvian) origin, e.g., the river names Ackman ups (=*Akm eņūpe), Roabesche ups (=*Robežupe). The lake name Plaxen Siö (now Plaksis or Plaksnis) is most likely to be treated as a name of onomatopoetic origin. The river name Plising Rīvus could be derived from the Latvian stem plīs-/plēš- ‘to break, to tear’. The hydronyms derived from the stem Sau- (Savins ups, Sawitz Lacus, now Savīte, Savītes ezers), although seemingly compare with the Indo-European hydronyms originating from the root ide. *sh2eų- ‘to pour, to rain’, are most likely the names of Finno-Ugric origin, cf. Estonian sau, savi ‘clay’. Similar names with -ā- (now Savīte, Sāvienas ezers) are probably an etymon of the Latvian dialect word sāva ‘scar’. KEYWORDS: onomastics, hydronymy, 17th century, maps of castle districts, Livonia. Research into Baltic hydronyms is still far from exhaustive. Many Baltic hydronyms still lack acceptable accounts of their origin and an unambiguous ethnolinguistic context. Particularly many unresolved puzzles remain in the etymologies of Latvian hydronyms. These unresolved etymological problems are also one of the reasons, 102 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXX XIII Die Landkarte des Schlossgebietes Bērzaune vom 17. Jahrhundert und die baltische Hydronymie why an etymological dictionary of Latvian hydronyms has not yet been published and probably will not be published in the foreseeable future. Expanding the corpus of hydronyms remains one of the tasks of research. This task is neither simple nor straightforward, since unpublished documents, especially those in the Latvian State Historical Archives (Latvijas Valsts vēstures arhīvs), conceal river and lake names that have hitherto been unknown. This article has two aims: (1) to bring individual ancient hydronyms, now forgotten, into linguistic and onomastic discussion; (2) to analyze the origins of some hydronyms, both well-known and less familiar. The first period of intensive recording of toponyms in Latvia is associated with the economic interests of the Kingdom of Sweden (see Fig. 1). Toward the end of the 17th century, the so-called reduction of estates was carried out in northern Latvia (Latvian Vidzeme2), which had officially belonged to Sweden since 1629. Numerous settlement, field, and waterbody names are attested in older historical sources, especially from the 13th century onward, but in the 17th century these records reached a new quantitative and qualitative level. Information about lands and inhabitants was needed to regulate tax payments in the newly acquired territories. For this reason, a land survey, the so-called Swedish ploughland survey, was conducted, and its records attest to numerous settlement names. The surveys were organized several times: the first during the Polish-Swedish War in 1601 (published by Švābe 1933), followed by those in 1617, 1624, and 1630, the most extensive in 1638 (published by Dunsdorfs 1938, 1940, 1941), and another in 1688. The planned reduction of estates, however, required accurate maps of various regions of Livonia. Swedish cartographers were among Europe’s leading cartographers in the 17th century. From 1681 to 1684 and from 1687 to 1696, 49 Swedish land surveyors surveyed all of Swedish Livonia (Vidžemes kartes 1996: 7). The result was a large number of maps of individual estates, which were then compiled as castle-district maps in the so-called fifth-part maps, at a scale of 1:48,000 or 1:57,600. More than twenty such castle-district maps exist for present-day Latvia, for example, those of the castle districts of Cēsis (Ger. Wenden), Koknese (Ger. Kokenhusen), Mālpils (Ger. Lemburg), Rauna (Ger. 2 Also called Latvian Livonia or Southern Livonia in German, in contrast to Estonian Livonia to the north. Straipsniai / Articles 103 OJĀRS BUŠS, RENĀTE SILIŅA-PIŅĶE FIG. 1. The eastern Baltic region in the 17th century. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sw_BalticPr_17cen.jpg Ronneburg), Suntaži (Ger. Sunzel) and Madliena (Ger. Sissegall), among others. For toponymists, these maps are of great importance, especially because of the hydronyms recorded on them, as well as some microtoponyms. These maps of castle districts are held in the Latvian State Historical Archives (Latvian: Latvijas Valsts vēstures arhīvs, LVVA Fund 7404, Inventory 3, Files 1–30). Some were published and analyzed in Australia by the Latvian émigré historian Edgars Dunsdorfs (Dunsdorfs 1974). Even he, although 104 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Die Landkarte des Schlossgebietes Bērzaune vom 17. Jahrhundert und die baltische Hydronymie not a linguist, recognized the importance of these maps specifically for hydronymic research: “For name researchers, the hydronymy on the maps may be of interest, as it often differs from present-day names” (Dunsdorfs 1974: 8). More than forty years have passed since this observation, and only in recent years has linguistic analysis of these maps begun—so far on a rather modest scale. Among these maps is also the map of the Bērzaune castle district, covering approximately 1500 km2. The castle district is located in eastern Livonia and encompasses the area of the Selonian dialects in Vidzeme3 (see Fig. 2). As is apparent from the map, it is rich in rivers and lakes. A total of 70 hydronyms are recorded4—slightly more lake names than river names. About 15 of the attested hydronyms are unknown from either present-day or other historical sources. It seems impossible, or at most hypothetically possible, to identify the corresponding present-day hydrographic features. River names unknown today include Ackman ups, anting aus, Baben ups, mellonetz, Monke uppe, Mudsa Rīvus, Plising Rīvus, Roabesche ups; unknown lake names include Ines Siö, In Siö, Karps Siö, Kati Siö, Lodatz, Paslois, Siogos. For ten lakes on this map, the names differ from their present-day (or at least their present-day official) designations, e.g. Asening (now Pudulu ezers), Berſen Siö (now Salu ezers, also known by the synonym Bērzaunes ezers), Damis Siö (now Šumānu ezers), Nygast Siö (Lauteres ezers), Malz Siö (Grīvu ezers), Plaxen Siö (Rāceņu ezers, also known by the synonym Plaksis), Sawitz Lacus (Kaņepēnu ezers, also known by the synonym Savītes ezers), Syles Siö (Stirnezers), Wesonitz Siö (Kalsnavas ezers). Some of the hydronyms mentioned (as well as several others attested on the map) appear to be of Finnic, possibly Livonian or Estonian, origin, e.g. Kuja (cf. Laansalu 2014), Mudsa Rīvus. Most of the hydronyms, however, are of Baltic, primarily Latvian, origin. Sometimes the connection with Latvian appellatives is obvious or nearly obvious, e.g. Ackman ups = *Akmeņupe (cf. Latvian akmens ‘stone’), Roabesche ups = *Robežupe (cf. Latvian robeža ‘border’), Karps Siö = *Karpas ezers (or Karpis?; cf. Latvian karpa ‘carp’). The latter name, of course, does not belong among old hydronyms of Baltic origin, since its etymon, the fish name karpa, is a loanword from German (ME II 197 s.v. kārpa I; Sehwers 3 The area comprises approximately the parishes of Bērzaune, Grostona, Kalsnava, Lazdona, Lubāna, Lubeja, Ļaudona, Mārciena, Meirāni, Mētriena, Prauliena, Saikava, Sāviena, Vējova, and Viesiena, as well as the eastern part of the parish of Vestiena (not marked on the map). Fig. 2 shows the parish boundaries of 1939. 4 There are also rivers and lakes shown on the map without names. Straipsniai / Articles 105 OJĀRS BUŠS, RENĀTE SILIŅA-PINK̦E FIG. 2. Approximate boundaries of the castle district (drawn by Liene Markus-Narvila) 1936: 47; Laumane 1973: 105–106), possibly borrowed partly via Russian (Karulis 1992: I 384). The hydronym attested in the 17th century allows us to date the borrowing of the appellative to no later than the 16th century, though it is very likely even earlier. The oldest written attestations recorded by Laumane (1973: 105) date from the 18th century, but the masculine variant Karpis is already recorded in Georg Elger’s dictionary (1683) (Karulis 1992: I 384). Among the etymologically transparent hydronyms, mention may also be made of the unusual river name anting aus (see Fig. 3). So far it is known only from this castle district map. The entry denotes a rather short stream (or just part of a river) and is most plausibly read as Antina auss (‘Antinš’s ear’). If this reading is correct, the name adds to the many known cases in which parts of the human body serve as the basis for toponymic interpretations. It illustrates this universal tendency in the formation of tone names with a less typical example—the appellative auss ‘ear’ has been used only rarely in the formation of Latvian toponyms and is not among the anatomical terms characteristic of toponymy (Rapa 2014: 63). In the first volume of Jānis Endzelīns’s place-name dictionary of Latvia, there is no (!) toponym whose origin is unambiguous 106 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Die Landkarte des Schlossgebietes Bērzaune vom 17. Jahrhundert und die baltische Hydronymie FIG. 3. anting aus on the map of the Bērzaune castle district (after Dunsdorfs 1974) auf das Appellativ auss zurückzuführen wäre (s. Endzelīns 1956: 55–56, Lemmata auf auss-). Nur die zweite Komponente des Toponyms ist baltischer Herkunft. Die erste Komponente – das lettische Anthroponym Antinš (< Anton) – ist griechischer oder lateinischer Herkunft (HdV I, 177; Silinš 1990: 62) und hat nur einen indirekten Bezug zur Hydronymie. Die Einmaligkeit dieses Hydronyms im ganzen lettischen toponomastischen Kontext führt zu einer gewissen Unsicherheit, ob der Name nicht doch anders gelesen und/oder interpretiert werden muss. There are naturally very few etymologically unambiguous hydronyms in Latvia in general, as well as on this map. In most cases, etymological analysis is required. As an example, consider two hydronyms beginning with Pl-: the river Plising Rivus and the lake Plaxen Siö. The lake is also attested under present-day synonymous names such as Plaksis // Plaksnis // Plakšezers // Plakšņu ezers, as well as several names formed from other roots (cf. LVV 177). The form Plaxen is already recorded in the Swedish revision of holdings in 1638 (Dunsdorfs 1941: 1159), thus identical to the name on the map, but without the generic term Siö (cf. Swedish sjö ‘lake’). Since consonant clusters do not occur at the beginnings of words in the Finnic languages of the Baltic region5, a Baltic origin is clearly preferable. Although there are also toponyms of Germanic and Slavic origin in the territory of Latvia, in this case a Slavic origin is unlikely for areal reasons, 5 Such clusters are rarely found in the most recent borrowings of the 20th and 21st centuries, and usually occur only in colloquial speech. Straipsniai / Articles 107 OJĀRS BUŠS, RENĀTE SILIŅA-PINK̦E whereas names of Germanic origin are found occasionally among Latvian settlement names, but not—apart from very few exceptions—among the older names of bodies of water. When searching for the etymon of the lake name Plaksis // Plaxen Siö, an onomatopoeic origin must first be considered. From a phonetic perspective, this variant seems highly plausible, since onomatopoeic verbs plakšēt, plakšķēt occur in Latvian (both in the standard language and in dialects), particularly to describe quiet sounds of water, e.g. “Airi klakšķēja duļļos, ūdens plakšķēja [laivai] abās malās...” (Andrejs Upīts; LLVV 239). The possible onomatopoeic origin of toponyms beginning with Plakš- is also mentioned in Latvijas vietvārdu vārdnīca (LVV 177 s.v. Plakši), although without detailed analysis. On the other hand, there are several field names (meadow and field names) with the root Plak- (Plok-, Plôk-) in the region under discussion, whose origin is more readily explained by the regionalism plôka ‘low-lying, level field’; plaka ‘plain, depression’ (LVV 175 s.v. Plaka) and the standard-language adjective plakans ‘level, flat’. The semantics ‘level, flat; plain, depression’ also seems quite plausible as motivation for a lake name. For comparison, one may mention the lake name Ploskoye ozero, found in Russia, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan (literally ‘the flat/level lake’). Several such lakes lie near Latvia, in the Pskov region, an area with a Baltic substrate in its hydronymy. The hydronym Ploskoye ozero naturally does not belong to this substrate; it merely prompts reflection on possible mutual Baltic and Slavic semantic influences in hydronymy. From a semantic point of view, a comparison with another Latvian regionalism—plasa ‘floodwater in a meadow’ (ME III 320)—might be even more plausible. However, phonetic and areal considerations argue against this. The difficult-to-explain hypothetical development -s- > -ks- could perhaps still be explained by contamination plasa + plaka. The greatest obstacle to this interpretation of the origin, however, is the distribution area of the regionalism plasa and the toponyms formed from it—it encompasses the historical and cultural regions of Zemgale and Latgale6, but not Vidzeme, and lies far from the municipality of Lazdona and Lake Plaksis // Plaxen Siö (cf. LVV 182–183). Thus, at least three hypotheses can be proposed for the etymology of this lake name. The most plausible of them appears to be the onomatopoeic hypothesis. 6 That is, central, southeastern, and eastern Latvia. 108 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Die Landkarte des Schlossgebietes Bērzaune vom 17. Jahrhundert und die baltische Hydronymie The river name Plising Rivus, which can be read as *Plīsiṇ- or *Plisiṇ-, in turn evokes clear associations with the Latvian verb plīst ‘tear, split, break’. The dictionary of Latvian place names Latvijas vietvārdu vārdnīca lists about 15 place names with the root Plīs- (LVV 244–245), which most likely derive from the aforementioned verb. These, however, are field names (e.g. Plisa – a field in the municipality of Drabēši, a forest in Karļi, a pasture in Kūduṃs, a meadow in Rāmuļi); there is no hydronym among these names. Since our Plising Rivus, as is evident from the map, is a rather small stream, its name may possibly derive from a long-forgotten field name7. It should be added that the appellative plēsums ‘clearing’ is formed from plēs-, another ablaut grade of this root, and occurs quite often as an element in Latvian place names (see LVV 223–226). A direct connection between this appellative and the hydronym Plising Rivus, however, cannot be established. It is nevertheless possible to place this hydronym in a broader Indo-European context and compare it with several place names in Europe. For example, there are two rivers named Plisa in Belarus and the Old Prussian place name Plissinges, attested in 1284 (Gerullis 1922: 125), whose spelling is almost identical to that of our hydronym. Many Latvian and Lithuanian place names beginning with Ples-, Plēs- and Plēs- (Pleš-) are likewise etymologically related to Plising Rivus and Plissinges. The common origin of these names goes back to the Indo-European root *pleh₁k̂- ‘tear off’ (see LIV 483), but the motivation for the place names may differ: 1) clearing land, 2) the apparent division of the area by the course of the river, 3) the “tearing” of the rocks and landscape during the formation of the riverbed, as well as other, even more hypothetical or merely reconstructable factors. Another etymologically problematic group in this region consists of the hydronyms (and one oikonym) beginning with Sav- and Sāv-. On the map, these are the rivers Savins ups and Sawe ups and the lakes Sawitz Lacus and Sawen Lacus (today: Savīte, Sāvīte and Savītes ezers, Sāvienas ezers, with many name variants), and the manor Safwenhoff (today the village Sāviena), better known from other sources and the literature as Sawensee (BHO II 550), which points to the settlement name’s derivation from the hydronym (see Fig. 4). 7 Whether the names of small streams and lakes should themselves be counted among field names (microtoponyms) is a long-debated question to which no unambiguous answer can be given. Straipsniai / Articles 109 OJĀRS BUŠS, RENĀTE SILIŅA-PIN̦ĶE Hydronyms beginning with Sav- have been discussed repeatedly in the scholarly literature, both in a European context and as part of Old European hydronymy. Among the most important studies are, alongside many others, publications by Hans Krahe (Krahe 1964: 50), Vladimir Toporov and Oleg Trubačev (Топоров, Трубачев 1962: 206), and Jürgen Udolph (Udolph 2007). In his etymological dictionary of Lithuanian hydronyms, Aleksandras Vanagas analyzes all these studies and agrees with the view that European hydronyms beginning with Sav- may have developed from the Indo-European root *seu- [=*seu-?] ‘wet; drip, flow’, and reconstructs the appellative *souos ‘moisture; liquid’ (Vanagas 1981: 292–293 s.v. Savìstas). Drawing on the Slovenian (also Croatian and Serbian) river name Sava and the studies on the origin of this name brought together by France Bezlaj (Bezlaj 1961: 173), Vanagas posits the root *seu-, *sou- as a possible etymon in the Proto-Indo-European language (Vanagas 1981: 293). In view of the latest trends in Indo-European studies, especially laryngeal theory, the Indo-European root *sh₂eu- ‘pour, rain’ (LIV 545) should be mentioned as one possible etymon for hydronyms beginning with Sav-. This etymology seems quite plausible for the ancient European hydronyms and their descendants, both in terms of motivation and of etymological relationship. Harald Bichlmeier has also addressed the etymology of this river name from the perspective of modern Indo-European studies, identifying the root *sh₂eu- ‘pour, rain’ as the most plausible of the five Indo-European roots he lists (*seu-, *seuh₁-, *seuh₃-, *sh₂eu- and *seuH-) (Bichlmeier 2012: 20–21). In his analysis of ancient hydronyms beginning with Sav-, Krahe (1964: 50) also mentions the Latvian Savīte, and Vanagas (1981: 293), in the entry Savìstas, compares this Lithuanian place name with the Latvian river names Sava and Savīte. The question of whether the hydronyms beginning with Sav- and Sāv- in the Bērzaune castle district truly belong to this etymological group, however, remains unanswered. A possible connection between these names and the ancient European hydronyms is not self-evident. Savīte and Sāvīte are quite small rivers (Savīte is 25 km long, Sāvīte about 8 km), and for this reason it is possible (although not entirely certain) that their names are not so old and belong to a more recent stratum of hydronyms. It should also not be forgotten that the presence of a Finnic substrate in this region, in the Bērzaune castle district, is entirely possible. More than 50 years ago, Marta Rudzīte noted that some Latvian river names beginning with Sav- might be of Finnic origin, and compared them with the Finnish lake name Savijä̈rvi (Rudzīte 1968: 191). 110 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Die Landkarte des Schlossgebietes Bērzaune vom 17. Jahrhundert und die baltische Hydronymie FIG. 4. Savve ups, Saven Lacus and Safwenhoff on the map of the Bērzaune castle district (after Dunsdorfs 1974) The toponymic context for hydronyms with Sav- and Sāv- is not very informative in Latvia. There are fewer than ten hydronyms with Sav- and around twenty other toponyms (settlement and field names) with Sav- and Sāv- in Latvia (LaVI). They do not form a single area, although some patterns can be observed. Sāvaiņi—the name of several farmsteads—is attested fairly densely in southern Zemgale, not far from the Lithuanian border, and could be connected with traces of a Semigallian substrate, although a more precise interpretation remains to be found. Some toponyms in eastern Latvia (e.g., the lake names Savinu ezers, Saves ezers) may have been formed from Slavic anthroponyms, namely the given name Sava and the corresponding patronymic surname Savin, perhaps mediated by settlement names—that is, names of villages or former manors; cf., for example, Savina, a village in Rundēni Municipality. Among the hydronyms of the Bērzaune castle district, the former stream Saviena in Zeltiņi, a municipality in northern Latvia where Leivu, a South Estonian dialect (Vaba 1997: 39–40), was spoken less than a hundred years ago, is particularly interesting. One might expect Finnic (Estonian) adstratum in the toponyms of this area. Another hydronym worth mentioning from the perspective of possible Finnic influences is the river Savinu upe in Jaunroze Municipality, on the Estonian border (if the name is not derived from the Slavic surname mentioned above). Four hydronyms with Sav-, although Straipsniai / Articles 111 OJĀRS BUŠS, RENĀTE SILIŅA-PINK̦E not forming a single area, are thus attested in Latvia in regions where a Finnic substrate or adstratum has previously been identified or considered highly probable. It is not difficult to find a possible etymon for the Latvian hydronyms mentioned in the Finnic languages. This could be an appellative meaning ‘clay, loam’, e.g., Estonian sau, savi, Finnish savi. Words with this meaning have often been used in the formation of hydronyms, in many languages. This is illustrated by the Finnish lake name Savijärvi mentioned above, as well as other Estonian and Finnish toponyms with the root Sav-, including the name of the Finnish cultural-historical region Savo (Paikkala 2007: 406–407), as well as Latvian Mālupe and Lithuanian Mólupis, together with other toponyms containing this root (see Endzelīns 1961: 390–393, Vanagas 1981: 219 s.v. Mólė, etc.). The Finnic origin of the hydronym Savīte could be considered fairly credible, although, despite all arguments pro and contra, it should be noted that the structure of the toponym could give rise to some uncertainty. In the hydronyms of the Finnic languages, savi usually occurs as the first element of a compound, but Savīte is probably a relatively recent suffixal derivation with the Latvian diminutive suffix –īt– (and therefore is scarcely traceable to *Savintia [Krahe 1964: 50]). Perhaps the second component of the older Finnic *Savijoki or (Estonian?) *Savijoe was reduced over time, as in the example of the Finnish place name Savo mentioned above or the Finnish village name Savio (Paikkala 2007: 406–407), and was the Latvian suffix substituted for it? This is not an immediately convincing interpretation, but in this case the hypothesis of a Finnic origin seems more credible than that of Old European hydronymy. The etymological connection with the Croatian and Slovenian river name Sava does not seem realistic, although it cannot be categorically ruled out. The hydronyms in Sāv- apparently belong to a different etymological family, including the names in the Bērzaune castle district—the river name Sāvīte and the lake name Sāvienas ezers. These names are most likely of Baltic origin, and their etymon could be the Latvian dialect noun sāva, or sâva ‘an elongated scar (also in tree bark)’, or the adjective sāvains, or sâvains ‘scarred’ (ME III 809). As already noted in the cited dictionary, these regionalisms are related to the Lithuanian word šòva ‘cave, hollow’. In Latvian, their distribution is quite limited; they are attested in only a few dialects. These include the Bērzaune dialect, however, so the etymological connection between the hydronyms of this castle district and the regionalism sāva seems entirely plausible, especially 112 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Die Landkarte des Schlossgebietes Bērzaune vom 17. Jahrhundert und die baltische Hydronymie since, from the perspective of etymological semantics or motivation, it fits among the semantic universals of hydronyms. It is possible that the river names Sāuite and Plising Rīous form a pair of hydronyms with similar semantic motivation, whereas the similarity between the names Sāuite and Savite is merely coincidental, their only common feature being the suffix, or ending. S O U R C E Map of the Bērzaune castle district. Latvian State Historical Archives, Fond No. 7404, Inventory 3, File 2. L I T E R A T U R E B e z l a j F r a n c e 1961: Slovenska vodna imena 2. del (M–Ž). Ljubljana: Slovenska Akademija Znanosti i Umetnosti. BHO II – Baltic Historical Localities Lexicon 2: Latvia (Southern Livonia and Courland). Edited by Hans Feldmann, Heinz von zur Mühlen. Cologne, Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 1990. (=Sources and Studies in Baltic History. Volume 8/II) B i c h l m e i e r H a r a l d 2012: Einige ausgewählte Probleme der alteuropäischen Hydronymie aus Sicht der modernen Indogermanistik – Ein Plädoyer für eine neue Sicht auf die Dinge. – Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 66, 11–47. D u n s d o r f s E d g a r s 1938, 1940, 1941: Vidzemes 1638. gada arklu revīzija. 4 burtnīcas. Rīga: Latvijas vēstures institūta apgādiens. (=Latvijas vēstures avoti. 4. sēj.) D u n s d o r f s E d g a r s 1974: Der große schwedische Kataster in Livland 1681–1710. Kartenband. Melbourne [ohne Verlag]. E n d z e l ī n s J ā n i s 1956: Latvijas PSR vietvārdi 1. d. 1. sēj. A–J. Rīga: Latvijas PSR Zinātņu akadēmijas izdevniecība. E n d z e l ī n s J ā n i s 1961: Latvijas PSR vietvārdi 1. d. 2. sēj. K–Ō. Rīga: Latvijas PSR Zinātņu akadēmijas izdevniecība. G e r u l l i s G e o r g 1922: Old Prussian Place Names. Berlin, Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter & Co. HdV I – Seibicke Wilfried 1996: Historisches deutsches Vornamenbuch 1. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter. K a r u l i s K o n s t a n t ī n s 1992: Latviešu etimoloģijas vārdnīca 1–2. Riga: Avots. Straipsniai / Articles 113 OJĀRS BUŠS, RENĀTE SILIŅA-PIŅĶE Krahe Hans 1964: Unsere ältesten Flußnamen. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Laansalu Tiina 2014: Dry Rivers and Secret Rivers. – 25th International Congress of Onomastic Sciences. 25th–29th August 2014 Glasgow. Abstracts. Glasgow: University of Glasgow, 88. Zugänglich unter: http://www.icos2014.com/wp-content/uploads/ICOS-2014-List-of-Abstracts-v3.pdf Laumane Benita 1973: Zioju nosaukumi latviešu valodā. Rīga: Zinātne. LaVI – Card index of toponyms at the Institute of the Latvian Language of the University of Latvia. LIV – Lexicon of Indo-European Verbs. The Roots and Their Primary Stem Formations. Under the direction of Helmut Rix. 2nd expanded edition. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2001. LLVV – Dictionary of the Latvian Literary Language 62, responsible editor L. Ceplītis. Riga: Zinātne, 1987. LVV – Dictionary of Latvian Place Names. Pilaci – Pracapole, responsible editor O. Bušs. Riga: LU Latviešu valodas institūts, 2006. ME I–IV – Mīlenbahs Kārlis. Dictionary of the Latvian Language 1–4. Edited, supplemented, continued by J. Endzelīns. Riga: Kultūras fonds, 1923–1932. Paikkala Sirkka, ed., 2007: Suomalainen paikannimikirja. Helsinki: Karttakeskus, Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus. Rapa Sanda 2014: Some Semantic Universals in the Latvian Toponymy. – 25th International Congress of Onomastic Sciences. 25th–29th August 2014 Glasgow. Abstracts. Glasgow: University of Glasgow, 63. Zugänglich unter: http://www.icos2014.com/wp-content/uploads/ICOS-2014-List-of-Abstracts-v3.pdf Rudzīte Marta 1968: Somugriskie hidronīmi Latvijas PSR teritorijā. – Latviešu leksikas attīstība. Rīga: Zinātne, 175–197. Sehwers Johann 1936: Sprachlich-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen vornehmlich über den deutschen Einfluß im Lettischen. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz. (= Veröffentlichungen des Slavischen Instituts an der Universität Leipzig, Nr. 13). Siliņš Klāvs 1990: Latviešu personvārdu vārdnīca. Rīga: Zinātne. Švābe Arveds 1933: Die älteste schwedische Landrevision Livlands. – Latvijas Universitātes raksti. Tautsaimniecības un tiesību zinātņu fakultātes sērija. 2. sējums, Nr. 3. Rīga, 338–596. Udolf Jürgen 2007: Alteuropa in Kroatien: der Name der Sava/Save. – Folia Onomastica Croatica 12–13 (2003–2004) [2007], 523–548. Vaba Lembit 1997: Uurimusi läti-eesti keelesuhetest. Tallinn, Tampere [ohne Verlag]. 114 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII Die Landkarte des Schlossgebietes Bērzaune vom 17. Jahrhundert und die baltische Hydronymie Vanagas Aleksandras 1981: Lietuvių hidronimų etimologinis žodynas. Vilnius: Mosklas. Vidzemes maps 1996 – Vidzemes kartes. 17. gadsimts. Izstādes katalogs. Edited by: Latvijas Valsts vēstures arhīvs. Riga: 1996. Available at: http://www.arhivi.lv/sitedata/LVVA/dokumenti/Publikacijas/Vidzemes%20Kartes.pdf Топоров Владимир, Трубачев Олег 1962: Лингвистический анализ гидронимов Верхнего Поднепровья. Москва: Издательство Академии наук СССР. The 17th-century map of the environs of Bērzaune Castle and Baltic hydronymy SUMMARY The first period of more intensive recording of old Latvian place names was associated with economic activity in Sweden in the 17th century, when the northern part of Latvia belonged to that country. The results of this activity include land revision materials, in which numerous Latvian oikonyms were recorded, and topographic maps produced for the so-called reduction of estates, which document a considerable number of hydronyms and microtoponyms. The map of the environs of Bērzaune Castle (c. 1680–1685) records more than 70 hydronyms (more than half of them lake names), approximately 15 of which were unknown from other sources and are not in use today. An etymological analysis of the hydronyms recorded on the map shows that some of them are of Finno-Ugric origin, for example, the river names Kūja, Mudsa Rivus, while most derive from the Baltic (Latvian) languages, for example, the river names Ackman ups (=* Akmenupe), cf. Latvian akmens ‘stone’, upe ‘river’; Roabesche ups (=*Robežuпе), cf. Latvian robeža ‘border’. The river name Anting aus should probably be read as Antina auss ‘Anton’s ear’. The origin of some other names can be explained only through detailed etymological analysis. The lake name Plaxen Siö (now Plaksis or Plaksnis) is probably of onomatopoeic origin, cf. Latvian plakšēt, plakšķēt ‘to make a slight noise’, for example, ‘to slap the surface of the water’. The river name Plising Rivus could be derived from the Latvian stem plīs-/plēs- ‘to break, tear’; related hydronyms derived from the common Indo-European etymon *pleh₁k- ‘to tear away’ can be found in Lithuania, Old Prussia, and Belarus. Although hydronyms derived from the stem Sav- (Savins ups, Sawitz Lacus, now Savīte, Savītes ezers) could be compared with hydronyms of Indo-European origin derived from *s₂h₂eu- ‘to pour, to rain’, these names are probably of Finno-Ugric origin, cf. Estonian sau, savi ‘clay’, Finnish savi ‘clay’, Finnish place names Savo, Savio, and the Finnish lake name Savijärvi. Straipsniai / Articles 115 OJĀRS BUŠŠ, RENĀTE SILIŅA-PIŅĶE At first glance, similar names with –ā- (now Sāvīte, Sāvienas ezers) should probably be derived from another etymon—the Latvian dialect word sāva ‘scar’. Received on March 31, 2015. OJĀRS BUŠŠ LU Latviešu valodas institūts Akadēmijas laukums 1, LV-1050 Rīga, Latvija oj [email protected] RENĀTE SILIŅA-PIŅĶE LU Latviešu valodas institūts Akadēmijas laukums 1, LV-1050 Rīga, Latvija [email protected] 116 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXIII