Zeleke, Me on (Ed.); Smi h, Lah a (Ed.)
Book
A ican Pe spec i es on Sou h–Sou h Mig a ion
Rou ledge S udies on A ican and Black Diaspo a
P o ided in Coope a ion wi h:
Taylo & F ancis G oup
Sugges ed Ci a ion: Zeleke, Me on (Ed.); Smi h, Lah a (Ed.) (2024) : A ican Pe spec i es on Sou h–
Sou h Mig a ion, Rou ledge S udies on A ican and Black Diaspo a, ISBN 978-1-040-00619-1,
Rou ledge, London,
h ps://doi.o g/10.4324/9781003368267
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A ican Pe spec i es on
Sou h-Sou h Mig a ion
This book in es iga es he di e se and dynamic o ms o mig a ion wi hin A ica.
Cen ing hemes o agency, esou ce lows, and ansna ional ne wo ks, he book
examines he endu ing appeal o he Global Sou h as a place o o igin, ansi , and
des ina ion.
Popula media, go e nmen p onouncemen s, and much o he global esea ch
discou se con inue o be o ien ed owa ds mig a ion om he Global Sou h o he
Global No h, despi e he ac ha he as majo i y o mig a ion is Sou h‑Sou h.
This book mo es beyond hese mischa ac e isa ions and ins ead dis inc ly ocuses
on he agency o A ican mig an s and he c ea i e s a egies hey employ while
planning hei ou es wi hin and ac oss he A ican con inen . Case s udies explo e
he low o esou ces such as people, money, skills, and knowledge h oughou he
con inen , while also cas ing a ligh on he li ed expe iences o mig an s as hey
nego ia e hei some imes p eca ious and ulne able posi ions. Unde pinned by
in ensi e empi ical s udies, his book challenges p e ailing na a i es and p o ides
a new way o hinking abou Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion.
Composed by a majo i y o schola s om he Global Sou h, he book will
be c ucial eading o esea che s, s uden s, and policy make s wi h a ocus on
Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion, Mig a ion and Inequali ies, Mig a ion and De elopmen ,
and Re ugee and Humani a ian S udies.
Me on Zeleke is Associa e P o esso a he Cen e o Human Righ s, Addis
Ababa Uni e si y, E hiopia. She has yea s o eaching and esea ch expe ience a
enowned academic ins i u ions in A ica, No h Ame ica, Eu ope, and Asia, and
is a membe o se e al in e na ional academic associa ions and an edi o ial boa d
membe o in e na ionally enowned jou nals.
Lah a Smi h is Associa e P o esso in he Edmund A. Walsh School o Fo eign
Se ice and he Depa men o Go e nmen a Geo ge own Uni e si y, USA, and
he Di ec o o he A ican S udies P og am. She is a poli ical scien is wi h a pa ‑
icula in e es in ci izenship, mig a ion, and poli ical ins i u ions in A ica.
5 A o-No dic Landscapes
Equali y and Race in No he n Eu ope
Edi ed by Michael McEach ane
6 Pilg image Tou ism o Diaspo a A icans o Ghana
Ann Reed
7 The Poe ics and Poli ics o Diaspo a
T ansa lan ic Musings
Je ome C. B anche
8 Pos /Colonialism and he Pu sui o F eedom in he Black A lan ic
Edi ed by Je ome C. B anche
9 Race and A o-B azilian Agency in B azil
Miles Tshombe
10 Loca ing A ican Eu opean S udies
In e en ions, In e sec ions, Con e sa ions
Edi ed by Felipe Espinoza Ga ido, Ca oline Koegle ,
Debo ah Nyangulu and Ma k U. S ein
11 B i ish-bo n Black A ican You h and Educa ional Social Capi al
Alganesh Messele
12 The Black Subal e n
An In ima e Wi nessing
Shauna Knox
13 A ican Pe spec i es on Sou h-Sou h Mig a ion
Edi ed by Me on Zeleke and Lah a Smi h
Rou ledge S udies on A ican and Black Diaspo a
Se ies edi o s: Fassil Demissie, DePaul Uni e si y
and Sand a Jackson, DePaul Uni e si y
A ican Pe spec i es on
Sou h-Sou h Mig a ion
Edi ed by
Me on Zeleke and Lah a Smi h
Fi s published 2024
by Rou ledge
4 Pa k Squa e, Mil on Pa k, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Rou ledge
605 Thi d A enue, New Yo k, NY 10158
Rou ledge is an imp in o he Taylo & F ancis G oup, an in o ma business
© 2024 selec ion and edi o ial ma e , Me on Zeleke and Lah a Smi h;
indi idual chap e s, he con ibu o s
The igh o Me on Zeleke and Lah a Smi h o be iden i ied as he au ho s
o he edi o ial ma e ial, and o he au ho s o hei indi idual chap e s,
has been asse ed in acco dance wi h sec ions 77 and 78 o he Copy igh ,
Designs and Pa en s Ac 1988.
All igh s ese ed. No pa o his book may be ep in ed o ep oduced o
u ilised in any o m o by any elec onic, mechanical, o o he means, now
known o he ea e in en ed, including pho ocopying and eco ding, o in
any in o ma ion s o age o e ie al sys em, wi hou pe mission in w i ing
om he publishe s.
T adema k no ice: P oduc o co po a e names may be adema ks o
egis e ed adema ks, and a e used only o iden i ica ion and explana ion
wi hou in en o in inge.
B i ish Lib a y Ca aloguing‑in‑Publica ion Da a
A ca alogue eco d o his book is a ailable om he B i ish Lib a y
ISBN: 978‑1‑032‑43646‑3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978‑1‑032‑43651‑7 (pbk)
ISBN: 978‑1‑003‑36826‑7 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003368267
Typese in Times New Roman
by codeMan a
Con en s
Lis o con ibu o s ii
PART I 1
In oduc ion
1 In oduc ion: In a-Con inen al Mig a ion Dynamics in
A ica and he Impo ance o Sou h-Sou h Mig a ion (SSM) 3
MERON ZELEKE AND LAHRA SMITH
PART II 19
Agency in Sou h-Sou h Mig a ion
2 Pla inum Mining, Mig an Labou , and Communi y
Fo ma ion in In o mal Se lemen s in Rus enbu g,
Sou h A ica, 1994–2018 21
JOSEPH MUJERE
3 Unpacking he Reasons o Dominance o Sou h-Sou h
Mig a ion: The E hiopian Case 36
FANA GEBRESENBET
4 Explo ing he Li ed Expe iences o Ghanaian Mig an s along
he Ghana-China Mig a ion Co ido 55
LEANDER KANDILIGE, JOSEPH AWETORI YARO, AND JOSEPH MENSAH
5 Looking beyond he Vic imhood Discou se:
The Case o Fo ced Mig an s in he Global Sou h 73
TIRSIT SAHLDENGIL
i Con en s
PART III 91
The Flows o Resou ces in Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion
6 Humani a ian Nomads: The Mobili ies and Disjunc u es
Inhe en o Aid Wo k in he Global Sou h 93
LAUREN CARRUTH
7 The Flow o Resou ces in he Global Sou h: The T ans e o
Ag icul u al Skills be ween Cô e d’I oi e and Bu kina Faso 112
TEBKIETA ALEXANDRA TAPSOBA AND BONAYI HUBERT DABIRÉ
8 T ansna ional Flow o Ideas in he E hiopia‑Sou h A ica
Mig a ion Co ido : Hadiya Expe iences 126
DEREJE FEYISSA
9 Religious Place‑Making and A ican Mobili ies: Muslim and
Ch is ian Mo occan Si es in Mig an T ajec o ies wi hin
and beyond he Con inen 149
JOHARA BERRIANE
10 Djibou i, a Mig a o y C oss oads in he Red Sea Basin:
P ospec s and Challenges 169
AMINA SAÏD CHIRÉ AND GÉRALDINE PINAULDT
11 Fo ced Mig a ion Li e T ajec o ies and Poli ics o
Con adic ions: Sou h Sudanese be ween Being IDPs
and Re ugees in Sudan and Sou h Sudan 191
MOHAMED A. G. BAKHIT
Index 203
Con ibu o s
Mohamed A. G. Bakhi is Associa e P o esso (p ima acie), Depa men o
Sociology and Social An h opology, Facul y o Economic and Social S ud‑
ies, Uni e si y o Kha oum, since No embe 2022. Cu en ly, he is a pos ‑
doc o al esea che in he p ojec o NORHED (No wegian Highe Educa ion
P og am) en i led: Bo de lands dynamics II (2021–2023). His main esea ch
in e es s a e iden i y change, u banisa ion, o ced mig a ion, mino i y g oups,
and ci izenship.
Joha a Be iane is P o esso a he Ins i u e o Cul u al S udies o he Uni e si y
o he Bundesweh Munich. He esea ch in e es s a e ans‑Saha an en angle‑
men s and mobili ies, eligious p esence and place‑making in A ican ci ies,
bu eauc a isa ion o belie , and humani a ian go e nance in No h and Wes
A ica.
Lau en Ca u h is a medical an h opologis specialising in humani a ian assis‑
ance, global heal h, nu i ion, displacemen , and mig a ion. She is Associa e
P o esso and Chai o he Depa men o En i onmen , De elopmen and
Heal h in he School o In e na ional Se ice a Ame ican Uni e si y in Wash‑
ing on, DC in he Uni ed S a es o Ame ica. He esea ch ocuses on i e
hemes: (1) labou and inequi y wi hin he humani a ian indus y, (2) i egula
labou mig a ions be ween E hiopia and Gul S a es, (3) he ela ionship be‑
ween ood insecu i y, medical insecu i y, and diabe es, (4) nu i ional was ing
in eme gencies and he de elopmen o he apeu ic oods, and (5) eme ging
zoono ic diseases in he Ho n o A ica. Ca u h’s 2021 book, Lo e and Libe a‑
ion: Humani a ian Wo k in E hiopia’s Somali Region, was published in 2021
by Co nell Uni e si y P ess.
Amina Saïd Chi é is Associa e Resea che a he Uni e si y o Djibou i and o ‑
me P esiden o he Independen Ins i u e o Resea ch o he Ho n o A ica
(IRICA). She is he au ho o mo e han 20 publica ions in pee ‑ e iewed scien‑
i ic jou nals and books in he ield o human and social sciences.
Hube Bonayi Dabi é holds a PhD in demog aphy om he ‘Uni e si é Ca holique
de Lou ain’ in Belgium. He is a lec u e and esea che a he “Ins i u Supé ieu
4 Me on Zeleke and Lah a Smi h
and o he ways ha mig an s a e mo i a ed and sus ained and s uggle in hei
jou neys and a hei des ina ion. Such an o ien a ion has obscu ed he low o
inancial esou ces wi hin he global Sou h due o he unde lying assump ion o
global esou ce inequali y be ween he No h and Sou h, whe eby he lows o e‑
sou ces a e always p esumed o mo e p ima ily and la gely om he Global No h
o he Sou h.
By some es ima es, he e a e a leas 25 million in e na ional mig an s in A ‑
ica (Sai addin 2023). One es ima ion o Sou h–Sou h in e na ional mig a ion pu s
i s signi icance a be ween 33–45% o o al global mig a ion ends (Campillo‑
Ca e e 2013: 12). C oss‑bo de , in a‑ egional mig a ion lows a e a key ea u e
o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion whe eby millions mig a e in sea ch o wo k and li eli‑
hoods. In a‑ egional mig a ion in he Global Sou h is mul i‑di ec ional and com‑
plex in e ms o ca ego ies o mig an s, d i e s and ou comes (Ma uja e al. 2019).
Howe e , Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion is no limi ed o in a‑ egional mig a ion pa e ns
as he e a e c oss‑con inen al mig a o y lows in he Global Sou h as is he case in
poin o Wes A ican mig an s in B azil (Heil 2020) and A ican mig an s in India
(Kohne 2021).
In A ica, SSM mig a ion is a s o y ha is la gely abou in a‑A ican mig a ion
(IOM 2020). Hujo and Pipe no e ha “in h ee de eloping egions, Sou h‑Sou h
mig a ion lows a e g ea e han Sou h‑No h lows” (Hujo & Pipe 2007: 19).
In 2015, abou 33 million A icans we e li ing ou side hei home coun ies, and
mo e han hal o hese in e na ional mig an s mo ed wi hin A ica (UNDESA
2015). In ac , an impo an s udy o SSM ound ha 80% o A icans who we e
hinking abou mig a ion had no in e es in lea ing he A ican con inen (IOM
2020). The la ge majo i y o in e na ional mig an s mig a e wi hin he same egion
(UNCTAD 2018). A simila pa e n can be obse ed in he in a‑con inen al e u‑
gee lows. Two o he Eas A ican coun ies o Uganda and E hiopia a e some o
he la ges e ugee‑hos ing coun ies, espec i ely, o e a million and 800,000 e u‑
gees (UN 2018). The e is mo e c oss‑na ional, agg ega e da a now being compiled
by in e na ional o ganiza ions and hink anks such as he IOM (2020) and A o‑
ba ome e abou A ican ci izens’ mig a ion pa e ns, including he d i e s, in en‑
ions, and challenges o A ican mig a ion pa e ns indica ing he in a‑con inen al
mig a o y lows (Sanny e al. 2019).
The au ho s in his collabo a i e olume aim o highligh hese neglec ed hemes
o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion (SSM) h ough quali a i e and in‑dep h case s udies
om ac oss A ica. Al hough he aim o his olume is no o p o ide an exhaus i e
accoun ing o he esea ch on he opic, i is wo h no ing ha some o he hemes
o p io s udies on mig a ion pa e ns wi hin and om A ica include: add essing
he ends o in a‑A ican mig a ion and challenges and p ospec s o in eg a ion
(Nyamnjoh 2007); he g owing numbe o sub‑Saha an A ican mig an s mo ing
o he wes (RMMS 2014); A ican pe spec i es on mig a ion and cul u es o mi‑
g a ion (Hahn & Klu e 2007); ac o s ha shape and in luence li es o A icans
be o e, du ing, and a e hei mig a ion (T iulzi & McKenzie 2013); he in e play
be ween mig a ion and de elopmen (Fokkema & De Haas 2011; RMMS 2015),
and mo e. Howe e , he e emain a ela i ely ew quali a i e s udies o in a‑A ica
The Impo ance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion (SSM) 5
mig a ion ha explo e Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion dynamics in A ica (no able excep‑
ions include Bakewell and Landau (2018), Flahaux and De Haas (2016), Moyo
e al. (2021), and Hugo and Pipe (2010)). The unde ‑ esea ched in a‑ egional
mig a ion dynamics in A ica is iden i ied as a heme ha calls o he a en ion o
c oss‑disciplina y esea ch (Adepoju 2008).
In his in oduc o y chap e , we ou line he in ellec ual s akes o he empi ical
ocus on SSM, wi h a ocus on h ee co e hemes o inqui y: he lows and dis‑
inc ypes o esou ces wi hin he Global Sou h, he agency and limi a ions o he
agency o mig an s wi hin he Global Sou h, and he appeal o he ‘Global Sou h’
as a place o o igin, ansi , and des ina ion.
Concep ualizing Sou h-Sou h Mig a ion
The ise o an empi ical ocus on Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion in he las decade o
mo e ollows a nea ‑hys e ia in Eu ope and Ame ica abou mig a ion om he
Global Sou h. The need o d aw a en ion o he ways in which A ican mig a‑
ions a e no always o e en o en ou o he coun ies in de eloping egions and
in o he so‑called ‘de eloped’ o Global No h coun ies led o he de elopmen o
he e m ‘Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion’ o cap u e his phenomenon. Campillo‑Ca e e
no ed ha while he e m is ai ly new, i is a ely p oblema ized, and wha con‑
s i u es he Global Sou h and mig a ion a e con en ious and subs an i ely dis inc
(Campillo‑Ca e e 2013). The con en ions su ounding he concep o Sou h‑Sou h
Mig a ion is no in any way ela ed o seman ics. They a e a he ela ed o am‑
ing issues, and he unde lying assump ions behind he concep . One o he key
p oblems is lack o cla i y in he de ini ion o he No h‑Sou h di ide which is bes
e lec ed in he di e en ways he e m is used by a ious ins i u ions and ac o s
(Bakewell e al. 2009). Bakewell, in wha is he key s udy o c i ique meaning ully
he e m “Sou h–Sou h‑Mig a ion,” no es ha i is impossible o eally cha ac e ize
any loca ion o a “global Sou h” because he e a e as many di e ences among he
coun ies o he “Sou h” as he e a e simila i ies. S ill, he inds some use ul pa ‑
e ns among he egions, such as he ac ha A ica is he egion o he wo ld wi h
he highes pe cen ages o Sou h‑Sou h mig an s, a 64% emaining in he egion
(Bakewell 2009).
The no ion o he Global Sou h is o en used in a desc ip i e manne among
schola s and non‑go e nmen al o ganiza ions (NGOs), whe eby he ‘Global Sou h’
signi ies coun ies o low o middle income (LMICs). The Sou h is o en equa ed
wi h “de eloping coun ies” and hence, Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion is o en unde s ood
and s udied as mig a ion be ween and among de eloping coun ies o LMICs
(Ra ha & Shaw 2007; Cas les & Delgado Wise 2008). Ra ha and Shaw es ima e
ha 74 million, o nea ly hal , o all mig an s om de eloping coun ies li e
and wo k in o he de eloping coun ies (2007). In ac , he analy ical ield o he
‘Global Sou h’ can indica e e y di e en ca ego ies o people and communi ies.
Fu he mo e, he gene al use o he e m in he con ex o mig a ion, as in he
case o Sou h‑Sou h and Sou h‑No h Mig a ion, obscu es he ac ha mig a ion
sys ems a e no con ained in a gi en space. Sou h‑Sou h mig an s’ ajec o ies
6 Me on Zeleke and Lah a Smi h
migh ha e an in ended des ina ion in he Global No h and bu also end up qui e
di e en ly. The discou se abou Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion should be concep ualized
in such a way ha he mobili y happening a in a‑ egional le els migh ha e a
p ospec o ex ending o in e ‑ egional Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion pa e ns happening
ac oss con inen s (ACP 2013; De Lombae de e al. 2014). Human mo emen s a e
complex and mul i‑di ec ional, a ely p edic able, and a e a ely planned in ad‑
ance. An addi ional c i ique o he e m ela es o he end in which he concep is
app op ia ed o show he in idious con as wi h Sou h‑No h Mig a ion pa e ns.
By going beyond such a me e con as o he Sou h‑No h mig a o y lows, he e is
a need o examine pa e ns in Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion in a gi en con ex (De Lom‑
bae de e al. 2014: 104).
The o he p oblema ic su ounding he e m is he unde lying assump ion in
he homogenei y o coun ies loca ed in he “No h” and “Sou h” (Bakewell e al.
2009). C ucial he e is how and in wha ways (i a all) mo emen s wi hin he Sou h,
and in his case, wi hin A ica, di e om mo emen ou o he Sou h, ha is, ou
o he con inen o A ica. While i may be ue as Bakewell and o he s sugges , ha
he e a e easons o ques ion ha dis inc ion, and o poin o he simila i ies ha exis
in mo emen s ou o he Global Sou h, as well as he di e ences wi hin he Global
Sou h (su ely ou cases in his olume poin o ha ich di e si y o expe ience),
i is also he case ha he e is a quali a i e di e ence in mo ing wi hin he egion/
Con inen han mo ing o Eu ope. Sha ed expe iences o con ac wi h he sla e
ade, Eu opean colonialism, and ela i ely low le els o human and economic de‑
elopmen shape pa e ns o mig a ion, among many o he ac o s (Bakewell 2009;
Pie e 2012; Campillo‑Ca e e 2013; Achiume 2019). The di e se socio‑economic
and poli ical de elopmen s and his o ical con ex s highly shape he di e ences
in he mig a ion ends and ajec o ies o di e en na ions loca ed in he Global
Sou h. Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ions ha e a numbe o dis inc i e ea u es ela ed o he
ole o bo de s, he s uc u e o he mig a ion lows, he nexus be ween mig a ion
and con lic , he mig a ion go e nance s uc u es, and so on (De Lombae de e al.
2014: 103). Fo ins ance, ecen wo k by an h opologis s like Hagan’s wo k in
Wes A ica d aws om he a gumen ha in con empo a y A ican socie ies, com‑
muni ies a e ho oughly s uc u ed h ough p ocesses o acializa ion and global
whi e sup emacy as a esul o sla e y and colonialism (Hagan 2019). In making
a legal case, Achiume a gues ha “legal schola ship, howe e , has insu icien ly
g appled wi h he implica ions o colonial and neocolonial subo dina ion o how
we should hink abou he e hics o in e na ional mig a ion and he heo y o e i o‑
ial na ion‑s a e so e eign y ha s uc u es i ” (Achiume 2019: 1519).
Despi e hese simila i ies o his o y, as Fiddian‑Qasmiyeh and Ca ella no e, he e
is so much a ie y wi hin he Global Sou h, and Sou h‑Sou h mig a o y lows a e
so di e se, ha one should be awa e ha hese exp essions a e “ine i ably o e sim‑
pli ica ions a bes , o sweeping gene aliza ions a wo s ” (2020: 203–204). Fo his
wo k, i may be less impo an o measu e o de ine wha ha di e ence is because
ou conce n is he expe iences o mig an s and o he s who a el ac oss and emain
wi hin A ica. Such an A ican Con inen al g ounding o he discussion challenges
he p io end o iewing he Global Sou h as i i we e a homogenized en i y.
The Impo ance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion (SSM) 7
Elemen s o geog aphy and sha ed his o y in e ac o incen i ize sub‑ egional
and con inen al mig a ion in ways ha a e hemsel es pa e ned. Sou he n A ‑
ica, o ins ance, has long his o ies o male‑labo mig a ion ha s uc u e and
ein o ce con empo a y mig a ions wi hin he sub‑ egion (Lubkemann 2009).
These end o encou age he g ow h o labo mig a ion in o Sou h A ica in he
pos ‑apa heid pe iod, despi e he challenges and esponse om bo h he s a e and
la ge socie y (Landau & Sega i 2009; Facchini, Mayda & Mendola 2013). The
Sahel has o med a geog aphic, eligious and ade co ido ha p eda es he a ‑
i al o Eu opean colonialis s in ways ha simila ly shape and s uc u e con em‑
po a y mig a ion co ido s (Raine i 2018; Hagan 2019). Likewise, he mig a ion
end obse ed in he No hwes e n and Eas e n ou es om E hiopia o he Su‑
dan and h ough Djibou i o he Gul S a es a e highly impac ed by he his o ical
de elopmen s in he co ido ela ed o he ca a an ade and long‑exis ing ade
ies (Haile Michael 2014). One o he new ends in in a‑ egional mig a ion is
he longe dis ance be ween places o o igin and des ina ion unlike ea lie ends
o in a‑ egional mig a ion o en happening be ween coun ies sha ing bo de s
(Adepoju 2008).
Thus, Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion is bo h a lens o s udy and a si e o in e oga ion.
Wha makes each o he cases in his olume “ he Sou h” is some hing we ha e
asked he con ibu o s o conside , e en as hei inclusion assumes hei loca ion
in ha space, bu in a ci cula ing sense. Mig an s in hose spaces (p esumably)
do no desi e o a e no able somehow o ge ou o “ he Sou h,” a leas no ye .
Howe e , i is also wo h asking his ques ion abou empo ali y. Fo some se o
mig an s, i may be ha he e is an e en ual goal o ge ing o Eu ope o No h
Ame ica, bu mo ing wi hin A ica is a i s s ep in hei plan, o accumula e mo e
unds o o he esou ces like connec ions o o he suppo o he onwa d jou ney.
O he s emba k on Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion because o he ease o ge ing a isa o
a des ina ion in he Global No h ou side o places o o igin, as he case o some
E hiopian mig an s in Sou h A ica indica es. S ill o o he s, hey may become
“s uck” in a ansi coun y and no ha e in ended o s ay he e. None heless,
we a gue ha while he e is analy ical alue o heo izing “ ansi coun ies” as
dis inc spaces (Collye 2007; Zeleke 2019), he e is also eason o hink o hose
who a e in hese coun ies as Sou h‑Sou h mig an s, no me ely ansi mig an s.
O en, hey s ay he e o long pe iods o ime and con ibu e esou ces o he
places hey a e, emi inancial esou ces home, and e en become mo e se led
han hey in ended. In hese spaces, hey de elop eligious and social connec ions
ha shape and ans o m hei own mig a ion jou neys and he communi ies in
which hey a e esiden .
Fiddian‑Qasmiyeh and Ca ella (2020: 205) sugges ha he use o he concep
o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion is help ul no jus as a concep ual ool o dissec and
unde s and mig a ion lows bu also o o se he he o ic o po aying mig an s
om he Global Sou h as g oups “in ading global No h.” As a olume ocusing
on examining he Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion dynamics in a gi en geog aphical space,
his wo k akes a Con inen al app oach ha allows a ho ough analysis. Below we
desc ibe mo e o hose hemes ha a e highligh ed by he a ious con ibu o s.
8 Me on Zeleke and Lah a Smi h
In a-Regional Mig a ion Dynamics: Agency, Resou ce Flows,
and Di e se Pa e ns o Mo emen
This book add esses ou impo an lacunae in mig a ion esea ch in A ica. The
i s and mos c ucial aim is o con ibu e o he e o o changing he Eu ocen‑
ic na a i e ha con inues o ma ginalize SSM, whe e he la ges amoun o mi‑
g a ion is occu ing. Because so much schola ship and policy analysis ocus on
Sou h‑No h Mig a ion (SNM), i skews he p esen a ion o he scale and dynamics
o he A ican mig a ion con ex (Mo Ib ahim Founda ion 2022). Fa mo e empi i‑
cal s udies on SSM a e needed o ed ess his imbalance and con ibu e o a di e se,
balanced, and heo ized conside a ion o wha hese o ms and pa e ns o mig a‑
ion a e. Al hough i is well known ha he g ea es p opo ion o mig an s om
he Global Sou h is des ined o o he coun ies in he egion, we do no ha e a
commensu a e schola ly unde s anding o he phenomena. The ew exis ing wo ks
a e ancho ed hema ically in a discussion o pa icula and speci ic hemes such
as bo de and mig a ion managemen (Moyo e al. 2021), child mig a ion wi hin
he con inen (Tho sen & Hashim 2011), he pa e ns o c oss‑bo de , u al– u al
mobili y (Van Dijk e al. 2001) o he nexus be ween mig a ion and de elopmen
(Cas les & Delgado Wise 2008). Because he his o ies o sla e y, colonialism, and
whi e sup emacy a e sha ed by A ican coun ies in pa icula , and e iden in he
an i‑Blackness ep esen ed by Eu opean and Ame ican an i‑immig an sen imen s
owa d mig an s om A ican coun ies, heo izing SSM in A ica necessa ily also
ad ances a c i ical app oach o ace and powe in he Global No h as well.
Two signi ican compa a i e esea ch p ojec s on mig a ion – he Mig a ing ou
o Po e y (MOOP) and he Mig a ion o De elopmen and Equali y (MIDEQ)
ha e a p ima y ocus on in a‑ egional mobili y in A ica. The MOOP Resea ch
P og amme Conso ium is ocused on he ela ionship be ween in e nal and e‑
gional mig a ion and po e y in A ica and Asia, and wo o he six mig a ion co ‑
ido s in he ongoing UKRI/GCRF MIDEQ esea ch p ojec , he wo ld’s la ges
compa a i e mig a ion esea ch p ojec , a e loca ed in A ica.1 Howe e , much
mo e wo k could and mus be done o heo ize he pa e ns and impac s o mig a‑
ion wi hin he Global Sou h, in his case wi hin and ac oss A ica. This edi ed
olume is one such endea o aiming o con ibu e o he p oduc ion o knowledge
on he pa e ns and impac s o mig a ion wi hin he Global Sou h.
A second con ibu ion o his olume is o add o he c ucial discussions ocused
on he agency o mig an s in he con ex o SSM, a heme ha is o en unde ‑
add essed o o e shadowed by he ic imhood discou se. By going beyond he
no ma i e ic imiza ion na a i e o mig an s o en emphasized in p io esea ch
(e.g. T iulzi & Mckenzie 2013; Ho man & Abidde 2021) o in policy ex s (e.g.,
AU 2018), he con ibu o s in his olume pay mo e ca e ul a en ion o he agency
o he mig an s, including he c ea i e s a egies hey employ while planning hei
mig a ion, nego ia ing hei p eca ious and ulne able posi ions and in hei li ed
expe iences in he des ina ion coun ies in he Global Sou h. The discussions o
mobili y in A ica o en po ay mig an s as indi iduals incapable o making a ea‑
soned decision. As De Haas a gues, such a iew is “de oid o any eal sense o
agency, as indi idual choices a e supposed o be en i ely p edic able ou comes o
The Impo ance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion (SSM) 9
indi idual cos –bene i analyses based on ixed, s a ic se s o assumed p e e ence”
(De Haas 2021: 30). We a gue ha such o e ‑gene aliza ion o en conceals he
agency o mig an s who end o make in o med decisions a di e en s ages o hei
jou ney, as p esen ed in Pa II o his edi ed olume.
P io s udies ha e indica ed ha he composi ion o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion is
di e en om he No h–Sou h Mig a ion lows, as Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion is ypi‑
cally concei ed as he mo emen o mig an s wi h lowe skills and educa ion le els
(Hujo & Pipe 2007) and hose a younge ages (McKenzie 2008). The ulne abil‑
i y discou se is also highligh ed in he con lic –mig a ion nexus, in which mig an s
in a sou h‑sou h con ex a e po ayed o be a ec ed mo e by wa s and con lic
han in he con ex o No h‑No h o No h‑Sou h Mig a ion (De Lombae de e al.
2014). The con ibu ions he e ocus on an unde s anding o he agency o mig an s
which builds on De Haas’s classical concep o he Aspi a ion‑Capabili y F ame‑
wo k (ACF), which is amed as a me a‑ heo y o mig a ion. De Haas app aised
ha neoclassical mig a ion heo y p esumed people’s pe cep ions and p e e ences
a e d i en by indi idual u ili y maximiza ion and a he asse ed he need o pay
a en ion o he ole o o he ac o s such as cul u e, educa ion and exposu e o
media in shaping people’s p e e ences and no ions o he ‘good li e’, pe sonal li e
aspi a ions and mo e (De Haas 2021). By building on his c i ique o he libe al
indi idualis ou look in mig a ion decision‑making esea ch, we ask i mig a ion
decision‑making should be analyzed wi h a me e ocus on economic push and pull
ac o s o mig a ion. Fu he mo e, we also build on Zeleke (2023) who a gues ha
mig a ion decision‑making in he A ican con ex should be analyzed as a com‑
munal decision‑making p ocess a he han as a decision made a an a omized indi‑
idual uni le el, especially in many A ican con ex s.
De Haas’s de ini ion o human mobili y as “people’s capabili y ( eedom) o
choose whe e o li e – including he op ion o s ay – ins ead o a mo e o less
au oma ed, passi e and ‘cause‑and‑e ec ’ esponse o a se o s a ic push and pull
ac o s,” accen s he need o pay a en ion o mobili y and immobili y in mig a ion
discou se (De Haas 2021: 2). Some li e a u e on A ican mig a ion pays mo e a en‑
ion o he mul i ace ed ac o s and ajec o ies a ec ing mig an s’ decision‑making
and po ays mig an s as ac o s who canno make a easoned decision. We a gue
such o e ‑gene aliza ion o en conceals he agency o mig an s, who end o make
in o med decisions a di e en s ages o hei jou ney and he con ibu ions made
in his olume clea ly exhibi he agency o mig an s in making in o med decisions
abou hei u he mobili y/immobili y.
While he e has been some c i ical wo k o challenge he passi i y o mig an s
in hei subjec i i y o smuggle s o a icke s by schola s (Raine i 2018; Belloni
2019; Zeleke 2019; Ca u h & Smi h 2022), he p ac i ione and policy li e a u e,
and especially he popula media po ayal o mig an s in he Global Sou h con‑
inues o sugges ha hei agency is so se e ely limi ed ha mig an s a e o en in
need o escue (IOM 2020). New esea ch ough o simul aneously engage wi h he
demand and supply side o mig a ion b oke age and he a ious in e media ies ha
enable he ansla ion o aspi a ion in o capabili y, making mig a ion a eali y and
unde s and he di e en mechanisms mig an s use o o e come he challenges hey
10 Me on Zeleke and Lah a Smi h
ace and hei di e en pa hways o inco po a ion a he place o des ina ions and
ansi wi hin A ica. Ve y o en, mig an s make in o med decisions abou mobil‑
i y and immobili y, by iden i ying he mig a o y ou es and hei inal des ina ions
and o he decisions hey mus make on a daily basis. While paying a en ion o
he s uc u al cons ain s ha can be e y eal, i is impo an o engage wi h he
agency and c ea i i y o he mig an s in coping wi h and o e coming he chal‑
lenges in he p ocesses o sus aining hei li es and making a li ing in bo h ansi
and des ina ion coun ies ac oss A ica. Hence, he discussions aised in he con i‑
bu ions he e emphasize Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion as a sou ce o i ali y, exp essions
o agency and ins ances o esilience, e en as mig an s ace eno mous challenges a
imes, om he s a e, om economic ci cums ances, and om social and poli ical
ci cums ances.
Mul iple cases in his olume expound he heme o mig an agency. Joseph Mu‑
je e’s con ibu ion unde sco es he agency o he mig an wo ke s in in o mal se le‑
men s in Sou h A ica on he ma gins o mining ope a ions. These mig an s ha e been
ema kably success ul a nego ia ing o jobs and basic ameni ies h ough he es ab‑
lishmen o communi y leade ship s uc u es and engagemen wi h o mal poli ical
ins i u ions. Leande Kandilige, Joseph Awe o i Ya o, and Joseph Mensah explo e
he ways in which Ghanaian mig an s o China use hei social ne wo ks, bo h in
Ghana and in China, o make complex and isky mig a ion jou neys success ul. This
con ibu ion u he alludes o he c ea i e s a egies he Ghanian mig an s use o
ge employed, such as eaching/ u o ing child en o hei p o esso s, showing he
agency o Ghanian mig an s, how hey use di e en mechanisms o o e come he
s uc u al immig a ion challenge pe aining o he egula ion ha bans s uden s om
wo king. Th ough a ocus on E hiopian mig an s o Sou h A ica and he Middle
Eas , he con ibu ion by Fana Geb esenbe poin s as well o he agency o mig an s
in choice‑making in he p ocess o deciding on he di e en des ina ions wi hin he
Global Sou h. The Hadiya in E hiopia in pa icula ha e inc easingly mo e in o ma‑
ion abou he di e en mig a ion ou es a ailable, he isks and bene i s o each and
hey make calcula ed and agen ic choices abou mig a ion jou neys. Simila ly, he
con ibu ion by Ti si Sahldengil challenges he dominan a gumen in he o ced
mig a ion li e a u e po aying he e ugee mo emen as an a bi a y mo emen
in which o ced mig an s lack he agency in choosing hei mig a ion ou es, and
hei espec i e des ina ions. The chap e demons a es ha e ugees om he G ea
Lakes egions li ing in he She kole e ugee camp in no hwes e n E hiopia con‑
s uc social ela edness wi h hos communi ies based on his o ical na a i es o a
‘common o igin’ and a desi e o li e peace ully in E hiopia. The ad an age o hese
dispa a e cases is ha hey no only highligh he cen al ole ha mig an s play in
choice‑making and s a egizing, bu hese a e cases o bo h so‑called ‘economic/ ol‑
un a y’ mig an s and e ugees and o he ‘ o ced/in olun a y’ mig an s. The empi i‑
cal e idence poin s o he ways in which indi iduals and communi ies on he mo e
can shape hei own des iny ou side o he bina ies and cons ain s assumed by he
li e a u e and policymake s alike.
The hi d key con ibu ion o he cases p esen ed in his olume is o help be ‑
e heo ize how he lows o esou ces om mig a ions con ibu e o he li es and
The Impo ance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion (SSM) 11
li elihoods o he mig an s, hei home communi ies, and hei social milieu. This
discussion o esou ce lows challenges wo mains eam lines o hinking. Fi s , i
ques ions he exis ing bias ha emphasizes an unequal and unidi ec ional low o
esou ces om he Global No h o he Sou h as he o me is conside ed o o e
mig an s a ‘g eene pas u e.’ The cases he e poin o he esou ce con ibu ions
wi hin SSM and he i ali y o hese lows. Secondly, inancial emi ances ha e
o long been a he cen e o he discussion o mig an ansna ionalism (Ve o ec
2009; Smi h & Sape 2019). Ou pe spec i e goes beyond his impo an ocus
on emi ances ha pays exclusi e a en ion o inancial esou ce low including
mone a y emi ances and diaspo a in es men (De Haas 2005; Van Hea 2014).
The la es changing mig a ion dynamics calls o a close look a new ac o s in‑
ol ed and new ypes o in e media ies, as well as c oss‑na ional businesses (Mue‑
nes e mann 2017). I is only ecen ly ha s udies ha e s a ed o eg ounding he
ole o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion in economic de elopmen and po e y educ ion
(Bakewell & Landau 2018). By going beyond a me e ocus on he low o inancial
esou ce and emi ances, and looking a human, social and communi y esou ce
emi ances, he con ibu ions in his olume unde sco e he low o knowledge,
skills, capabili ies, in o ma ion as well as inancial esou ces. In hei la es wo k,
Gelb e al. (2021) no e ha he low o knowledge is a heme ha is o en o e ‑
looked as a diaspo a in es men ca ego y. Diaspo as p o ide knowledge and skills
o hei coun y o o igin oge he wi h inance, h ough: skills and knowledge ne ‑
wo ks, skills and human capi al exchanges, and e u ning diaspo a en ep eneu s.
As Le i a gues, mig an s send home so much mo e han money, including social
emi ances such as new o e ised social no ms, p ac ices, iden i ies, and social
capi al (Le i 2001).
The con ibu ions he e expand he bounda ies and con en o ansna ional
lows in he con ex o SSM. The lows o esou ces a e hence widely concep u‑
alized in his wo k as in ol ing no only inancial esou ces and goods bu also
knowledge‑ ela ed esou ces, such as skills, ne wo ks, o in o ma ion. This be‑
comes e y in e es ing in ha he cases conside mig an s who a e conside ed o be
in ansi , hose who a e loca ed wi hin pa icula coun ies, and hose who jou ney
on and send his “capi al” home, esou ces unde s ood o be a ied and some imes
as . Fo example, in his con ibu ion De eje Feyissa add esses idea ional esou ce
lows wi hin he A ican con inen by paying a en ion o he expe iences o e‑
u ned E hiopian mig an s om Sou h A ica. His analysis o he knowledge low
explica es he di usion o libe al ideas wi hin he con inen and how such ideas
a e used o c i ique E hiopia’s his o ically en enched s a is concep ion o de el‑
opmen , as well as build local communi y de elopmen p ojec s. Lau en Ca u h
expounds on how he case o local aid wo ke s in he humani a ian aid indus y
e eals a limi ed o m o “ lexible ci izenship” wi hin he Global Sou h by exhibi ‑
ing he signi ican labo mig a ions o Somalis and o he E hiopians o aid wo k
in Eas A ica. Local concep ions o ci izenship and hospi ali y shape mobili ies in
hese con ex s. Tebkie a Alexand a Tapsoba and Bonayi Hube Dabi é examine
he low o aluable ag icul u al skills ca ied back o hei home communi ies
by mig an s in he Bu kina Faso ‑ Cô e d’I oi e mig a ion co ido . Fu he mo e,
12 Me on Zeleke and Lah a Smi h
he con ibu ion by Ti si Sahldengil shows how e ugees om he G ea Lakes
egion b ing in new se s o mining skills o hei e ugee a eas in E hiopia. The
language aining young Ghanaian mig an s o e in China i idly shows he low
o esou ces in he o m o knowledge and language skill wi hin coun ies in he
Global Sou h. The low o social emi ances in he egion en ails he ci cula ion o
knowledge, ideas, p ac ices, skills, and social capi al be ween di e se sending and
ecei ing communi ies loca ed in he Global Sou h.
People a e hemsel es esou ces, and mig an s a e esou ces, and indeed p o‑
ide knowledge and skills along he jou ney, pa icula ly when jou neys a e in e ‑
up ed, s alled, o blocked. Such a b oade app oach o low o esou ces builds
on he no ion o social emi ances ha ocuses on he ci cula ion o non‑ inancial
i ems in he con ex o mig a ion including low o ideas, di usion o p ac ices,
iden i ies, and social capi al (Le i 1998). By g ounding he discussion wi hin he
A ican con inen , he di e en con ibu ions p esen ed in Pa II d i e o wa d
esea ch on social emi ances and in a‑con inen al lows.
A ou h and inal con ibu ion o his olume is o home in on he local and he
speci ic. Much o he a ailable li e a u e on mig a ion esea ch in A ica is p i‑
ma ily ocused on mac o‑explana ions, and on he des ina ion‑coun y pe spec i e
(e.g., D iss El Ghazouani 2019). This book is a he ocused on places o o igin,
ansi , and des ina ion, and examines he mig a ion dynamics om mul i‑spa ial
pe spec i es and holis ically. Exis ing e idence indica e he e ogeneous and com‑
plex pa e ns o mobili y and mig a ion in he sou h (Tacoli 2001; Ma ukidze
2006), equi ing a close , local, and con ex ualized look and a nuanced analysis
o hese mig a ion ajec o ies. By challenging he mains eam discou se in mig a‑
ion esea ch ha ocuses on he No h as a des ina ion, he con ibu ions in his
olume posi he Global Sou h luidly and dynamically as a enas o o igin, ansi ,
and des ina ion. The la es end indica es he di e si ica ion o mig a ion des i‑
na ions on he con inen (Ma ukidze 2006). One o he majo limi a ions in he
concep ualiza ion o ansi mig a ion ela es o he Eu ocen ic unde ones o he
e m, in o med by an unde lying assump ion desc ibing EU coun ies as in ended
des ina ions o ansi mig an s (D ell 2012). Such p esump ion ecognizes coun‑
ies a he inges o Eu ope as main ansi coun ies while paying lesse a en ion
o coun ies loca ed u he away (Su e 2012). Some o he con ibu ions included
in he olume explo e he SSM dynamics by paying a en ion o he p e‑depa u e
phases, such as Fana Geb esenbe ’s s udy o E hiopian mig an s’ choices be ween
in a‑A ica mig a ion o e mig a ion o he Middle Eas . O he con ibu o s pay
close a en ion o he mig a ion phase o he jou ney and ansi expe iences, e‑
lec ing on issues o mig a ion ou e pa e ns and dynamics. Amina Saïd Chi é
and Gé aldine Pinauld conside he complexi ies o he concep o “ ansi ” by
conside ing he case o mig an s in and h ough Djibou i. Some o hese mig an s
a e “ ansi ing” in he classic sense o he e m, bu many mo e o hese mig an s
s ay, ei he by in en ion o by acciden . I is impe a i e o conside he ways in
which ansi becomes mul iple hings o di e en mig an s. Simila ly, Joha a Be ‑
iane ocuses on mig an s in Mo occo, ano he coun y o en concep ualized as a
“ ansi ” space. In ac , he e hnog aphic accoun s sugges some mig an s come o
The Impo ance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion (SSM) 13
eligious and his o ical easons, and some es ablish deep oo s, in his case o en
linked o eligious pilg image and communi y. Each o hese con ibu o s poin s o
he complexi y o he no ion o “ ansi ” and a “ ansi coun y,” when in ac many
o hese coun ies a e des ina ions in ac and in ou come.
Some o he con ibu ions add ess he li ed expe iences o mig an s upon a ‑
i al and in hei day‑ o‑day li es a di e en des ina ions ac oss he A ican con‑
inen . Mohamed Bakhi explo es he ich oppo uni ies o building ci izenship
among Sou h Sudanese li ing in he in o mal se lemen s in Kha oum, Sudan.
Joseph Muje e’s wo k in he pla inum mines o Sou h A ica also sugges s c ea‑
i e and e ec i e o ms o sociabili y ha link mig an s wi h local go e nance
and communi y li e. Ti si Sahldengil’s wo k in e ugee camps also demons a es
he in eg a ion, e en wi hou o mal ecogni ion, o e ugees and o ced mig an s,
pa icula ly when hey ha e skills such as mining.
Discussions on he des ina ion add essed by au ho s in his olume include
hemes e ol ing a ound employmen , li ing condi ions, and he social well‑being
o mig an s. Such a c i ical app aisal o mig a ion go e ning egimes links o Ca ‑
ling’s a gumen on he need o pay a en ion o o ced/in olun a y immobili y in
mig a ion esea ch in A ica whe e much o he emphasis has o long been on
mobili y (Ca ling 2002). As Schewel (2020) a gues, such a ocus on mobili y in
mig a ion heo ies ends o o e look he coun e ailing o ces ha es ic o esis
hem. The con ibu ions he ein exclusi ely expound on in a‑ egional/Con inen‑
al mobili y, hin ing a immobili y beyond he de ined geog aphic space, A ica.
Hence, we go beyond he dominan discou se in mig a ion esea ch ha po ays
mobili y and immobili y as bina y o ces. We a gue ha one o he majo limi a‑
ions in he concep ualiza ion o ansi mig a ion is he Eu ocen ic conno a ions
o he e m, which a e highly in o med by an unde lying assump ion ha consid‑
e s EU coun ies as in ended des ina ions o ansi mig an s, and pays li le o no
a en ion o coun ies loca ed u he away (D ell 2012; Zeleke 2018). Re u n
mig a ion in he con ex o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion, especially in in a‑con inen al
mig a ion unlike he mig a ion o emo e des ina ions, needs o be add essed wi h a
e e ence o how much p oximi y be ween places o o igin and des ina ion impac s
he end in e u n mig a ion dynamics.
Each con ibu ion in his olume is based on an in ensi e empi ical s udy un‑
de aken by he espec i e au ho s. The hemes aised by he con ibu o s a e also
c oss‑cu ing. Fu he mo e, he discussion goes beyond he dominan discou se o
poli icized mig a ion na a i es in A ica ha o en ocus on “mig a ion manage‑
men ” and wi h a Eu ocen ic ocus. Using an explici ly Global Sou h‑ ocused se
o case ma e ials, hese con ibu ions e‑ ocus academic inqui y on he ends and
pa e ns o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion wi hin and ac oss he A ican con inen . I is
also impo an o no e, as many schola s do, he gende ed na u e o mig a ion, and
o ha end, se e al con ibu o s pay pa icula a en ion o he ways in which wom‑
en’s mo i a ions and expe iences o mig a ion may be dis inc . Amina Saïd Chi é
and Gé aldine Pinauld conside he gende ed expe iences o E hiopian mig an s
who s ay in Djibou i, as well as hose who mig a e onwa d. Tebkie a Alexand a
Tapsoba and Bonayi Hube Dabi é also conside he easons o lowe emale
DOI: 10.4324/9781003368267-4
2 Pla inum Mining, Mig an Labou ,
and Communi y Fo ma ion in
In o mal Se lemen s in Rus enbu g,
Sou h A ica, 1994–2018
Joseph Muje e
In oduc ion
The epeal o apa heid‑e a spa ial con ols in he 1980s, labou mig a ion, and he
pla inum mining boom in he ea ly 2000s engende ed he apid g ow h o in o mal
se lemen s on he ma gins o mining ope a ions in Sou h A ica. Jus like he gold
mining indus y p eceding i , which elied on he labou ec ui men ag eemen s in
he egion and used labou ec ui men agencies such as he Wi wa e s and Na i e
Labou Associa ion (WNLA), pla inum mining also elied mainly on bo h mig an
labou om o he p o inces as well as coun ies such as Leso ho, Swaziland, and
Mozambique. Wi h he end o he compound sys em, mig an wo ke s and job‑
seeke s inc easingly se led in in o mal se lemen s ha eme ged on he ma gins o
mining se lemen s. While ex an li e a u e on labou mig ancy in sou he n A ica
exis s, he e is a dea h o s udies examining e e yday li e in in o mal se lemen s
on he ma gins o mining ope a ions and how denizens o hese se lemen s s ug‑
gle o ecogni ion and access o social ameni ies and mining jobs. In o mal se le‑
men s o shan y owns as seen in he empi ical da a p esen ed in his con ibu ion,
can be de ined as unplanned esiden ial se lemen s ha a e usually buil om poo
quali y ma e ial and lack basic ameni ies such as oads, wa e e icula ion, elec ic‑
i y, and heal h acili ies. Such se lemen s a e cha ac e ized by low s a e p esence
and e e yday s uggles o access o basic ameni ies.
This chap e examines he e e yday s uggles o labou mig an s li ing in in‑
o mal se lemen s on he ma gins o pla inum mining ope a ions a ound Rus en‑
bu g Town in Sou h A ica’s No h Wes P o ince. Rus enbu g has an es ima ed
popula ion o 574,000 in 2023. Howe e , he popula ion luc ua es due o labou
mig a ion. The chap e a gues ha he end o apa heid and he pla inum mining
boom o he ea ly 2000s esul ed in he apid inc ease in labou mig a ion wi hin
he egion o Sou he n A ica and he es ablishmen o in o mal se lemen s on he
ma gins o mining ope a ions. The chap e a gues ha ci izenship, land owne ship
egimes, and poli ics o belonging ha e shaped he s a egies deployed by esiden s
o hese in o mal se lemen s o cons uc hei belonging and demand access o
se ices and jobs. The con ibu ion analyses s a egies such as sel ‑p o isioning
o wha Cha e jee (2004) calls quie enc oachmen and communi y p o es s. In
addi ion, i examines how esiden s o hese se lemen s, who a e mos ly mig an s
22 Joseph Muje e
om o he p o inces and o he coun ies in he egion such as Leso ho, Mozam‑
bique, Bo swana, and Zimbabwe, cons uc and nego ia e hei belonging in hese
se lemen s. The chap e also discusses esiden s’ use o g ass oo s s uc u es o
o ganize hemsel es, demand ecogni ion, access o ameni ies, and job oppo uni‑
ies. O e all, he chap e d aws on he e e yday s uggles o esiden s o in o mal
se lemen s in Sou h A ica’s pla inum bel o ask b oade ques ions abou labou
mig a ion, belonging, access o jobs and he place o in o mal se lemen s in he
poli ical economy o mining in Sou h A ica.
B ie O e iew o Resea ch Me hodology and Concep ual
F amewo k
The s udy is mainly based on e hnog aphic esea ch conduc ed be ween 2012 and
2018 in he Ikemeleng In o mal
se lemen wi hin he amewo k o he au ho ’s Resea ch Associa eship in he
Socie y Wo k and Poli ics Ins i u e, Uni e si y o he Wi wa e s and, and he VW
Founda ion Knowledge o Tomo ow Pos doc o al Fellowships in he Humani‑
ies. Follow‑up in e iews we e conduc ed wi h he suppo o he Socie y Wo k
and Poli ics Ins i u e, Uni e si y o he Wi wa e s and. In e iews we e conduc ed
wi h people belonging o di e en sec ions o he communi ies: membe s o he
Communi y Policing Fo ums (CPFs), mine wo ke s, endo s, spaza shop owne s,
job seeke s, and councillo s, among o he s. Al hough some o he in e iews we e
s uc u ed o semi‑s uc u ed, mos we e in he o m o pe sonal eminiscences and
li e his o ies. Apa om his, he chap e also d aws on Rus enbu g Municipali y
eco ds ( om he Depa men o Human Se lemen s) ela ing o land acquisi ions
by he municipali y and he p ocess o upg ading in o mal se lemen s o o mal
ones and newspape epo s. These me hodological app oaches we e use ul in he‑
o ising he na u e o he e e yday s uggles o people li ing in in o mal se lemen s
close o pla inum mines.
Concep ually, he chap e d aws on Cha e jee (2004)’s concep o “poli ical
socie y” and Baya ’s (1997) concep o he “quie enc oachmen o he o dina y.”
Cha e jee uses he concep o “poli ical socie y” o dis inguish be ween o mally
o ganized poli ics and he poli ics o people li ing in in o mal se lemen s. Poli ical
socie y is cha ac e ized by he u ban poo ’s sub e si e ac s such as he occupa ion
o land and illici elec ici y, and wa e connec ions. Baya (2010) desc ibes such
ac ions as “quie enc oachmen o he o dina y.” This is a p ac ice in which he
u ban poo occupy open a eas in u ban a eas, ge oge he o demand ameni ies
such as elec ici y, heal h cen es, and wa e , and o ganize hemsel es o de end
hei gains (Baya 2010). Baya (2010) uses his concep o un a el he agency
o he u ban poo in hei s uggles o ecogni ion and access o se ices. In he
case o Rus enbu g, esiden s o in o mal se lemen s ope a e on he ma gins o
he o mal s uc u es o he s a e and de elop hei own g ass oo s s uc u es. The
absence o he s a e (e ec i e policing and p o ision o se ices) in hese se le‑
men s o ces esiden s o de elop o ganic s uc u es which hey use o p o ision
hemsel es h ough ‘quie enc oachmen ’ and mo e o e me hods such as se ice
Pla inum Mining, Mig an Labou , and Communi y Fo ma ion 23
deli e y p o es s. The absence o he s a e in hese places is mainly a esul o he
se lemen ’s lack o o icial ecogni ion wi hin he local municipali y and he ac
ha he se lemen s a e domina ed by mig an s, mos o whom a e undocumen ed.
W i ing abou in o mal se lemen s in India, Cha e jee a gues ha communi y
leade s in in o mal se lemen s a e o en keen o emphasize uni y in he communi y
a he expense o sha ed in e es s and desc ibe hei communi ies, in kinship e ms,
as a amily (Cha e jee 2004). This is some hing ha is common in in o mal se le‑
men s in Rus enbu g and is o en e lec ed in he names ha esiden s gi e o hese
se lemen s such as Ikemeleng (s and on you own ee ), Sondela (le us ga he
he e), and F eedom Pa k, among o he emo i e names. Despi e he p e alence o
he use o he kinship idiom in in o mal se lemen s, Cha e jee (2004, 57–58) a ‑
gues ha i is nei he kinship ies no cul u al a ini y ha binds hese people o‑
ge he bu “ a he , i ’s a collec i e occupa ion o a piece o land – a e i o y de ined
in ime and space and one ha is unde h ea .” The e a e laye s o inclusion and
exclusion depending on social loca ion and economic and poli ical changes. These
laye s impac one’s abili y o make claims o access esou ces ha may become
a ailable o hose conside ed legi ima e membe s o he communi y.
Al hough he expe iences o esiden s o in o mal se lemen s ac oss he globe
a e gene ally simila , local ci cums ances shape he expe iences o esiden s and
ame he ajec o ies o de elopmen he se lemen s ake (Baya 1997; 2000). In
he case o Ikemeleng In o mal se lemen s, which is he subjec o his chap e ,
pla inum mining, labou mig a ion, land owne ship egimes, and poli ics o be‑
longing shape he s a egies esiden s deploy in hei e e yday s uggles o ecog‑
ni ion and access o se ices and mining jobs.
Labou Mig a ion and In o mal Se lemen s in Sou h A ica:
A B ie O e iew
Since he mine al e olu ion in he la e 19 h cen u y, indus ial mining in Sou h
A ica has elied on mig an labou sou ced bo h wi hin Sou h A ica and om
o he coun ies in he egion (see C ush, Jee es & Yudelman 1991; Jee es 1985;
T imiklinio is, Go don & Zondo 2008). The demand o labou in Sou h A ica’s
diamond, gold, and pla inum, among o he mines, esul ed in he es ablishmen
o labou ec ui men ag eemen s be ween Sou h A ica and se e al coun ies
wi hin Sou he n A ica, Cen al A ica, and pa s o Eas A ica. Labou ec ui ‑
men agencies such as he Wi wa e s and Na i e Labou Associa ion (WNLA),
popula ly known as Wenela, ec ui ed labou o Sou h A ica’s gold mines om
he 1940s (C ush, Jee es & Yudelman 1991). In he 1970s, WNLA and he Na i e
Rec ui men Co po a ion (NRC) we e me ged o o m The Employmen Bu eau
o A ica (TEBA).
Simila ly, he pla inum mining indus y also elied on bo h local labou (es‑
pecially om he Eas e n Cape P o ince) and egional labou om coun ies
such as Leso ho and Mozambique. The Employmen Bu eau o A ica (TEBA)
began o ec ui labou o he pla inum mining sec o in he 1960s, g ow‑
ing o become he majo ec ui e o he sec o sou cing labou o pla inum
24 Joseph Muje e
companies such as Ampla s (Anglo Ame ican Pla inum L d), Impla s (Imapala
Pla inum L d), and Lonmin Plc ope a ing in Sou h A ica’s Bush eld Complex
(Fo es 2015, 512). TEBA ec ui ed labou ac oss sou he n A ica, especially
in Leso ho, Swaziland, and Mozambique, and wi hin Sou h A ican p o inces
(Fo es 2015, 511). Howe e , spa ial con ols du ing he apa heid e a limi ed
he mo emen o A ican wo ke s and la gely es ic ed hem om being e‑
c ui ed by he o icial labou ec ui men agencies. A ican wo ke s bo h om
wi hin Sou h A ica and egional mig an s om Leso ho, Swaziland, Mozam‑
bique, and Malawi, among o he coun ies we e also es ic ed mainly o in o ‑
mal se lemen s (shan y owns).
Al hough in o mal se lemen s cha ac e ized he de elopmen o u ban and
mining cen es in Sou h A ica since he 1890s, he epeal o apa heid‑e a spa ial
con ols in he 1980s was he majo impulse in hei apid inc ease and expansion
(Bonne 1990, 89; Mu ay 1987, 311). A e he epeal o laws ha es ic ed he
mo emen o A icans in 1986, he apa heid egime implemen ed he policy o
‘o de ly u baniza ion’ wi h he idea o allowing A icans o se le in u ban a eas as
long as hey could secu e a job and housing (Mu ay 1987, 311). This saw A ican
u ban in lux con ol being dependen upon one’s abili y o ge employmen and
housing which engende ed wha Colin Mu ay desc ibed as “displaced u baniza‑
ion” which was cha ac e ized by a lack o access o housing and o mal employ‑
men (Mu ay 1987, 311). As Mu ay ap ly pu s i ,
on he one hand, he apidly ‘u banized’ inhabi an s o he u al slums ha e
been in eg a ed, o a deg ee, in o me opoli an labou ma ke s. On he o he
hand, hey a e kep a a m’s leng h, as i we e, om majo ‘whi e’ indus ial
and esiden ial a eas.
(Mu ay 1987, 316)
Residen s o hese in o mal se lemen s we e, hus, in eg a ed in o he u ban poli ical
economies whils a he same ime hey emained on he u ban pe iphe y in e ms
o access o ameni ies and hei legi imacy.
I was wi hin he con ex o hese policies in he wiligh yea s o apa heid ha
in o mal se lemen s apidly inc eased and expanded. This was mo e p onounced
in mining owns such as Rus enbu g, which a ac ed mig an labou om ac oss
Sou h A ica and he sou he n A ican egion. The pla inum mining boom in he
ea ly 2000s especially a ac ed many jobseeke s in se e al p o inces in Sou h A ‑
ica and o he coun ies in he egion o he pla inum mines a ound Rus enbu g.
Jobseeke s ook ad an age o he eedom o mo emen ensh ined in he new con‑
s i u ion o bypass TEBA and use labou b oke s (labou con ac o s) o ge access
o jobs o di ec ly con ac he mining companies (see Fo es 2015, 512). Local
communi ies also ook ad an age o he ac ha Sou h A ica’s “Mining Chap e
called o mines o p omo e employmen and ad ance he economic wel a e o
Sou h A ican mining communi ies” o demand se ices and p e e en ial access o
jobs (Fo es 2015, 512). This encou aged he apid g ow h o in o mal se lemen s
on he ma gins o mining ope a ions.
Pla inum Mining, Mig an Labou , and Communi y Fo ma ion 25
As jobseeke s coalesced a ound pla inum mining ope a ions, se e al o hem
could no ind o mal accommoda ion, and hey had o se le in nume ous in o ‑
mal se lemen s eme ging on he ma gins o mining ope a ions. Bezuidenhou
and Buhlungu (2015, 539) a gued ha while he na ional a e age o people li ‑
ing in in o mal se lemen s was 15%, ha o Rus enbu g was 41%. This was
a esul o pla inum mines ha a ac ed mig an labou ha hen coalesced in
in o mal se lemen s on he ma gins o mining ope a ions a ound Rus enbu g.
In 2012, Rajak con ended ha he in o mal se lemen s in Rus enbu g accoun ed
o be ween 15 and 30% o he o al popula ion o he municipali y (Rajak 2012,
256). Mos o hese in o mal se lemen s do no ha e basic se ices such as ap
wa e , elec ici y, o heal h cen es, among o he ameni ies (Bezuidenhou &
Buhlungu 2015, 539).
The ac ha he esiden s o in o mal se lemen s hail om di e en p o inces,
e hnic g oups and na ionali ies o en gene a es he de elopmen o discou ses o in‑
clusion and exclusion. This usually esul ed in in e nal schisms and ensions wi hin
communi ies. Thus, al hough esiden s o in o mal se lemen s seem o be uni ed
by hei sha ed expe iences, benea h his enee o social cohesion a e in e nal
s uggles and social di e en ia ion based on ci izenship, e hnici y, and leng h o
s ay in he se lemen . In addi ion, al hough esiden s o in o mal se lemen s show
a g ea sense o a achmen o hei communi ies, hey also con inue o main ain
ne wo ks based on kinship, iendship, eligion, and home‑boy associa ions which
go beyond he in o mal se lemen . Fo ins ance, esiden s es ablished associa ions
such as bu ial socie ies, social clubs, and home‑boy associa ions ha b ough mi‑
g an s coming om he same p o ince o dis ic in o close ne wo ks.
The Se ing: Labou Mig a ion, In o mal Se lemen s, and Pla inum
Mining in Rus enbu g
The end o apa heid and he phasing ou o he compound sys em (a housing sys‑
em used o con ol A ican mig an wo ke s in which hey we e kep in secu i ized
single‑sex accommoda ion) saw an a endan inc ease in he numbe and size o in‑
o mal se lemen s a ound he mines (see Bezuidenhou & Buhlungu 2011). Mining
companies we e expec ed o con e single‑sex hos els in o decen amily accommo‑
da ion uni s and smalle mul iple‑occupan uni s. Mining companies also suppo ed
wo ke s h ough home owne ship schemes and ga e ‘li ing ou allowances’ o in‑
di iduals who could no be accommoda ed in he emodelled o me mine hos els
(Bezuidenhou & Buhlungu 2011, 252). Howe e , ins ead o using he bene i s o
en in he subu bs, mos employees chose o s ay in in o mal se lemen s whe e hey
en ed shacks o buil hei shacks ou o co uga ed shee s, imbe , sc ap me als, and
plas ics (Bezuidenhou & Buhlungu 2011, 252). By doing his, hey sa ed on accom‑
moda ion and anspo since mos in o mal se lemen s a e close o o e en be ween
mining sha s. As Bezuidenhou and Buhlungu ap ly pu i , “ a he han spending he
whole [li ing‑ou ] allowance on accommoda ion a hei places o wo k, hey [mine
wo ke s] cu hei cos s o he bone so as o sa e up money o e u n o hei u al
homes ead” (Bezuidenhou & Buhlungu 2011, 252). Thus, he phasing ou o he
26 Joseph Muje e
compound sys em coupled wi h he “li ing ou ” allowances sys em had a signi ican
impac on he g ow h o in o mal se lemen s in he pos ‑apa heid e a.
Mos in o mal se lemen s a ound Rus enbu g a e loca ed on p i a ely owned
land o land belonging o cus oma y au ho i ies. Ikemeleng in o mal se lemen ( o ‑
mally Ma ebeleng) s a ed as a squa e camp o a m wo ke s wo king on K oon‑
dal Fa m in he la e 1970s (Ma ie 2009). The se lemen , he e o e, p eda es he
pos ‑apa heid e a pla inum mining boom. Howe e , only a ew amilies we e li ing
in he se lemen be o e he end o he apa heid e a (In e iew wi h Jane Khumalo,
Ikemeleng, 1 Augus 2015). Aqua ius Pla inum Limi ed (one o he la ges pla inum
mining companies ope a ing in Rus enbu g du ing he pe iod) la e bough one o
he po ions o he a ms and began i s pla inum mining ope a ions in K oondal. The
o he po ions emained in he hands o a me s who con inued wi h hei a ming
ac i i ies. Howe e , he se lemen g ew apidly a e 1994 and nei he Aqua ius no
he a me s could s op he in lux o people o e ic hem om he land.
While he i s people o se le in Ikemeleng in o mal se lemen we e mos ly
a m wo ke s, in he 1990s mos esiden s became mine wo ke s, job seeke s, and
endo s. People became a ac ed o Ikemeleng by he possibili y o ge ing em‑
ployed by pla inum and ch ome mining companies in he a ea o engaging in end‑
ing and o he o ms o li elihood. Al hough he name Ma ebeleng’s e ymology is
unclea , esiden s loa hed his name because hey unde s ood i o mean a com‑
muni y composed o people om di e en e hnic backg ounds. The unce ain y
ega ding he name’s o igins ed in o he se lemen ’s iden i y as a communi y com‑
posed o people om di e en e hnic backg ounds. The communi y is composed o
bo h local and egional mig an s. The name, he e o e, e lec s he poli ics o exclu‑
sion in he No h Wes P o ince as i is a euphemism o a communi y o mig an s
and people who do no belong o he a ea. Residen s o his in o mal se lemen
loa hed his name and changed i o Ikemeleng, a Se swana name ha means ‘s and
on you own ee ’ (In e iew wi h E elyn Dube, Ikemeleng, 5 July 2012).
Al hough Tswana a m wo ke s es ablished Ikemeleng in o mal se lemen , and
despi e i being one o he mos e hnically di e se se lemen s a ound Rus enbu g,
he Xhosa and So ho a e he mos dominan g oups. Thus, al hough Tswana dom‑
ina es he No h Wes p o ince, in o mal se lemen s a ound mining ope a ions
end o be domina ed by labou mig an s om ou side he p o ince. Fu he mo e,
al hough he shacks a e no a anged in a pa icula ly o de ly manne , o en people
o he same e hnic g oup end o s ay wi h each o he . Simila ly, mig an s om
o he coun ies end o coalesce a ound speci ic encla es wi hin he in o mal se ‑
lemen . This was one o he s a egies used by egional mig an s om Leso ho,
Mozambique, Zimbabwe, and Zambia, among o he coun ies, o c ea e a sense o
belonging in he a ea. Thus, like many o he in o mal se lemen s in he pla inum
bel , Ikemeleng was a mel ing po o di e en e hnic g oups, languages, and na‑
ionali ies. The c ea ion o e hnic encla es wi hin mining se lemen s is one o he
legacies o he apa heid‑e a managemen o wo ke s in he mine hos els in which
“as a o m o con ol, mig an s we e sepa a ed in hos els based on e hnici y. Con‑
inui y o his segmen a ion is e lec ed in he new in o mal se lemen s eme ging
ac oss he Rus enbu g pla inum dis ic ” (Chinguno 2013, 641).
Pla inum Mining, Mig an Labou , and Communi y Fo ma ion 27
In o mal se lemen s b ing oge he di e en e hnic g oups and na ionali ies
which occasionally gene a es ensions among di e en g oups. I is no unusual o
iolen clashes o occu be ween membe s o di e en e hnic g oups in in o mal
se lemen s o e any hing om pe y jealousies o se ious issues such as mu de s.
As indica ed by esea ch pa icipan s, when any membe o he communi y is mu ‑
de ed, o he membe s o he communi y usually wan o know he e hnici y o he
ic im and ha o he pe pe a o , which hen usually igge s in e ‑e hnic iolence
(In e iew wi h Jane Moyo, Ikemeleng, 4 Augus 2015). E hnic s e eo ypes also
play a ole in anning e hnic ensions and discou ses o inclusion. Fo ins ance,
he p esence o So ho c iminal gangs in bo h Ikemeleng in o mal se lemen s ed
in o he s e eo ype ha So hos a e iolen . Dunba Moodie desc ibes how, du ing
he 2012 s ike a Impala pla inum, Xhosa‑speaking ock d ille ope a o s li ing in
in o mal se lemen s “used s a egically e ec i e iolence o ensu e solida i y om
he wide wo k o ce” (Moodie 2016, 842). They cha ac e ized hemsel es as “bee
ea ing s alwa s” and “madoda” while pejo a i ely e e ing o he Na ional Union
o Minewo ke s sha s ewa ds as “mu on ea e s” – a e m which was associa ed
wi h lesse men doing “less s enuous and dange ous jobs” (Moodie 2016, 842).
This e eals he complex na u e o wo kplace o ganizing and he con ex s which
engende ed e hnic iolence.
Mig an Labou , In o mal Se lemen s, and Local Communi ies
Al hough he de ini ion o who is local and who is no , especially o mig an wo k‑
e s, is con en ious, he si ua ion is e en mo e enuous o esiden s o in o mal
se lemen s. Fo hei pa , esiden s o in o mal se lemen s use my iad ways o
claim o belong and ge ecogni ion. This includes lobbying he local municipal‑
i y o o malize he in o mal se lemen , using hei Sou h A ican ci izenship o
make he a gumen ha e e yone who is a ci izen can enjoy ha igh anywhe e
in he coun y as well as claiming ha hey ha e been li ing in he communi y
o a long pe iod. Such s a egies, o cou se, exclude o eign mig an s who can‑
no claim belonging based on ci izenship. Some o hem, howe e , ge ma ied o
locals o claim ci izenship and belonging. Howe e , in mos ins ances, esiden s
o in o mal se lemen s ca y he ag o being mig an s who ha e weak claims o
belonging in he a ea. As Rajak (2012, 261) pu s i , he ca ego iza ion o esiden s
o in o mal se lemen s by municipali ies and mining companies as mig an s “un‑
de pins he ep esen a ion o he in o mal se lemen s as ansi o y, impe manen ,
and usually illegal, and in so doing ejec s claims o en i lemen by cas ing hei
inhabi an s – many o whom ha e li ed in he a ea o many yea s – as, in e ec ,
‘non‑s akeholde s’.” In o mal se lemen s a e, hus, iewed by o icials as places
o “non‑belonging” because hey a e cha ac e ized by illegali y. This is he com‑
plex con ex in which esiden s o bo h Ikemeleng in o mal se lemen s engage and
nego ia e wi h bo h he Rus enbu g Local Municipali y and mining companies o
p o ide se ices.
One way h ough which belonging is a icula ed in in o mal se lemen s and
o he a eas a ound he mines is h ough he issuing o p oo o esidence documen s
28 Joseph Muje e
and access o employmen oppo uni ies a he mines. These p oo o esidence
documen s a e usually a one‑page documen bea ing de ails such as he numbe o
he wa d, name o he bea e and hei add ess. The documen is hen signed and
s amped by ei he a Wa d Councillo o he Headman. The p oo o esidence docu‑
men is an essen ial documen because i is used o a ious pu poses including
opening bank accoun s, accessing se ices such as heal h and wa e , and accessing
jobs ese ed o locals. Mig an s a e o dina ily equi ed o p oduce a passpo wi h
a alid pe mi be o e hey can be issued wi h he p oo o esidence documen by
he Wa d Councillo . Wi hou a p oo o esidence documen , opening a bank ac‑
coun o ge ing a o mal job would be impossible.
Howe e , a p oo o esidence documen alone is usually insu icien o secu e
a job. The e is o en a need o one o be linked o local pa onage ne wo ks. Fo
example, in he Royal Ba okeng Na ion (RBN) a eas, apa om ob aining p oo
o esidence documen om a Headman (Kgosana), one mus also ha e a good
ela ionship wi h he Headman o ge he chance o ge employed by a company
ope a ing in he a ea. Those ou side he oyal pa onage ne wo ks would usually
ind i di icul o secu e jobs. This demons a es how labou mig an s ge excluded
om he de ini ion o “local” despi e he leng h o hei s ay in he a ea.
In o mal se lemen s in mining a eas a e mo ley collec ions o labou mig an s
and job seeke s om wi hin Sou h A ica and om o he coun ies in he egion.
Despi e he social di e en ia ion wi hin in o mal se lemen s, he popula i y o
communi y‑o ganized jobseeke and se ice‑deli e y p o es s demons a e ha
esiden s o hese se lemen s ha e common g ie ances and la gely iden i y mu‑
nicipali ies and mining companies as ha ing a c i ical ole o play in alle ia ing
hei su e ing. Consequen ly, hey use hei esidence in in o mal se lemen s o
c a a sense o belonging. Communi y leade s, who can be councillo s, membe s
o Communi y Policing Fo ums, o ounding membe s o he communi y, help in
a icula ing he discou ses o social cohesion by using he me apho o a amily and
imagined kinship. Fo example, communi y leade s desc ibed hei communi ies as
“one amily” and membe s o he communi y as b o he s and sis e s. Whils his
was mean o show ha he e was cohesion in he communi y, such desc ip ions
masked he in e nal con adic ions and hie a chies wi hin esiden s o he in o mal
se lemen s.
While esiden s o in o mal se lemen s build solida i ies and a sense o uni y
based on hei sha ed expe ience o li ing in an impo e ished in o mal se lemen ,
i is impo an o no e ha many o hese esiden s main ain s ong ies wi h hei
places o o igin. They send emi ances o suppo hei amilies in hei home
p o inces in Sou h A ica o hei coun ies o o igin i hey a e o eign na ionals.
As one Somali ope a ing a spaza shop in F eedom Pa k (Numbe 9) obse ed, mos
esiden s o in o mal se lemen s a el o hei u al homes du ing he Ch is mas
holidays which a ec s business o he ex en ha mos spaza shops close du ing
his pe iod (In e iew wi h Abdikadi Ali Hassan, Numbe Nine In o mal se le‑
men , 25 July 2015). Nkomo (2018) has demons a ed how homeboy ne wo ks
a e c ucial in he e e yday li es o esiden s o in o mal se lemen s as bo h mine
wo ke s and job seeke s main ain s ong ies based on whe e hey come om.
Pla inum Mining, Mig an Labou , and Communi y Fo ma ion 29
In Augus 2009, Ikemeleng in o mal se lemen engaged in a communi y p o es
a ge ing he su ounding mines. Residen s ba icaded oads and bu n y es. The
main objec i e o he p o es was o o ce mining companies wi h ope a ions in he
a ea o ecognize he communi y as a ‘local communi y’ dese ing o be suppo ed
h ough Co po a e Social Responsibili y p og ams. The communi y also wan ed
he mines o employ ‘local labou ’, in his case, membe s o he se lemen . One
o he posi i e ou comes o he p o es was ha membe s o he communi y we e
gi en an audience by mos o he manage s o he mines.
In 2011, he communi y en e ed an a angemen wi h Aqua ius Pla inum Lim‑
i ed and o he mines ha when a mine had acancies, especially o unskilled
and semi‑skilled jobs i would in o m he councillo who would in u n o wa d
names o he mines’ human esou ces manage s. This ga e bi h in 2012 o he
Unemploymen Fo um, a g ass oo s s uc u e aimed a secu ing jobs a he mines
o esiden s o he communi y, as well as ensu ing ha mining companies ga e
p e e en ial ea men o job seeke s om he communi y. The Unemploymen
Fo um is one o he mos c i ical g ass oo s s uc u es in he communi y. Resi‑
den s used his s uc u e o ge access o bo h con ac and pe manen posi ions
a he mines.
This ype o g ass oo s s uc u e is qui e common in communi ies loca ed close
o mining a eas. Wha is in e es ing abou Ikemeleng’s Unemploymen Fo um is
how esiden s unde s and he p oblem o unemploymen and he s a egies hey
employ o alle ia e i . When I i s a i ed in he communi y in 2012, I quickly
obse ed how job seeke s would mill a ound he communi y o ice all day, wai ‑
ing o he councillo o gi e hem p oo o esidence documen s, en e hem in he
job seeke s’ da abase o b ing some good news abou hei job sea ch a he mines.
When I inqui ed abou why job seeke s camped a he communi y o ice all day
long, he councillo explained:
Ou communi y is e y o ganized. We ha e an Unemploymen Fo um which
I chai . I is his o um ha engages he mines and ge s jobs o ‘lea ne ships’
o ou people. Fo example, when a mine ells us ha hey ha e 20 acancies
o unskilled labou we jus ake he names o 20 people who would be in ou
da abase and o wa d hei names o in e iews. This is a e y anspa en
sys em. We ollow he lis in ou da abase, and no one jumps he queue. Some
companies allow us o a end in e iews as obse e s o ensu e ha he e is
anspa ency.
(In e iew wi h Je ey Pu u, Ikemeleng Councillo ,
Ikemeleng In o mal se lemen , 22 July 2016)
Many esiden s in e iewed es i ied ha his sys em was wo king since se e al o
hem go employmen h ough his p ocess. Mining companies would also engage
unskilled job seeke s and ain hem o di e en ades and, i he e we e acan‑
cies, also employ hem.
Howe e , his sys em was augh wi h i s unce ain ies. Fo example, job seek‑
e s had no way o knowing whe he he job seeke s’ da abase lis was anspa en
DOI: 10.4324/9781003368267-5
3 Unpacking he Reasons o Dominance
o Sou h-Sou h Mig a ion
The E hiopian Case
Fana Geb esenbe
In oduc ion
I is no uncommon o ead he h ee ou es in e na ional i egula mig an s om
E hiopia, and he Ho n o A ica, ake: he Eas e n, he Sou he n, and he No he n.
The Eas e n ou e akes mig an s om a ious co ne s o he coun y – p ima ily
o igina ing om cen al and eas e n pa s o Tig ay (be o e he onse o he wa in
No he n E hiopia in No embe 2020), no heas e n pa s o Amha a egion, and
mo e ecen ly om pa s o O omia – o c ossing poin s o Somali e i o ies ( he
Issa in Djibou i, he Isaaq in Somaliland, and also Pun land) be o e c ossing o
he Gul coun ies h ough Yemen. The Sou he n ou e akes E hiopians, p ima ily
om Hadiya and Kamba a Zones o sou he n highlands, h ough Moyale o Kenya
heading owa ds Sou h A ica. The No he n ou e is aken by mig an s – wi h no
speci ic co e sending a ea – in ending o each Is ael o Wes e n Eu ope by pass‑
ing h ough Sudan (see Asnake & Fana 2021; Fasil 2017; Me on 2020).
B oadly speaking, he Eas e n and Sou he n ou es ha e des ina ions in he
Global Sou h, Gul s a es, and Sou h A ica, espec i ely, hus cons i u ing cases o
Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion (SSM), while he No he n ou e is a o m o Sou h‑No h
Mig a ion (SNM). As such, E hiopian in e na ional i egula mig a ion is e y
help ul o examine he in insic di e ences be ween SSM and SNM, and explain
he easons o he mo e pe asi e na u e o SSM. IOM igu es om 2020 (ci ed
in ACAPS 2021) o example indica e ha some 11,500 indi iduals c oss om he
Ho n o he Gul i egula ly e e y mon h, making up close o wo‑ hi ds o mobil‑
i y in he Ho n egion (IOM 14/02/2020; IOM 05/05/2020). Mo e speci ically, ac‑
co ding o A ica Renewal (2020 ci ed in ACAPS 2021), some 400,000 E hiopians
ook he eas e n ou e be ween 2017 and 2020 alone. IOM (2022) igu es om
2021 es ima e ha abou 10,243 E hiopians c oss Moyale annually aiming o each
Sou h A ica. E en ewe E hiopian mig an s ake he no he n ou e. The no he n
ou e is used “only in a e cases,” and he o al numbe o i egula mig an s each‑
ing Eu ope om he Ho n dec eased o less han 4,000 in 2018 (a qua e o he
igu es om 2016) due o a ious isks and es ic ions (Gi machew 2021).
This chap e – by ocusing on his o y and geog aphic p oximi y, capabil‑
i y equi emen s, geog aphic ba ie s, cul u al enable s, and hos socie ies’
socio‑economic and legal a angemen s – illus a es why SSM e ol es in o he
Reasons o Dominance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion 37
concen a ion o mig an s in some locali ies and he e en ual o ma ion o ‘mi‑
g a ion sys em’ (Bakewell, de Haas & Kubal 2011; de Haas 2009). The in en ion
he e o e is o depic he majo s uc u al explana ions o he ela i ely lowe ex‑
en o SNM, compa ed o SSM, a global le els oo (Ra ha 2016, 11).
This a gumen is made by using he aspi a ion‑capabili y app oach as an analy i‑
cal amewo k (de Haas 2021). All indi iduals a e conside ed agen s, conscious
ac o s weighing among iable op ions be o e making he decision o mig a e (o
no ) wi hin he cons ain s and oppo uni ies o he ex an s uc u al condi ions. As
such, s uc u al mac o‑le el ac o s only p o ide he con ex wi hin which agency
is enac ed, no eplacing he la e (on s uc u a ion see Giddens 1984; S ones
2005). A ocus on s uc u al, mac o‑le el ac o s alone will no in and by i sel
su icien ly explain he di e en ia ed decision o p ospec i e mig an s o each di ‑
e en des ina ions, in ou case sou he n des ina ions being p e e ed mo e han
no he n des ina ions.
While aspi ing is a necessa y ini ial s ep o i egula mig a ion, i is no su ‑
icien . I needs o be backed up wi h he capabili y o ealize he aspi a ion. Ca‑
pabili y could come in he o m o ha ing he physical capaci y o b a e he ha sh
ou es, he skills, and p edisposi ion o succeed in he jobs mig an s will be joining
in he des ina ion coun y, he inancial means o co e equi ed expenses as well
as he social ela ions o access in o ma ion as well as o enable mig a ion and se ‑
lemen in he des ina ion coun y.
In mo e ecen yea s, in e na ional mig a ion is concei ed as one s a egy o many
young E hiopians cha ing a decen u u e (see o example Fana 2021). D awing on
Appadu ai (2013), u u e‑making is depic ed in he chap e as a socio‑cul u al p o‑
cess1 wi hin which indi iduals d aw on pas expe iences/a chi es o he communi y
and wha hey a e ‘ augh ’ o imagine and aspi e in choosing he ack one would
adop owa ds he u u e. This chap e will a gue ha SSM is mo e likely o eme ge
as a e y s ong al e na i e o a ‘ iable u u e’ in co e sending a eas.
This iew o mig a ion as a communal, collec i e, and sha ed u u e‑making
p ojec o you h (and he communi y a la ge) in co e sending a eas calls o he u i‑
liza ion o a e ised Aspi a ion Capabili y F amewo k. The heo e ical oo s o he
ACF, pa icula ly as i ela es o capabili y and igh s, a e ancho ed in he libe al,
indi idualis academic adi ion (see Dean 2009; Ib ahim 2021). Such concep ions
do no ully cap u e A ican eali ies which a e p ima ily en enched in collec i is
no ions, no ms, and alues (see Kuhumba 2016; Me z 2016), and as a gued else‑
whe e (De eje, Me on & Fana 2023), he e is a need o e‑concep ualize and apply
he ACF wi h a ‘collec i is u n’.
This chap e is based on ex ensi e esea ch he au ho conduc ed on E hiopian
mig a ion since ea ly 2017.2 The emaining pa o his chap e is s uc u ed in
se en sec ions. The i s o e s a b ie con ex on E hiopian in e na ional mig a ion.
The coming i e sec ions p o ide he di e en ac o s explaining he en enched
and concen a ed na u e o SSM in E hiopia. The second sec ion co e s his o ical
ac o s which unde lie he en enched na u e o SSM in E hiopia. The hi d sec ion
u he builds on he i s and illus a es how di e en p ocesses help in he build‑
ing o capabili ies o indi iduals, households, and sending communi ies o enable
38 Fana Geb esenbe
sus ained mig a ion. The ou h sec ion compa es geog aphic ba ie s be ween he
h ee ou es in e na ional mig an s om E hiopia ake. The ollowing sec ion o‑
cuses on cul u e, in i s e y b oad de ini ion, as an enable and cons ain o mig a‑
ion o di e en des ina ions. The six h sec ion changes he ocus o he des ina ion
coun y and he implica ions o socio‑economic and legal condi ions o mig a ion
dynamics. The las sec ion concludes he chap e .
Co e Sending A eas o SSM: His o y Ma e s
Co e sending a eas a e de ined, o he pu pose o his chap e , as locali ies wi h
mo e han a decade‑long expe ience o mig a ion o a pa icula des ina ion. Cha ‑
ac e is ically, his expe ience o co e sending a eas builds a la ge p esence o mi‑
g an s om he locali y in he des ina ion coun y, social ne wo ks be ween hose
in he des ina ion, he o igin a ea, and in ansi , and a signi ican impac on con‑
sump ion and o he aspec s o socio‑economic li e o he sending communi y. The
p esence o such a co e sending a ea, i is a gued he e, is ealized h ough his o ical
dynamics, and will p o ide he momen um o con inued la ge‑scale mig a ion.
The pas weighs hea ily on he mig a ion decision‑making o po en ial mi‑
g an s. The decisions and success o p e ious mig an s help build aspi a ions o
p ospec i e mig an s among o he hings h ough emi ance‑based consump ion
and in es men in he sending a eas, as well as by c ea ing ne wo ks ha ease mi‑
g a ions o ollowe s. In E hiopia’s case (as well as mos o Sub‑Saha an A ica),
his o ic ela ionships wi h some impo an des ina ions ha e cul u al, eligious,
socio‑economic, and poli ical unde cu en s, and a e gene ally speaking geog aph‑
ically close o he sending a eas.
The poli ical economy o Gul coun ies expe ienced majo changes in he
1970s wi h he inc easing e enue om ossil uels. This led o he c ea ion and
consolida ion o a social pac in which he go e nmen ’s gua an eed cheap domes‑
ic labou , among o he s h ough he Ka alla labou sys em (see Asnake & Ze i‑
hun 2015; Wea ing 2014) in e u n o public acquiescence o he mona chy and
au ho i a ian go e nmen s o he egion. The neolibe al shi since he la e 1980s
had di e en ia ed impac s on gende ed labou a angemen s in he Middle Eas
and No he n A ica (see Moghadam 2005), bu did no signi ican ly a ec he
gende ed na u e o majo des ina ion a eas, pa icula ly Saudi A abia, o emale
labou o ce om E hiopia, le alone in he domes ic sphe e (see Ennis 2019, 62;
Jawha e al. 2022). This sys em con inued unaba ed un il he demands o e o m
g ew loude including demands o Saudiza ion o he labou o ce in Saudi A abia
(Looney 2004), and mo e pa icula ly since he ea ly 2010s when he ‘A ab Sp ing’
mo emen shocked hings a bi mo e (Wea ing 2014).
By he 1980s, he mig a ion o pionee s om eas e n pa s o Tig ay (and pos‑
sibly no heas e n Amha a) appea s o ha e s a ed (Ki os 2021, 225). This pe iod
was a ime o consecu i e ailu e o ains leading o amine and amine‑like con‑
di ions pa icula ly a ec ing his pa o he coun y (Ki os 2021). On op o his,
he la e 1970s also wi nessed poli ical iolence by he De g egime in esponse o
u ban‑based you h poli ical mo emen s in he la e 1970s and la e on he ac i i ies
Reasons o Dominance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion 39
o he an i‑De g Tig ay Peoples Libe a ion F on (TPLF) in Tig ay’s u al a eas. As
such, he e was a signi ican socio‑economic and poli ical push o ea ly mig a ion.
This desi e was also enabled by he ela i ely smalle dis ance o each he coas ‑
lines o he Red Sea in E i ea om pa s o eas e n Tig ay and no he n Wollo. As
such, he e y s a o he Eas e n ou e was in o mal, and was an a emp o cope
wi h challenges in he home a ea by apping in o he eme ging oppo uni y s uc‑
u es in he des ina ion coun ies.
This is also he case wi h he Sou he n ou e. The ea lies E hiopian mig an s
eached Sou h A ica as he la e was ansi ioning ou o he Apa heid sys em
o go e nance. A he ime, Black Sou h A icans did no ha e he en ep eneu ial
and business skills (see Republic o Sou h A ica 1994), while hei consump ion
inc eased ollowing he commencemen o cash assis ance p og amme o a wide
ange o social g oups – wa e e ans, child suppo , disabili y suppo , and ca e
dependency g an – c ea ed egula inancial suppo o poo households by he
Sou h A ican s a e (James 2015; To kelson 2020).3 On op o his, in he 1990s,
Sou h A ica had a e y libe al asylum policy which made i easie o mig an s
o ge asylum pe mi s and o e ime esidence pape s. Mo eo e , many mig an s
also bene i ed om he sympa hies o Sou h A ican women4 who had posi i e
iews owa ds E hiopia and E hiopians hanks o hei suppo o ANC du ing he
libe a ion s uggle (e.g., he mili a y aining o e ed o Nelson Mandela jus be o e
his imp isonmen , and he ac i e memo y o he images o poo amine‑s icken
E hiopians om abou a decade ago a he ime).5 The ollowing quo e om an
FGD (Hossanna, Augus 2021) illus a es his poin e y well:
Ou mig a ion o Sou h A ica was a mi acle. Mos o us e en did no know
Hosanna, le alone Sou h A ica. We wen o Sou h A ica c ossing 7 coun‑
ies. We s a ed making a lo o money by selling o Sou h A ican women.
We did ha wi hou knowing hei language no English. While Sou h A ‑
icans li ed in ma elous houses, we would en e wi h ou di and mud
and ap ou shoes on hei ca pe s. They we e e y iendly, especially he
women. They like he goods ha we b ing hem. We used o pu signs so ha
we would no lose di ec ion. The i s Hadiya who s a ed he loca ion busi‑
ness was Shiku o. He would simply say “Sawabona” (g ee ing) and “collec
money” (I came o collec he money). He didn’ speak any o he languages
o Sou h A ica. He would simply say “Sawabona” (Zulu wo d o g ee ‑
ing) and “collec money”. Tha was all he could o say and we ollowed
sui —Sawabona and collec money. We managed o do business only wi h
hese wo wo ds. I his is no a mi acle, wha else? Ou main pa ne s a e
Sou h A ican women. The men who ge money om he go e nmen use i
o alcohol.
As such, when E hiopians eached he des ina ion a eas hey we e ecei ed by an
oppo une combina ion o ac o s – a mo e a ou able asylum sys em and cash
ans e schemes which c ea ed pu chasing powe and libe alized asylum policies
which enabled ease o mo emen and wo k.
40 Fana Geb esenbe
The Hadiya (and Kamba a) domina ed he coho o E hiopian mig an s since
he 1990s due o a ange o ac o s. The s ong poli ical opposi ion agains he hen
uling pa y he E hiopian Peoples’ Re olu iona y Democ a ic F on (EPRDF) in
Hadiya, unlike o he pa s o he coun y, was me wi h ep ession and poli ical
iolence (T on oll 2001), jus i ying he in en ion o some o mig a e. In esponse,
some decided o mig a e. La e in he ea ly 2000s, he assignmen o Tes aye
Habisso, na i e o he Hadiya‑Kamba a a ea, as E hiopia’s Ambassado o Sou h
A ica and a p ophecy by Pas o Pe e Young en, a Canadian Ch is ian e angelis ,
ga e he addi ional impulse o he mig a ion. I is epo ed ha Ambassado Tes‑
aye acili a ed he mig a ion o a ew indi iduals, while i is also likely ha his
e y p esence in P e o ia ga e p ospec i e mig an s om Hadiya and Kamba a
an addi ional mo al boos . The p ophecy has i ha God spoke o Pas o Young en
and he message was ha a ‘new doo o he Sou h’ will be opened o hose om
Hadiya. Many emembe him as saying “I saw a ision o God opening a Sou he n
ou e o he Hadiya h ough which people will go and b ing back p ospe i y o
Hosanna” a he es i al held in 2001. This doo is blessed, and h ough he o ‑
unes ga he ed h ough i Hosanna, he capi al o Hadiya adminis a i e zone, will
be illed wi h buildings and ehicles ( a ious in e iews, see also De eje 2022 and
in his olume). The place o belie and he p ophecy in mig a ion decision‑making
can be illus a ed in he ollowing quo e om an in o man who came om Johan‑
nesbu g o a amily isi o Hosanna:
Pe e ’s p ophecy made he jou ney a lo easie han one would ha e ex‑
pec ed. I mig a ed o Sou h A ica in 2004, h ee yea s a e Pe e came. I was
a s uden a ha ime. I alked o my iends abou he idea o going o Sou h
A ica. They all eadily ag eed. When we decided o a el i el as i we
we e al eady in Sou h A ica. I emembe he en husiasm and he con idence
we had. We ne e hough o he isks we migh encoun e du ing he jou ney
and he language di icul ies we migh encoun e . In ac , i el like as i we
we e mo ing om one house o ano he wi hin Hadiya.
(Pas o Bi hanu, in e iewed in Hosanna, No embe 12, 2020)
In bo h he eas e n and sou he n ou es, E hiopians o pa icula locali ies we e
pushed by pa icula ac o s om hei home a eas, while hey we e ecei ed by an
oppo une mix o condi ions ha allowed hem o lou ish and enabled u he mi‑
g a ion o ollowe s in he coming yea s. In bo h cases, he pionee mig an s – he
ea lies mig an s who ook he isk and de eloped he linkages be ween a eas o
o igin and he des ina ion coun y, he eby acili a ing highe a es o mig a ion in
la e yea s (Bakewell, de Haas & Kubal 2011) – bene i ed om pa icula his o i‑
cal conjec u es o se le and o m a communi y in he des ina ion a eas. As will be
discussed below, he sec o s hey joined in he des ina ion coun ies enabled hem
o acili a e jobs o ollowe mig an s as well.
The his o ical ac o s unde pinning E hiopian mig a ion o he no he n des ina‑
ion coun ies a e e y di e en om hose de ailed abo e. The ea lies mig an s
a elled o Eu ope and No h Ame ica as s uden s du ing he impe ial imes and
Reasons o Dominance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion 41
o e s ayed ollowing he 1974 e olu ion and ensuing iolence. They we e la e
joined by young men and women who we e leeing e o campaigns o he mili a y
go e nmen . This la e g oup would i s become e ugees in immedia e neigbou ‑
ing coun ies be o e bene i ing om ese lemen p og ams o no he n coun ies
(Lyons 2007). The composi ion o new mig an s changed a e he 1991 egime
change, as hose a ou ing e hno‑linguis ic poli ical o ganiza ion had hei heydays
and hose ancho ing hei poli ics on pan‑E hiopian na ionalism we e ma ginalized.
The leade s we e pe secu ed, wi h some inding hei e uge in no he n coun ies.
G adua e s udy‑ ela ed mig a ion o hose wi h uni e si y deg ees inc eased oo.
As such, economic easons a e he p ima y ac o s o abou a hi d o mig an s
aking he no he n ou e (compa ed o mo e han 90% in he eas e n and sou he n
ou es), while educa ion (15%), amily euni ica ion (11%), and secu i y/poli ical
ac o s (9%) oge he make a compa able jus i ica ion o hose aking he no he n
ou e (Kuschminde , Ande sson & Siegel 2012).
Wha we he e o e see is he ‘dispe sed o igin’ o he ea lies as well as mo e e‑
cen mig an s aking he no he n ou e. On op o his, he na u e o he economies
and s onge s a e egula o y powe s in no he n des ina ion coun ies (see Sec ion
“Socio‑Economic Si ua ion and Legal A angemen s o he Des ina ion Coun y”)
na ow down he possibili ies o excessi ely bene i ing om some in o mal eco‑
nomic engagemen s and c ea ing he social ne wo ks o con inue a ac ing new
mig an s o join he sec o .
The e o e, wha we see is SSM om E hiopia being cons i u ed by and e ol ‑
ing unde pa icula his o ical ac o s which a ou he concen a ion o mig an s
om pa icula pa s o he coun y. On he o he side, SNM a ac ed hose wi h
di e se backg ounds bu wi h some academic achie emen s and hose acing poli i‑
cal pe secu ion. The e is no legi ima e eason o a gue ha he la e condi ions o
educa ional achie emen and poli ical pe secu ion lead o he concen a ion o mi‑
g an s om pa icula a eas. As such, he e is no co e sending a ea o SNM om
E hiopia, and as such he e a e limi ed capabili ies coming wi h ha when i comes
o enabling u he mig a ion, which he nex sec ion ocuses on.
Building he Capabili y o Mig a e
His o ical ends and he c ea ion o co e sending a eas in he case o SSM help
consolida e he aspi a ion o mig a e. This does no au oma ically ansla e in o
con inued mig a ion o people unless combined wi h a commensu a e inc ease in
he capabili y o do so. Two ac o s a e impo an o explain he ela i ely highe
lows o people using he eas e n and sou he n ou e ( hus SSM), han he no he n
(SNM): he ela i e cos and he ele ance o social ne wo ks.
A leas in he SSM ou es o i egula mig a ion om E hiopia, he des ina‑
ions a e much close o he sending a eas han des ina ions in he Global No h. On
op o his, he bo de egula o y capaci ies o Sou he n des ina ions a e ela i ely
weake han hose o No he n des ina ions. While his comes wi h he possibil‑
i y o e ading bo de egula o y au ho i ies6 o b ibing one’s way in o a Sou he n
des ina ion a a ela i ely cheape a e, he e is he accompanying highe isk o
42 Fana Geb esenbe
inhumane ea men and human igh s iola ions i cap u ed by bo de au ho i ies
o he Sou he n des ina ions.
No he n coun ies use a ious a emp s o con ol mig a ion, anging om us‑
ing economic incen i es o keep young po en ial mig an s in hei home coun y o
ex e naliza ion o hei bo de egimes (Clemens & Pos el 2018; Sa e wo ld 2019).
S ic e bo de egimes and con ol mechanisms will mainly push he cos o mi‑
g a ion as well as he associa ed isks upwa ds. While such policies a e gene ally
shown o ail in e ms o mee ing he a ge s o s emming mig a o y lows (Cas les
2004), wha is clea is ha he possibili ies o mig a ion inc easingly become lim‑
i ed o high‑capabili y g oups. Thus, such policies u he en ench how inequali y
shapes mig a ion p ocesses, by u he educing he abili ies o he powe less o
ealize hei mig a ion ambi ions.
High capabili y in his case could mean indi iduals wi h highe ‘budge alloca‑
ions’ ying o ealize hei mig a ion p ojec o indi iduals who a e mo e likely o
secu e a isa (be i as a s uden , amily isi , o e‑union). Bo h o hese capabili ies
could be be e me in mo e u ban a eas han u al a eas, and a e less likely o be
concen a ed in pa icula locali ies. This o m o mig a ion is he e o e mo e ap‑
pealing o po en ial mig an s o a ce ain social s anding, be i li e acy and/o weal h
s a us, han a place o esidence. Mo eo e , i a p io mig an is going o sponso
anyone, he choice will no be necessa ily geog aphically ocused (i.e., iendship,
amily,….), bu a he ocus mo e on he compe encies men ioned abo e.
On he con a y, he eas e n and sou he n ou es a e ela i ely cheape . The eas ‑
e n ou e is he cheapes , as low as 795 USD, leading o he labeling o his ou e
as a ‘budge ou e’ by some (IOM 2021). The sou he n ou e, which could cos as
much as 5,000 USD, is mo e expensi e han he eas e n ou e.7 Howe e , his cos
is no p ohibi i ely high as he likelihood o ge ing one’s mig a ion expenses co ‑
e ed by a sibling/ ela i e is highe among he Hadiya. Mo eo e , he likelihood o
eimbu sing his money is made easie by an a angemen , which could be dubbed
‘inden u ed labou ’ o abou wo yea s (Me on 2020).
Unde his a angemen , a p io mig an will open and s ock a new Tuck Shop
o he sponso ed mig an , wi h he la e being expec ed o ully gi e all e enue
o he sponso o a pe iod o wo yea s o so un il he ull expenses o he mi‑
g a ion a e epaid. On op o his, he expec ed di e en ial in pay o abou 1,300
USD pe mon h (IOM 2021) jus i ies he highe cos o he sou he n ou e. This
a angemen – called Boss‑Bo de ela ionship by mig an s – enables ea lie mi‑
g an s (Bosses) o sponso new mig an s who will hold he Bo de posi ion when
he Boss opens a new Tuck Shop. As such, chain mig a ion and business expansion
o bosses con inue o u he consolida e he SSM o Sou h A ica.
On he no he n ou e, cos s o mig a e om E hiopia o Eu ope o No h Ame ‑
ica a e much highe han he sou he n ou e. Unlike he eas e n and sou he n ou es
whe e employmen is he mos impo an eason o mig a ing (mo e han 90%),
educa ion, secu i y/poli ical conside a ions, and amily eunion a e impo an ea‑
sons as employmen in he no he n ou e. As such, he means o inancing mig a‑
ion also di e s wi h gi s om amily/ iends being he main one o mo e han
hal o esponden s aking he no he n ou e (abou a hi d in he o he ou es),
Reasons o Dominance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion 43
and selling asse s (0.64% compa ed o abou 5% in he o he ou es) and sa ings
(8.28% compa ed o 20.59% and 12.45% in sou he n and eas e n ou es, acco d‑
ingly) making negligible con ibu ion (Kuschminde , Ande sson & Siegel 2012).
Mo eo e , i one wan s o sponso a mig an , he e is no clea mechanism o a ‑
ange o he mig an o join a ce ain economic sec o , and hen epay he loan.
The e o e, he e a e se e ely limi ed possibili ies o c ea ing a co e sending a ea.
The consequences o he abo e‑lis ed wo ac o s wo k owa ds he en ench‑
men o he ‘cul u e o mig a ion’ (see Fana 2021; Me on 2020) in ela i ely con‑
ined locali ies, pa icula ly in u al a eas in he case o SSM and wi hin amilies
in cases o SNM. This will ha e he immedia e consequence o he concen a ion
o inancial emi ances and ela ed inc eased consump ion and a deg ee o highe
ma e ial de elopmen (p ima ily in he housing sec o ) in co e sending a eas in
SSM and pa icula households in SNM. The impac o mig a ion and emi ances
on consump ion could be el in Hosanna, whe e mig an amilies do no engage
in any ba gaining o he i ems hey buy, unlike o he amilies. This has c ea ed a
new class o consume s, dubbed Yehune (‘Le i be’) by ade s. This ma ke beha ‑
iou is pushing he p ices o daily consumables abo e neighbou ing owns ou side
Hadiya, o he disad an age o non‑mig an households who in es ed in educa ion
and joined he ci il se ice ea ly on. Mig an s ha e also inc eased land ma ke dy‑
namics and p ices, as well as p omo ing a local‑le el housing cons uc ion boom.
The la e is also isible in A sbi Endaselassie and Wuk o owns o Tig ay, bu
mo e imp essi ely in Hosanna and Bonosha owns o Hadiya.
In Hadiya, e u nees o en ge su p ised by he ease hei amilies spend money,
while he amily ha s ayed behind calls he e u nee ‘Ku alew’,8 and he e is a dis‑
inc ion be ween ‘ye‑lake’ and ‘ya‑lake’ amilies (mig an and non‑mig an ami‑
lies). The o me p o usely consume and buy wi hou ba gaining ( he ‘yehune’ (Le
i be)), while he la e ba gain. As one e u nee su mised:
When I i s isi ed Hosanna upon e u n om Sou h A ica, I was shocked
when I hea d he p ice ha I was hea ing om he shops. Nea ly all goods a e
much mo e expensi e in Hosanna han in Addis. When I asked people why is
i ha goods a e e y expensi e in Hosanna, hey old me abou he yihunes.
The ha d‑won money ha we sen o suppo amilies is was ed he e as i we
dig money; hus endless. I also ealised ha shopkeepe s, especially hose
who come ou side o Hadiya, ake ad an age o his i esponsible consump‑
ion. I you haggle o e a p ice hey would say, ‘a e you a mengis se a egna/
ci il se an ?’, as i being a ci il se an is some hing ha one has o be
ashamed o . Implici ly hey a e e e ing o he di e ence be ween mig an
and non‑mig an amilies and hei di e en spending beha io .
(In o man : e u nee mig an , Male, Hosanna, 12 Augus 2022)
Al hough no compa able o he Hadiya, e u nees om Saudi A abia a e ecog‑
nized o highe consump ion oo. The e was a locali y in A sbi Wenbe a called
‘Riyadh neigbou hood’ (implying ha he owne s a e hose in he Gul o wi h
amilies he e), and e u nees we e c i icized o a highe deg ee o consump ion,
44 Fana Geb esenbe
including a el o nea by owns o en e ainmen . One e u nee explained in he
ollowing wo ds:
In Saudi, buying coca and juice (soda and be e ages) is i ial. He e you
ha e o hink wice be o e buying a bo le o coca, lea e alone packed juice.
We a e si ing on di loo s he e, and we always hink o he day we will
e‑mig a e o Saudi. The case is he same wi h buying clo hes, mode n mo‑
bile phone appa a us and he like. Wha is li e i you canno buy wha you
wan , and enjoy i while you can!
(In o man : Re u nee Mig an , Female, Alama a, 23 Janua y 2017)
Mo eo e , mig a ion‑ ela ed discussions – on p og ess and a e o ecen ly de‑
pa ed mig an s, wo k condi ions o hose al eady in he des ina ion coun y, emi ‑
ances made and o he socio‑economic li e o mig an s – will be a ou ine pa o
communi y discussions a local le els in co e sending a eas (Te e i 2021). Such
discussions will also ha e a signi ican bea ing on he choices by placing mig a ion
among he impo an pa hs o a decen u u e. As such, mig a ion s ongly ea u es
among he leading iable al e na i es o a u u e in such locali ies han o he s. This
will c ea e a cyclical p ocess ha ein o ces he ‘cul u e o mig a ion’ and adds
u he impe us o he d i e.
Geog aphic Ba ie s
Mig a ion – pa icula ly i egula mig a ion – is a isky endea ou . The isks
in ol ed in mig a ion ha e inc eased in ecen decades as des ina ion coun‑
ies, especially in he Global No h, s a ed implemen ing s ic e bo de and
immig a ion policies. In no he n des ina ion coun ies o Eu ope and No h
Ame ica, eg essi e populis poli ical posi ions s a ed gaining ac ion since
he mid‑2000s (Laza idis & Wadia 2015). This has led o policy op ions ha a ‑
emp o close bo de s o o i egula mig an s and educe he chances o legal
mig a ion, he eby in ending o con ain mig an s in hei o igin a eas including
by economic incen i es (Du ield 2007). The e ugee c isis ollowing he wa
in Yemen and Sy ia, and he dissolu ion o Libya u he exace ba ed public
opinion and policy posi ions in Eu ope. Mo eo e , Eu ope a emp ed o expo
i s bo de managemen o ou side i s e i o ial limi s by coope a ing wi h No h
A ican coun ies (Adamson & Tsou apas 2019; No man & Micinski 2022).
S ic e con ol o e he Medi e anean Sea, which is c ossed by A ican mi‑
g an s in o mainland Eu ope, had i s sha e o adding manmade ba ie s o aspi ‑
ing mig an s.
These poli ical and policy‑gene a ed ba ie s came in o e ec only a e he
mig an eaches close o he coas lines. Fu he sou h o he coas lines o he
Medi e anean mig an s om E hiopia and he Ho n o A ica in gene al would
ha e o pass h ough he Saha a Dese . The Saha a Dese wi h i s na u al and
human‑made isks, e en wi h he se ices o skilled acili a o s o mig a ion, ends
up being he bu ial g ound o many mig an s (Rei ano & Tin i 2015). The na u al
Reasons o Dominance o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion 45
challenges a ising ou o ex eme desicca ion a e u he in ensi ied by he inse‑
cu i y and ebel and c iminal ac i i ies in pa s o no h‑wes e n Sudan, eas e n
Chad, and Libya. All hese in e ac ing na u al and manmade isks necessi a e he
se ices o smuggle s/ acili a o s, which do no come cheap. Wi h inc eased ees,
he numbe o E hiopian mig an s aking his ou e will be ( ela i e o he eas e n
and sou he n ou es) be lowe (Ibid.).
I is impe a i e o compa e he isks in ol ed in he no he n ou e wi h ha o
SSM. In he eas e n ou e, he isks in ol ed co e sho e dis ances in ol ed in
c ossing Somalia’s o Djibou i’s dese s, and hen c ossing a na ow s ip o he
Red Sea. The e is he addi ional isk b ough by he wa in Yemen in he pas ew
yea s, while he b eakdown o o de also allowed g ea e oom o a icke s o
manoeu e (Wilson‑Smi h 2019). The sou he n ou e is iskie , among o he s, as
i in ol es c ossing longe dis ances a e sing a leas ou coun ies (bu highe
i a mig an passes h ough Zambia and Zimbabwe) o long ips (o en om nea
Mombasa o he sou he n coas s o Mozambique) on shaky boa s on he Indian
Ocean o days.
The abo e discussion aimed o illus a e he di e en geog aphic ba ie s mi‑
g an s ace in he h ee ou es. S i e geog aphic ba ie s – including bo h na u al
and poli ical/manmade – will necessi a e he ole o si ua ed b oke s/ acili a o s
whose se ice ees inc ease wi h he inc ease in he le el o isks. Fo he majo ‑
i y o po en ial mig an s, he isks in ol ed in he eas e n and sou he n ou es a e
mo e ole able and somehow manageable. Al hough he ewa ds a e pe cei ed o
be highe in no he n des ina ions, he lack o capabili ies o mig a e legally o
he much highe isks o engaging in i egula mig a ion educes he numbe o
mig an s b a ing his ou e.
Cul u al En/Dis-able s
Cul u e – in he b oade sense, including eligion – a ec s mig a ion in gene al,
and SSM in pa icula .9 An illus a i e example he e is he Hadiya e m o explain‑
ing mig a ion o Sou h A ica as Da i ima, which akes male seasonal labou mi‑
g a ion as a i e o passage among he Hadiya. Acco ding o De eje, Hagen‑Zanke
and Mazzilli ( o hcoming):
Fo Hadiya, mig a ion has now become pa o he na u al o de o hings, in
which bo h long‑s anding cul u al no ms o socie y and new ends con e ge.
Conce ning cul u al no ms, Hadiya pe cei e mig a ion o Sou h A ica as
one – pe haps he ul ima e – exp ession o da i i ma. While he li e al mean‑
ing o his wo d is ‘ o s oll’, da i i ma commonly symbolises he physical
mobili y ha Hadiya ha e expe ienced and enjoyed since he beginning o
ime. As De eje (2022) poin s ou , in his con ex mig a ion is no only seen
as such, bu also as an exp ession o he human disposi ion o mo e, hus
pe ec ly na u al (p. 37). The egali a ian bu compe i i e na u e o he Hadiya
socie y, oge he wi h he guiding p inciples o da i i ma, p o ided a e ile
cul u al g ound whe e he mig a ion end could g ow s ong.
52 Fana Geb esenbe
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DOI: 10.4324/9781003368267-6
4 Explo ing he Li ed Expe iences
o Ghanaian Mig an s along he
Ghana-China Mig a ion Co ido
Leande Kandilige, Joseph Awe o i Ya o,
and Joseph Mensah
In oduc ion
In con empo a y imes, China–A ican ela ions ha e blossomed due o mu ual
economic in e es s, wi h China seeking ading and in es men oppo uni ies, ac‑
cess o cheap sou ces o aw ma e ials, and ex e nalisa ion o domes ic unemploy‑
men p essu es while A ican coun ies seek hea ily subsidised loans wi h ewe
condi ionali ies compa ed wi h loans om he B e on Woods Ins i u ions (Xiang,
2016). As Pa k (2009) no es, China posi ions i sel e y well wi h an i‑colonial as
well as pos ‑colonial na a i es in i s ela ions wi h A ica, and his o eign policy
posi ioning is e y a ac i e o he leade ship o mos A ican go e nmen s. As
such, China p ojec s i sel as a less pa onising and less condescending al e na i e
o he Eu opean and No h Ame ican de elopmen pa ne s o A ica, albei o h‑
e s iew he ela ionship as a he neo‑colonialis in na u e (Ba chelo & Zhang,
2017). China s a egically used aid as so powe du ing he Cold Wa pe iod o win
o e iendly A ican coun ies a he expense o he hen supe powe s (B au igam,
2003). The ela ions be ween China and A ica c ys allised wi h ime, and hey
became known as he Sino‑A ican ela ions ha encompassed his o ical, poli i‑
cal, economic, mili a y, social, and cul u al connec ions be ween China and A ica
(Felbo‑Kolding, Leschke & Sp eckelsen, 2019). None heless, China is included in
he nebulous ca ego isa ion o he global Sou h, which ends o e e o coun ies
ha a e unde de eloped and poo , in spi e o China’s supe io weal h o o e 17
illion USD in 2021 (as he second la ges economy globally) (Mo ison, 2019).
Low pe capi a income, excessi e unemploymen and lack o aluable capi al a e
o en used as c i e ia o ca ego ising hese coun ies (Wo ld Popula ion Re iew,
2023). Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion, especially o weal hie sou he n des ina ion coun‑
ies such as China, has also no been he ocus o mos ex an li e a u e.
The mos appa en o m in he Sino‑A ican ela ions has been economic, wi h
in es men in in as uc u e domina ing he Chinese po olio in A ica. Acco ding
o he Wo ld Bank, China’s inances ha e been he bed ock o se e al la ge‑ as well
as medium‑size in as uc u al p ojec s in A ica and he alue o hese packages
has isen sha ply be ween he ea ly 2000s and 2018 (Obeng, 2019). Beyond he
inancing o in as uc u e, China has sus ained a ading ela ionship wi h A ica,
he olume o which has inc eased exponen ially om US$1 billion o US$163
56 Leande Kandilige e al.
billion wi hin jus 32 yea s, be ween 1980 and 2012 (Leslie, 2018). As a esul o
supply chain dis up ions caused by he COVID‑19 pandemic, ade alues educed
o US$176 billion in 2020 om he 2019 alue o US$192 billion (China‑A ica
T ade Ins i u e, 2022).
Ghana is emblema ic o he expanding in e es o China in A ica. The ex an
li e a u e eco ds subs an ial Sino‑Ghana ela ions, including wa es o Chinese
mig a ion o Ghana om he 1950s (Hodzi, 2019; Jinpu & Ning, 2019). Ea lie
Chinese mig an s in Ghana p edominan ly ea u ed in he ex ile indus y (Xiaoy‑
ang, 2018). The sec o al ocus o Chinese mig an s shi ed o he cons uc ion and
enginee ing sec o s championed mos ly by Chinese s a e‑owned en e p ises be‑
ween he la e 1980s and ea ly 1990s (Amano & Chicha a, 2016). F om he 1990s
o da e, a conside able numbe o Chinese ha e mig a ed o Ghana o ope a e as
ade s o impo ed Chinese goods (such as elec ical equipmen and elec onic
appliances, ex iles, sola ‑powe ed appliances, and e e yday used goods), owne s
o Chinese es au an s, clinics, ish a ms, and small and la ge‑scale gold mining
(Jinpu & Ning, 2019). Chinese ade wi h Ghana and in es men s in a a ie y o
sec o s ha e seen a signi ican inc ease since he ea ly 2000s (China‑A ica T ade
Ins i u e, 2022; Haugen, 2018). Acco ding o Pilling (2018), be ween 2000 and
2014, he alue o Chinese in es men ose sha ply om US$4.4 million o US$1.6
billion and China became Ghana’s leading ading pa ne wi h bila e al ade in‑
c easing om less han US$100 million in 2000 o US$6.7 billion in 2017.
The sus ained ela ions be ween China and Ghana ha e in o med a ise in he
mig a ion o Ghanaians o China o mul iple easons, including o educa ion,
comme ce, and ou ism (Kandilige & Ya o, 2020). As no ed by Obeng (2019),
Ghanaian mig an s o China could be b oadly di ided in o ansien mig an s
(comp ising ansna ional ade s and business execu i es o Chinese companies)
and semi‑pe manen mig an s (including en ep eneu s, diploma s, eache s o
he English language, and e ia y s uden s). The con empo a y lows in a iably
ha e conside able e ec s on he economic dimensions o he li es o mig an s, mi‑
g an households, and he b oade communi ies, especially in he a eas o po e y
educ ion.
While he e is a bu geoning li e a u e on he ac i i ies o Chinese mig an s o
Ghana and hei a endan posi i e and nega i e impac s on Ghana (Doble 2008;
Gyedu, 2018; McNamee e al., 2012), e y li le is known abou he ac o s un‑
de gi ding he pe pe ua ion o Ghanaian mig a ion o China, and e en lesse s ill
is unde s ood ega ding he expe iences o Ghanaian immig an s in China. The
chap e con ibu es o he li e a u e by b oadening ou insigh s in o he Ghanaian
componen o he Ghana‑China mig a ion co ido . The ex an li e a u e on social
ne wo ks ocuses on how such ne wo ks ha e he po en ial o acili a e as well as
pe pe ua e mig a ion jou neys. Ou applica ion o he social ne wo k heo y ex‑
ends he discou ses o co e how mig an s’ li ed expe iences, e en a he des ina‑
ion, a e equally shaped by social ne wo ks.
We will explo e he key d i e s o mig a ion om Ghana o China and how
social ne wo ks media e he li ed expe iences o Ghanaian mig a ions o China.
This is essen ial as he li ed expe iences o mig an s wi hin he global sou he n
Li ed Expe iences o Ghanaian Mig an s 57
con ex a e o en missing in he mig a ion li e a u e. In ou iew, e en hough all
he ini ia ion and pe pe ua ion models a e impo an in mig a ion analysis, he p i‑
macy belongs o he dynamics o social ne wo k – and o some ex en , ins i u ional
ac o s, when i comes o ou unde s anding o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion, especially
as epi omised by mig a ion along he Ghana‑China co ido .
Da a o his chap e we e collec ed mainly using quali a i e esea ch me hods
(B yman, 2012; Cas o e al., 2010). A de ailed semi‑s uc u ed in e iew guide
was designed o aid in‑dep h in e iews wi h Ghanaian e u n mig an s om China.
The in‑dep h in e iews we e conduc ed wi h 39 e u nees: 31 males and 8 emales.
In e iewees we e be ween he ages o 21 and 45 yea s. Re u nees we e ec ui ed
mainly h ough pu posi e and snowball sampling echniques. We pu posi ely sam‑
pled e u nees who we e a leas 18 yea s old and had a leas Junio High School
quali ica ions. This is consis en wi h ex an li e a u e ha sugges s ha mos Gha‑
naian mig an s o China a e li e a e (Obeng, 2019; Teye e al., 2022). We used key
ga ekeepe s in he ading, educa ion, and ou ism sec o s o gain access o Ghana‑
ian mig an s who e u ned om China in he las en yea s. We elied on di e en
en y nodes in o de o a oid sampling he iews o close‑kni g oups ha migh
p o ide biased iews on hei expe iences o mig a ion. As such, we limi ed e e ‑
als om each g oup o a maximum o h ee pa icipan s. The main hemes co e ed
in he in e iews included easons o mig a ion, mig a ion decision‑making, he
oles o in e media ies, mig a ion expe iences in China, emi ance‑ sending be‑
ha iou , and changes o he li ing s anda ds o mig an households. Each in e iew
was abou an hou long. The in e iews we e conduc ed om May o July 2021.
To p o ec he iden i y o ou esea ch pa icipan s, we use pseudonyms in place o
hei names.
The P imacy o Social Ne wo ks in Sou h-Sou h Mig a ion
The e has been a ema kable inc ease in Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion, wi h bo h China
and Ghana deeply implica ed as bo h mig an ‑sending and ‑ ecei ing coun ies.
This end has changed he socio‑economic and cul u al dynamics o many coun‑
ies in he Global Sou h, p omp ing many ci izens in he egion o lea n how o
li e wi h di e en people in close qua e s – e.g., as neighbou s o co‑wo ke s. Ye ,
he heo e ical base o ou unde s anding o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion has emained
woe ully unde de eloped. As i s ands now, he e is no cohe en se o heo ies o
acili a e a sus ained analysis o he eme ging ends in Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion.
Mo eo e , while he e a e some s udies (e.g. Agadjanian, 2008; Mala ji, 2021)
dealing wi h in a‑A ican mig a ion, esea ch on he mig a ion o A icans o o he
Sou he n egions is pa icula ly lacking. Meanwhile, he e a e some ea u es ha
make a ypical Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion somewha di e en om i s sou h‑no h
coun e pa , as we shall soon see om ou explo a ion o he quali a i e da a on he
Ghana‑China mig a ion co ido .
Massey e al. (1997) ca ego ised in e na ional mig a ion heo ies in o mig a ion
ini ia ion and pe pe ua ion heo ies. The o me ocus on he ac o s ha compel
people o mig a e in he i s place, while he la e conce n he a iables ha sus ain
58 Leande Kandilige e al.
he mig a ion p ocess once i is s a ed. Examples o he ini ia ion heo ies a e he
neoclassical economics heo y, he new economics o labou mig a ion (NELM),
and he wo ld‑sys ems heo y, while he ne wo k and ins i u ional heo ies a e ex‑
amples o he pe pe ua ion models. As no ed by Newland (2009), mig a ion could
also be ci cula – epea ed empo al mo emen s ac oss bo de s, ei he o mally o
in o mally, usually o wo k, and in ol ing he same mig an s.
Wha mo i a es Ghanaians o mig a e o China, and ice e sa, conside ing ha
bo h coun ies a e in he global Sou h (i.e., ou side he g oup o Wes e n Ad anced
Na ions), e en hough China is anked highe , in 2021, along he spec um o de‑
elopmen by mos ya ds icks, including he Human De elopmen Index (UNDP,
2022)? The e is no simple eason why Ghanaians mig a e o China; s ill, one can
plausibly posi ha he mo e is p omp ed mainly by economics. Fo one hing,
mos Sou he n des ina ions (e.g., China o Ghana) do no ha e he necessa y social
ins i u ions ha os e he se lemen o a la ge numbe o mig an s om di e ‑
en e hno‑cul u al backg ounds, as is he case o Canada, Aus alia, o he Uni ed
S a es.
I , hen, economics is he key o his Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion, he neoclassical
economics and he NELM heo ies a e no use ul as explana o y heu is ics. F om
he o me , we know ha people ini ia e mig a ion mos ly o ake ad an age o
wage di e en ials be ween he o igin and des ina ion. This model is based on as‑
sump ions o a ionali y, pe ec knowledge, and ce e is pa ibus. Howe e , om
beha iou al economics, we know ha e e y hing is ne e equal; and, in his pa ‑
icula case, ins i u ional cons ain s conce ning he acquisi ion o isa and wo k
pe mi s a e always a play, no o men ion he p oblems o acism. How applicable
is he NELM, by which mig a ion decisions a e made by households, a he han
indi idual mig an s, o di e si y he sou ces o hei household income (de Haas &
Fokkema, 2011; Jensen & Pede sen, 2007)? While he NELM has some e aci y,
i is also inadequa e, since in Ghana, as in many A ican coun ies, i is an “open
sec e ” ha mig an s do no mos ly disclose hei mig a ion plans o iends and
amily. Many in A ica ha e he supe s i ious belie ha one’s enemies could sabo‑
age one’s a el plans, ei he ma e ially o spi i ually, when hey ge o know abou
hese plans p io o he jou ney (Nya o , 2019).
O he pe pe ua ion models, we gi e p imacy o he ne wo k heo y and, o some
ex en , he ins i u ional heo y, in ou analysis o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion. Acco d‑
ing o ne wo k heo y, in e na ional mig a ion is sus ained h ough in e pe sonal
connec ions among mig an s, o me mig an s, and non‑mig an s in bo h he o igin
and he des ina ion (Massey e al., 1993: 448). Ne wo k heo is s ega d mig an s
as ac o s who a e capable o d awing on bo h angible and in angible esou ces o
hei bene i . F om he s andpoin o his heo y, once he numbe o ne wo k con‑
nec ions eaches a c i ical mass, mig a ion becomes sel ‑pe pe ua ing, by way o
cumula i e causa ion‑a‑la‑Gunna My dal (1957). Ne wo k connec ions a e a o m
o social capi al ha mig an s use o gain access o employmen , accommoda ion,
and o he se ices ab oad. Social capi al in his sense e e s o he “abili y ac o s
o secu e bene i s by i ue o membe ship in social ne wo ks o o he social s uc‑
u es” (Po es, 1998: 6). Fo social capi al o be accessible and bene icial, a pe son
Li ed Expe iences o Ghanaian Mig an s 59
mus ela e o o he s, and hese o he pe sons a e he ac ual sou ce o he capi al o
ad an age. To be use ul, social ne wo ks, and hei a endan social capi al, mus
be main ained, nou ished, and s eng hened h ough mul iple in e ac ions be ween
membe s. Thus, he acquisi ion o social capi al ha unde gi ds he ne wo k heo y
o mig a ion equi es a delibe a e in es men o esou ces (e.g., ime) owa ds ena‑
bling and inspi ing people o mig a e. As we shall soon see, social ne wo ks play a
c ucial ole in a Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion con ex o os e he p ocu emen o com‑
modi ies, housing, employmen , local and o eign cu encies, business pa ne s,
employees, and ansla o s—jus as one would expec in mos Sou h‑No h Mig a‑
ion con ex s.
The ins i u ional heo y, as p esen ed by Massey e al. (1997), places i s em‑
phasis on he ac i i ies o p i a e and non‑p o i (im)mig a ion o ganisa ions ha
aim o “sa is y he demand c ea ed by he imbalance be ween he la ge numbe o
people who seek en y in o capi al‑ ich coun ies and he limi ed numbe o im‑
mig an isas hese coun ies ypically o e ” (p. 265). These ins i u ional ac o s
include immig a ion consul an s, a el agen s, and employmen agencies, which
assis in he acquisi ion o a el, immig a ion, and employmen documen s o he
mig an . E en hough mig a ion along he Ghana‑China co ido equi es a isa a
bo h ends, he isa applica ion is, a guably, nowhe e as unce ain and one ous as
one would ind in applying o a isa om Ghana o China o a No he n coun y,
such as he Uni ed S a es, Canada, Ge many, o B i ain. I is wi h his in mind ha
we do no place much emphasis on he ins i u ional heo y, ela i e o he ne wo k
heo y, a leas as he wo heo ies apply o mig a ion along he Ghana‑China co ‑
ido . In ac , in bo h Ghana and China, mos o he unc ions pe o med by such
mig a ion ins i u ions a e o en main ained h ough social ne wo ks.
Obeng‑Odoom, in his ecen wo k, Global Mig a ion beyond Limi s (2022),
b oadens he concep ion o “ins i u ion” o include class, gende , eligion, ace,
and land, placing his emphasis on he la e . As he igh ly no es, he impo ance
o land in he heo isa ion o mig a ion goes beyond i s ole in u al–u ban mi‑
g a ion o i s s a us as a me e epiphenomenon o capi al (as o en po ayed in
Ma xis analysis o mig a ion). Issues o land a e implica ed in nea ly all ypes o
mig a ion, because o hei abili y o p oduce and sus ain inequali y and s a i ica‑
ion o income, weal h, and ace. Expec edly, we acknowledge he impo ance o
acism in unde s anding mig a ion in a sou h‑sou h con ex in gene al, and in he
Ghana‑China co ido in pa icula . Indeed, any sligh acquain ance wi h he li ed
expe ience o Chinese in Ghana and o Ghanaians in China would eadily show
ha acism is a majo social p oblem o mig an s a bo h ends o his co ido . A
he same ime, since he labou ma ke s o mos sou he n des ina ions, including
bo h China and Ghana, a e, a guably, no as igidly segmen ed along acial lines, as
is o en he case in No he n des ina ions (e.g., Uni ed S a es, Canada, and B i ain),
he impac o he acial ac o is cu ailed a bi in a Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion con ex .
In ac , in mos No he n coun ies, he social labelling, and he a endan seg‑
men a ion, o some jobs as immig an jobs o e hno‑ acial mino i y jobs is a he
igid, ela i e o wha ob ains in mos Sou he n des ina ions. This is no ha d o
en isage, since employmen oppo uni ies and he di e si y o jobs a e gene ally
60 Leande Kandilige e al.
highe in he global No h han in he Sou h, and, consequen ly, ci izens in he
No h end o ha e he luxu y o such nega i e agging o jobs as “immig an jobs,”
han do ci izens o he global Sou h. O cou se, we a e only a guing in ela i e
e ms he e; and we a e by no means downplaying he impac o acism on i s ic‑
ims, be hey in No he n o Sou he n des ina ions. S ill since pull and push o ces
o mig a ion a e o en sensi i e o socio‑economic dispa i ies be ween o igins and
des ina ions, any ime he dispa i y is no ha high, he impac o he pull o push
ac o in ol ed is cu ailed (Lee, 1966). Simila ly, since he subjuga ion o emales
by males is, a guably, gene ally highe in mos Sou he n coun ies (Aguila , 2002;
Hal ac ee, 1995), including bo h China and Ghana ( ela i e o No he n coun ies),
he in luence o pa ia chy as a pull o push ac o in a Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion
con ex is no ha s ong. I bea s s essing ha ou a gumen is no ha hese in‑
s i u ional ac o s (i.e., land, ace, o gende ) do no ma e , bu only ha hey a e
no as consequen ial in he Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion con ex , as in he Sou h‑No h
Mig a ion con ex – his is why we place ou emphasis on he ne wo k ac o s.
Mig a ion o Ghanaians o China and he Role o Social Ne wo ks
China has become a des ina ion o choice o Ghanaian s uden s looking o schol‑
a ships o suppo hei pos g adua e s udies, especially in he na u al sciences.
Se e al unded pos g adua e p og ammes and p o essional cou ses in li e/biologi‑
cal sciences, such as medicine and physical sciences such as physics, chemis y,
ea h sciences, and as onomy ha e been made a ailable o A ican s uden s ac oss
di e en Chinese uni e si ies. The con inuing o e ‑subsc ip ion and exo bi an
ees o Eu opean and No h Ame ican uni e si ies ha e led o a sha p up ake o
academic oppo uni ies ou side o he adi ional cen es o e ia y educa ion, in‑
cluding China. Ghanaian s uden s ha e emb aced he no el pos g adua e oppo u‑
ni ies in China. The e a e speci ic schola ships a ge ing s uden s om de eloping
coun ies, especially A ican coun ies, and he ui ion ees a e ela i ely lowe
compa ed wi h hose om Eu opean and No h Ame ican Uni e si ies. As Pilling
(2018) epo ed, an es ima ed 6,500 Ghanaian s uden s s udied in China in 2018
(making Ghana he op supplie o A ican s uden s o China). In addi ion, mig a‑
ion o he pu pose o wo king in he cons uc ion sec o in China, he eaching o
he English language as well as he pu chase o manu ac u ed goods o e ail in
Ghana ha e cha ac e ised in e na ional mig a ion along he Ghana‑China co ido .
The o e whelming majo i y o hese mig a ion jou neys a e empo a y and ci cula
in na u e. As such, e u n mig a ion o Ghana is expec ed om he ou se . This is
pa ly because e u n is a co e equi emen o schola ships o Chinese uni e si ies,
while businesspe sons s a egically access p e e en ial ma ke s in China o p ocu e
commodi ies ha a e in high demand in Ghana and hen ei he supply e aile s o
s ock hei own shops in majo ci ies and owns ac oss he coun y.
Social ne wo ks acili a e a eedback loop o in o ma ion ha in o ms he deci‑
sion o p ospec i e Ghanaian s uden s o China in a ge ing hei applica ions o
subjec s and uni e si ies ha p o ide gene ous schola ship unding. The majo i y
o he in e iewees wen o China o educa ional pu poses, wi h he con ic ion
Li ed Expe iences o Ghanaian Mig an s 61
ha China p o ides s uden s access o sophis ica ed echnological equipmen o
ca y ou esea ch and o he academic wo k a he e ia y le el. They also belie e,
based on p io in o ma ion by social ne wo ks in China, ha he unding pack‑
age is qui e gene ous o enable s uden s who a e on schola ships o ocus on hei
academic wo k, wi hou he need o look o paid employmen . In line wi h his
p inciple, China p ohibi s in e na ional s uden s, especially hose on schola ships,
om wo king. The pu sui o a good educa ion, in addi ion o an explo a ion o a
di e en cul u e, including he language, he ood, and he en i onmen se ed as
a key mo i a ing ac o o s uden mig a ions om Ghana o China. O e ime,
uni e si ies in some p o inces ha e been excep ionally welcoming o in e na ional
s uden s, in spi e o complain s o disc imina ion and acism expe ienced by s u‑
den s who wo ked on pa ‑ ime basis ou side o hei uni e si y campuses. This is
how one in e iewee desc ibed his a ionale o choosing China:
I chose China because o hei ad ancemen in enginee ing educa ion…I
also enjoyed he schola ship package I had as an in e na ional s uden . I had
ee accommoda ion, ee ui ion and a mon hly s ipend o abou 3000 Cedis
[equi alen o US$508].1
(A awune, Male e u n mig an
om Senya Bi eku in he Cen al Region o Ghana)
Simila ly, some s uden s who ail o gain admission in o Ghanaian uni e si ies
o comple e hei p e e ed cou ses apply and secu e ull schola ships in China.
Se jua, o ins ance, was ejec ed admission o a Ghanaian uni e si y o comple e
a pe oleum and echnology‑ ela ed p og amme, bu he gained admission wi h a
ull schola ship o a Chinese Uni e si y o s udy in he same p og amme. His suc‑
cess was enabled by in o ma ion and p ac ical suppo ha we e p o ided by a
iend o his who was al eady s udying in China. The abili y o s uden s who do
no gain admission in Ghana p ocu ing ull schola ships poin s ei he o he lowe
en y equi emen s in China compa ed o in Ghana o simply g ea e oppo uni ies
in China. This leads o some con es a ion on he equi alence o he alue o a de‑
g ee ob ained in China compa ed wi h one in Ghana, especially in he p o essional
sec o s.
P esen ly, an inc easing numbe o uni e si ies in Ghana a e es ablishing ex‑
change p og ams wi h Chinese uni e si ies, including he hos ing o Con ucius
Cen es2 o he s udy o Chinese cul u e. These collabo a ions allow o he en ol‑
men o Ghanaian s uden s on pos g adua e s udies on a “sandwich basis” whe e
s uden s a e equi ed o spend some ime in bo h coun ies. Simila ly, Ghanaian
s uden s who s udy medicine comple e he i s i e yea s o hei aining in China
and mus e u n o Ghana o ca y ou hei in e nship (housemanship) o a yea
be o e e u ning o China o comple e hei s udies. This somewha suppo s hei
inse ion in o he medical sys em in Ghana upon hei e u n.
In line wi h he geopoli ical ealignmen wi h China assuming a mo e p ominen
posi ion globally, some Ghanaian mig an s epo ed ha hey we e d awn o China
as a des ina ion o choice because hey ind he coun y as he leading global powe
68 Leande Kandilige e al.
anyone in Ghana because he was wo ied ha people migh ake ad an age o him.
He paid o all his loans and only bough mobile phones o key pe sons in his am‑
ily du ing his e u n ip o Ghana.
I had o sa e enough o come and es ablish my own i m he e. I could ha e
sen a ew Yuan pe iodically o some people he e bu i did so, hey would
hink I was picking he money om he s ee s in China, and hey would keep
elling me abou hei p oblems. Some would e en lie o me o ge my money
and was e i . I did no wan ha o happen o me. So, om he wo d go, I old
hem I was an illegal mig an in China, and I was no ge ing a good job o
e en pay my bills. Some o hem e en had pi y o me.
(Azumah, Male, Cons uc ion Enginee , om Cape Coas
in he Cen al Region)
Ano he e u n mig an (A awune), who wo ked as a s uc u al enginee se up a
join business oge he wi h his colleagues and hey p o ided se ices o clien s in
Ghana e en p io o his e u n:
I s a ed a business wi h my iends. We a e a eam o s uc u al enginee s so
we se up a company ha looked in o s uc u al enginee ing. Fo example,
when a clien con ac s me o a s uc u al design o a building, mysel and my
eam he e, we wo k on i and hen we gi e he pe son he p ice and nego ia e.
I we ag ee on he p ice, hen we do he wo k and send i o him in Ghana.
(A awune, Male e u n mig an om Senya Bi eku
in he Cen al Region o Ghana)
Akin o Azumah, Ananga did no send any emi ances o Ghana. Ins ead, he had
an exis ing business in Ghana om whe e he ex ended suppo o amily membe s
who we e in need. He s a ed ha wha e e he ea ned in China was used o p o ide
o his pe sonal expenses.
Conclusion
As ou da a show, mos o he Ghanaians who go o China go o educa ional
pu poses, mos ly as in e na ional schola ship s uden s, by which hey ake ad‑
an age o eaching English as a second language o mid‑ and uppe ‑income
Chinese amilies. Since hei schola ships o en p ohibi hem om wo king,
hese s uden s ou inely seek such English‑ eaching job oppo uni ies om hei
own supe iso s and p o esso s ( o each he la e ’s child en a hei homes),
and he eby escape he su eillance o law en o cemen agen s. Ano he signi i‑
can coho o Ghanaian immig an s in China a e businesspe sons who come o
(wo k and) pu chase commodi ies o sale back home. While some Ghanaian
immig an s in China wo k in cons uc ion, manu ac u ing, se ices, and o he
sec o s o he economy, hese wo ke s a e no ha many, no only because o
he limi ed job oppo uni ies in China, gi en hei own massi e popula ion, bu
Li ed Expe iences o Ghanaian Mig an s 69
also because o ins i u ional ba ie s ha ing o do wi h he acquisi ion o em‑
ploymen and esiden pe mi s and an i‑Black acism. Ou indings indica e ha
ega dless o he social class, gende , educa ion, o age o Ghanaian immig an s
in China, social ne wo ks play a c ucial ole in hei immig a ion and se le‑
men p ocesses – in ac , mo e so han any o he impe us, as a as ou indings
a e conce ned. Ghanaian mig an s also display bo h indi idual and collec i e
agency by adop ing ways and means o e ading he s ic egula o y egime in
China, elying on hei social ne wo ks. We a gue ha his allows mig an s o
be e nego ia e hei ulne abili ies and p eca i y wi hin China. We also a gue
ha he global Sou h is no an undi e en ia ed collec ion o coun ies bu ha
oppo uni ies exis in iche global sou he n coun ies [such as China] ha con‑
s i u e simila pull ac o s o aspi ing mig an s, as hose ha exis in so‑called
global no he n coun ies.
Ou applica ion o he social ne wo k heo y wi hin a Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion
con ex has helped o expand he heo y’s scope o include acili a ing he ealisa‑
ion o mig a ion aspi a ions, nego ia ing complex li ed expe iences a des ina‑
ions, e u n p epa edness planning and enhancing he likelihood o sus ainable
ein eg a ion upon e u n. An i‑Black acism and disc imina ion in China a e pa ly
endu ed and/o esis ed h ough ne wo k membe s.
Since many o he Ghanaian s uden s eadily ind employmen as English
u o s in China, ou s udy ecommends u he s udies on how he wo coun‑
ies can de elop bila e al a angemen s o acili a e he eaching o English by
Ghanaians in China o hei mu ual bene i . I China can exchange loans o
esou ces in A ica, pe haps Ghana can exchange he eaching o English o
loans – his is ce ainly wo h explo ing in he g and scheme o in e na ional
de elopmen along his pa icula mig a ion co ido . Secondly, ou s udy
ound ha Ghanaian s uden s ge easonably good echnical and p ac ical sci‑
en i ic aining in China, ela i e o wha compa able s uden s ge in Ghana. A
he same ime, mos o hese Ghanaian s uden s a e unable o pu hei ech‑
nical aining in o p ac ice upon hei e u n. Thus, he need o ind ou wha
ac o s in he home en i onmen unde mine he use o such p ac ical expe ise
canno be o e ‑emphasised, i Ghana is o mo e o wa d wi h any meaning ul
impo subs i u ion indus ialisa ion p og am. Finally, he enowned Ma xis
geog aphe Da id Ha ey long alked abou he endency o capi alis s o use
“spa ial ix,” o spa ial manoeu es, such as mo ing plan s om one place o
ano he , o acili a e capi al accumula ion. Rela edly, i would be in e es ing o
examine whe he Ghana and China a e using, o can use, some o m o “mi‑
g a ion ix” (Bi d & Schmid, 2021) along his sou h‑sou h co ido o assuage
hei espec i e you h employmen challenges and, he eby, boos hei capi al
accumula ion.
No es
1 1 US dolla = 5.9 Ghana Cedis a he ime o he esea ch in 2021.
2 Cul u al cen es ocused on he p omo ion o Chinese cul u e, language, and in e es s.
3 1 US dolla = 6.5 Chinese Yuan a he ime o he ieldwo k in 2021.
70 Leande Kandilige e al.
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DOI: 10.4324/9781003368267-7
5 Looking beyond he Vic imhood
Discou se
The Case o Fo ced Mig an s
in he Global Sou h
Ti si Sahldengil
In oduc ion
The spa ial and social displacemen o people is becoming a global phenomenon.
Pa icula ly since he ea ly 1990s, he e has been a d ama ic inc ease in he mo e‑
men o people a ound he globe. By 2014, he igu e o e ugees in he wo ld had
su passed he la ges numbe o people who we e displaced du ing WWII (UN‑
HCR 2016). Humani a ian dono s and he hos coun ies ha e been inc easingly
o e whelmed by he ex ended demand o suppo ing e ugees and mul idimen‑
sional and complica ed p oblems o up oo edness.
As coun ies in he Global No h a e inc easingly encing hei bo de s in ea o
he e ugee in lux om he Global Sou h, he da a shows ha he majo i y o e u‑
gees end up in low‑income coun ies. Acco ding o UNHCR, in mid‑2022, he e
we e 32.5 million e ugees (UNHCR 2022a). The epo also shows ha 74% o
hese e ugees eside in low‑ and middle‑income coun ies and 69% o he e ugees
eside in neighbo ing coun ies. E hiopia is a good example o he case ha he
Global Sou h is a signi ican des ina ion o e ugees. Despi e he ac ha cu en ly
he e a e abou 4,509,081 In e nally Displaced people IDPs in E hiopia (IOM 2022),
he coun y is also hos ing 837,533 egis e ed e ugees and asylum seeke s om
neighbo ing and non‑neighbo ing coun ies (UNHCR 2022b). Among 103 million
displaced people in he wo ld, mo e han 5 million o hem eside in E hiopia.
Fo ced mig a ion li e a u e mos ly po ays he e ugee mo emen as an a bi‑
a y mo emen in which o ced mig an s lack he agency o choose hei espec i e
des ina ions. Mo eo e , he e ugee mo emen in A ica is mainly cha ac e ized
by he ac ha e ugees’ des ina ion choices a e limi ed by geog aphical p oxim‑
i y. This chap e challenges his dominan iew and explo es he agency o e u‑
gees in making a choice among hos ing camps in A ica. She kole e ugee camp
is among he i e e ugee camps ound in Wes e n E hiopia’s Benishangul‑Gumuz
Regional S a e. As in he case o o he camps in di e en A ican coun ies, he
camp was o iginally es ablished o se e e ugees c ossing he bo de om Su‑
dan and Sou h Sudan. P ac ically, i is hos ing e ugees om o he pa s o A ica,
including hose coming om Came oon, Libe ia, Tanzania, he Democ a ic Re‑
public o Congo, Bu undi, and Rwanda. Though E hiopia doesn’ sha e a di ec
bo de wi h he G ea Lakes coun ies, She kole e ugee camp is p edominan ly
74 Ti si Sahldengil
occupied by e ugees om he G ea Lakes Region. These e ugees a i e a he
camp by c ossing and ansi ing h ough se e al coun ies in Eas e n A ica. This
chap e explo es he agency o o ced mig an s in making in o med decisions and
hei agency in place‑making. By d awing on an e hnog aphic s udy conduc ed in
his camp o e a pe iod o i e yea s, his con ibu ion shows how he mig an s
capi alize on o al his o y, pa icula ly hose who claim o be Banyamulenge Tu si,
belie ing in he e hnic ies hey claim wi h he E hiopian people. The chap e will
demons a e how e ugees om he G ea Lakes egions li ing in She kole e ugee
camp cons uc hei his o ical na a i es o in eg a e and build a ha monious ela‑
ionship wi h he hos communi y.
The da a used in his chap e d aws on a quali a i e s udy conduc ed as pa o
he au ho ’s PhD esea ch be ween 2016 and 2021. Du ing he i s phase o he
s udy in 2017, key in o man in e iews (KII), in‑dep h in e iews (IDI), and ocus
g oup discussions (FGDs) we e conduc ed wi h e ugees, he hos communi y, UN‑
HCR, ARRA ( he E hiopian Adminis a ion o Re ugees and Re u nee A ai s),
ecen ly enamed as RRS (Re ugees and Re u nees Se ice), and o he membe s o
he go e nmen o ices a Regional le el in E hiopia. In Augus 2019, he second
majo ound o ieldwo k was conduc ed, whe eby 73 in‑dep h in e iews wi h
e ugees om di e en coun ies we e unde aken. Du ing his ieldwo k, e ugees
om di e en na ionali ies we e in e iewed wi h he pu pose o unde s anding
he ac o s in o ming hei decision o lea e hei espec i e home coun ies, hei
mig a ion ajec o ies as well as hei eason o choose E hiopia as hei p e e ed
des ina ion. The open‑ended ques ions and he ollow‑up in e iews also p o ided
he esea che an oppo uni y o explo e he e ugees’ expe ience du ing hei jou ‑
ney and hei expec a ions om hei des ina ion. Re ugees om di e en na ion‑
ali ies we e inco po a ed in o he s udy in o de o ap in o di e en expe iences.
Twen y‑ i e key in o man in e iews we e conduc ed wi h he hos go e nmen
ep esen a i es a egional and ede al le els. The empi ical da a ob ained om he
ieldwo k we e supplemen ed by indings om he li e a u e e iew. Focus G oup
Discussions (FGDs) we e also conduc ed wi h a ious e ugee g oups and hos
communi ies. The FGDs we e o ganized in he way ha conside ed he na ional‑
i y o he e ugees o allow open discussion abou he ac o s o mig a ion, hei
mig a ion ajec o ies, and common easons o choosing E hiopia as a des ina ion.
The ocus g oup discussions we e conduc ed o iangula e he da a ob ained om
indi idual in o man s.
The e was also a con inuous communica ion wi h in o man s h ough phone
calls so as o upda e some de elopmen s, and also o make clea any ambigu‑
ous in o ma ion ha is ga he ed du ing he main cou se o he ieldwo k. All
he in o man s’ names used in his s udy a e pseudonyms in o de o p o ec he
esea ch pa icipan s.
This chap e is in ended o show he agency o e ugees in making choices abou
hei des ina ion and he ways in which hey c ea e a na a i e o in eg a e wi h
o he s a hei des ina ion. The sec ion “Re lec ions on Agency o Re ugees and
Fo ced Mig an s” in his chap e p esen s a b ie e iew o key li e a u e on he
agency o e ugees o choose hei des ina ion. The sec ion “B ie O e iew o
Looking beyond he Vic imhood Discou se 75
Re ugees Camps in Benishangul‑Gumuz Region” p o ides basic backg ound in‑
o ma ion abou She kole e ugee camp. The sec ion “Discussing Agency o Re u‑
gees om he G ea Lakes Region” p esen s empi ical da a abou he easons o
e ugees om he G ea Lakes Regions and how hey ended up in E hiopia espe‑
cially in She kole e ugee camp, demons a ing he agency ha is e iden in hei
mig a ion jou neys and pa hways o hei goal. The sec ion demons a es how o he
ac o s, beyond geog aphical p oximi y, con ibu e o e ugees’ choice‑making o
des ina ions. This sec ion also shows how e ugees capi alize on na a i es o eas‑
ily in eg a e wi h he hos communi y in hei des ina ion. Re ugees’ economic and
social capi al in es men in hei des ina ion is discussed in he sec ion “Discussing
Agency o Re ugees om he G ea Lakes Region”. The las sec ion o he chap e ,
“Conclusion,” p esen s b ie concluding ema ks.
Re lec ions on Agency o Re ugees and Fo ced Mig an s
The ield o mig a ion esea ch has o long been in e es ed in o ced displacemen ,
which ea s i as bo h a esul and a cause o social ans o ma ion in he Global
Sou h (Cas les 2003). Jacobsen (2003) a gued ha mos o ced mig a ion esea ch‑
e s seek o explain he beha io , impac , and p oblems o he displaced wi h he
aim o u ging agencies and go e nmen s o de elop mo e ope a ional esponses
(Jacobsen 2003). As a esul , e ugees a e o en po ayed by dono s, policymak‑
e s, and esea che s in he same way, as solely dependen on in e na ional aid, li ‑
ing in p oblema ic si ua ions, and as sou ces o p oblems o he hos communi y
and s a e. In con as , an h opologis s, wi h hei undamen al in e es in human
expe ience and beha io we e also in e es ed o b ing he mig a ion expe ience, he
memo y o dispossession and displacemen , and he li ed expe ience o up oo ed‑
ness in o he co e o a de eloping ield o s udy (Malkki 1995; Cha y 2014).
Mo e speci ically on e ugee–hos in e ac ion, social science s udies ha e o‑
cused less on he agency o e ugees in he hos coun ies, as popula ions ha can
suppo hemsel es ins ead o me ely being suppo ed by he dono s, and ha can
li e peace ully wi h he hos communi y o a be e expe ience. The e is also a
neglec o a ocus on he ways in which e ugees a e o en dep i ed o pe sonal
igh s, d eams, s o ies, and may be illed wi h ea s o wo ies. This is clea ly de‑
pic ed in he p og ams o UNHCR and o he humani a ian o ganiza ions as well
(Amin 2017). Amin u he a gued how he ic imiza ion discou se was p edomi‑
nan ly sha ed by dono s and policymake s un il ecen ly. In addi ion o he ocus
on he ic imiza ion o e ugees, empi ical s udies also ocused on how e ugees
lack agency and hey a e me e oppo uni y g abbe s o he hos communi y in hei
des ina ion. Pa icula ly in s udies in Eas A ica, e ugees we e po ayed as hos‑
ile comba an s owa ds he hos communi y and bu dens o he hos s a es. Many
s udies ha e looked a he economic compe i ion be ween hos and e ugee com‑
muni ies o ini e esou ces, as well as he esul ing con lic s be ween he wo
g oups (Ma in 2005; Allen 2009; G indheim 2013; Musielak 2016).
The ea o e ugees as sp eading iolence o hos coun ies and communi ies,
acco ding o Sha e and Zhou (2017) has acqui ed cen al emphasis in oday’s
76 Ti si Sahldengil
wo ld poli ics. Acco ding o Mil on e al. (2013), a ious ac o s can con ibu e o
adicaliza ion among e ugees, including eligious ins uc ion, lack o jobs, lack o
mobili y, and lack o access o a well‑ ounded educa ion. Howe e , hey we e un‑
able o loca e any schola ly s udies ha demons a ed how e ugees a ec he secu‑
i y o hos communi ies. These au ho s sugges ed ha policymake s and schola s
pay a en ion o he expanding demog aphic size o e ugees, since he globe aces
a se ious humani a ian c isis as a esul o la ge numbe s o o ced mig an s. In
his ega d, he abo e a gumen looks educ ionis and do no conside he posi i e
con ibu ion e ugees o he hos coun y, a he shows how he expansion o he
e ugee popula ion can be a h ea o he hos .
A gued ha e ugees a e humani a ian mig an s who wan o mo e o a coun y
whe e hey can wo k and s ay sa e un il hey can e u n home. They emphasized ha
e ugees p io i ize wo hings in selec ing a des ina ion. Re ugees i s look a he
policy o he hos s a e, o a s a e ha easily p o ides asylum and job oppo uni ies.
In he second place, e ugees a e looking o social ne wo ks, eligious simila i ies,
and peace in he hos s a e, and hese a ec e ugees’ choice o hei des ina ions.
Howe e , case s udies o asylum seeke s ind ha he p ocess o mig a ion can change
whe e asylum seeke s go and ha hey do no always end up a hei in ended des ina‑
ion. Bu i is ob ious ha hey s i e o ge o hei ideal des ina ion.
Ruegge and Bohne (2018) also a gued ha no ma e how e ugees a e unde ‑
s ood o lea e hei homeland in olun a ily, hei decision o choose hei di ec ion
o mig a ion can be unde hei con ol. This can be seen om a signi ican numbe
o e ugees om he same coun y choosing di e en des ina ions. Re ugees can
s ill conside be e oppo uni ies o choose hei des ina ion. Ruegge and Bohne
unde lined ha icini y alone does no esol e ligh pa e ns o coun ies o i s
asylum. Fu he mo e, hey iden i ied ou signi ican ac o s ha a e in e wo en
and de e mine he e ugees’ des ina ion (Ruegge & Bohne 2018). The i s one
is geog aphical p oximi y and accessibili y o he des ina ion. The second ac o is
ne wo king and a ionali y, which includes smuggle s, b oke s, as well as e ugees’
connec ions and in o ma ion abou hei des ina ion. Fu he elabo a ing on his
eason, Hein (1993) also a gued ha e ugees use social ne wo ks in acili a ing
hei ligh and use hei ela ion wi h iends and ela i es o a ange hei jou ‑
neys. The hi d ac o includes e ugees’ conside a ion o economic oppo uni ies,
including be e li e and job oppo uni ies. The ou h one is e hnic linkage wi h
neighbo ing coun ies and his o ical na a i es abou hei des ina ions as impo ‑
an ac o s in choosing a des ina ion. Po en ially, he exis ing na a i es help he
e ugees o es ablish peace ul in e ac ion and apid in eg a ion wi h he hos com‑
muni y (e.g. Newland 1993; Schmeidl 1997; Moo e & Shellman 2004).
Acco ding o Alessand o (2004), social ne wo ks, amily ies, and economic
links a e c ucial elemen s ha a ac mo e mig an s o a ce ain loca ion. These
p ac ices e eal he exis ence o social ne wo ks be ween dis an loca ions. These
ne wo ks ha e a signi ican impac on he egion om which mig an s o igina e;
hey unde pin mig a ion as a domes ic g oup s a egy; and, inally, hey p o ide
in o ma ion abou cu en oppo uni ies and o ecas u u e mig a ion lows.
The e a e a ious pe spec i es on how e ugees can pa icipa e in he hos coun‑
y. Fo example, E el s udies he opic o cul u al capi al in mig a ion (E el 2010).
Looking beyond he Vic imhood Discou se 77
He ad oca ed a ‘ ucksack app oach’ o cul u al capi al, in which mig an s a e seen
as b inging a package o cul u al ma e ials wi h hem ha may o may no mesh
wi h he ‘cul u e’ o hei new home na ion. In mig a ion s udies, he ecognizes he
ucksack app oach as a hidden bu signi ican end. E el also shows how e hnic and
human capi al a e o med in he mo he land and anspo a ion in his backpack ap‑
p oach. The abili y o an indi idual who is a membe o a social ne wo k o access
nume ous esou ces inside ha social ne wo k is de ined by esea che s as social
capi al. I is a key no ion in he economic li es o e ugees and immig an s. To pu
i ano he way, social capi al is a collec ion o bene i s sha ed by a g oup o people
(Bou dieu 1986). How e ugees ind wo k and he quali y o he jobs hey ind a e
de e mined by social capi al in hei economic li es. This heo y is p edica ed on
social capi al’s po en ial o ac as a link be ween immig an s and jobs. Es ablished
immig an s, acco ding o schola s in he b oade immig a ion li e a u e, use hei
social ne wo ks o e icien ly dissemina e in o ma ion (Allen 2009).
Es ablished immig an s, acco ding o Allen (2009), educe he cos s o ec ui ‑
ing labo o employe s and lessen in o ma ional asymme ies expe ienced by e‑
cen immig an s, bene i ing bo h sides. As a esul , immig an s who ha e access o
social capi al a e mo e likely o ob ain wo k and ea n mo e han hose who do no .
The e is a ecen pa adigm shi om conside ing e ugees as a bu den o op‑
po uni ies. As a esul , a gumen s a e being p oposed o mo e beyond sho ‑ e m
eme gency esponses and ocus on inding ways o longe ‑ e m solu ions (Kai‑
se 2005). This idea was o malized when he UN agencies in 2015 app o ed
Agenda 2030 o sus ainable de elopmen goals which consis s o 17 decla a‑
ions and 169 associa ed a ge s. Agenda 2030 became a i al e en in changing
he gaze om con aining e ugees in camps solely based on aid o people who
dese e ou ‑o ‑camp li e and po en ially posi i e o ces o he de elopmen o
he hos communi ies.
A u he in e na ional ini ia i e aimed a changing he s a us quo o e ugees
was he 2016 New Yo k Decla a ion (UN 2018). The Uni ed Na ions Summi on
Re ugees in Sep embe 2016 was held a New Yo k in which 193 coun ies includ‑
ing E hiopia pa icipa ed and signed he Decla a ion. The Decla a ion pu o h a
Comp ehensi e Re ugee Response F amewo k (CRRF), which ocuses globally
on measu es o simpli y p essu e on coun ies ha welcome and hos e ugees,
suppo ing he sel ‑ eliance o e ugees, expanding access o ese lemen , and os‑
e ing condi ions ha enable e ugees o e u n olun a ily o hei home coun ies.
Mo eo e , he CRRF aimed a imp o ing igh s and expanding se ices o bene i
bo h e ugees and he hos communi ies. The CRRF had nine pledges which in‑
clude, among o he hings, po en ial p o isions o ease he e ugees’ es ic ions on
ma e s o eedom o mo emen , labo igh s, and access o se ices, li elihoods,
and esou ces (Wo ld Bank 2018). Al hough he pledges we e well c a ed, he e
we e many challenges o implemen wi hin a sho pe iod o ime.
B ie O e iew o Re ugees Camps in Benishangul-Gumuz Region
The e a e abou 60,000 e ugees li ing in i e e ugee camps in he Benishangul‑
Gumuz Region in E hiopia (UNHCR 2019). Mos o he e ugees came om Sudan
84 Ti si Sahldengil
While some e ugees do no go a away om hei camps, o he s go o Kubu hamsa
own, 10 kilome e s om he camp and Homosha 15 kilome e s om he camp o
ma ke ing ac i i ies.
Fa ming and mining a e he majo economic ac i i ies in which mos o he e u‑
gees a e in ol ed. I is known ha he E hiopian go e nmen does no allow e ugees
o engage in any economic ac i i y. Though he E hiopian go e nmen does no allow
e ugees o be engaged in such ac i i ies, hey a e widely engaged in hese ac i i ies
in o mally. Re ugees om di e en coun ies ha e di e en job p e e ences based
on hei economic ne wo ks and p io expe ience. Mos o he e ugees who came
om Sudan p e e o open small shops and sell bo h ood and non‑ ood i ems o
bo h he e ugee communi ies and o he hos s. The e a e also some e ugees who
ha e bu che y houses in he e ugee camp. These me chan s buy oxen om he local
people and sell hem o he e ugees. Some imes he me chan s go on oo and b ing
oxen om Assosa. When e ugee me chan s b ing oxen om Assosa, hei iends
om he hos communi y suppo hem o pass he checkpoin s since e ugees a e no
eligible o anspo animals and o he ag icul u al p oduc s in o he camps unless
hey a e allowed by he camp adminis a ion. These iends o he e ugees who assis
he e ugees o pass he checkpoin s may ge ewa ds om he e ugee me chan s.
Howe e , he ewa d can be o example one kilog am o mea a one ime. Mos o
he ime he ewa d is in kind no in cash. Some Sudanese e ugees also b ing ca le
om he bo de ing a eas be ween E hiopia and Sudan o sale and supply o he
bu che s bo h in he e ugee camps and in he owns o he hos communi y. Some o
he e ugees om Sudan and many e ugees om Sou h Sudan also p e e o engage
in a ming ac i i ies. The local a me s employ e ugees as labo e s. Some imes,
e ugees a e employed o cul i a e he land, and inally o sha e he c ops wi h he
owne o he a m. Some o he local a me s also employ e ugees on a daily a e.
On he o he hand, e ugees om he G ea Lakes egion p edominan ly engage
in mining ac i i ies. Kubu hamsa (10 kilome e s om he camp) and Homosha (15
kilome e s) a e he wo owns ha Sou h Sudan and Sudanese e ugees p e e ed
o go o sea ch o jobs especially, o labo wo k. These G ea Lakes e ugees
go o Mänge Wo eda (90 kilome e s a om he camp) o engage in gold mining
ac i i ies. Re ugees om G ea Lakes Regions gene ally ha e skills in mining and
acco ding o in e iews and discussions wi h hese e ugees, mos o hem used o
engage in he same ac i i y in hei home coun y. Hence hey b ough hei skills
o E hiopia. A e hey each an ag eemen , e ugees mo e o he local cul i a ion
land and may engage in di e en a ming ac i i ies including sowing, plowing,
cul i a ing, and p epa ing he land o he nex ha es . The paymen migh be
ag eed based on he size o he a m and he du a ion o he ac i i y.
The social ne wo k and connec i i y wi h he hos communi y and e ugees in
he business ne wo k is i al, especially o be in ol ed in mining ac i i ies. Re u‑
gees who ha e a well‑es ablished ela ionship wi h he local people in Mänge ha e
a be e oppo uni y o ge in ol ed in he mining ac i i y. As a esul , e ugees who
go o he mining ields independen ly o y hei luck wi hou ge ing connec ed o
a ne wo k o people may no be success ul. A Bu undian e ugee sha ed his expe i‑
ence as ollows:
Looking beyond he Vic imhood Discou se 85
The mining job is al eady held by some people and hey do no allow o he
people o wo k. In Feb ua y 2019, I wen o he mining place wi h my iend
o sea ch o a job. Howe e , le alone o ge a job, we couldn’ ge a place o
en o spend a nigh . The local people a e only willing o hos he e ugees
hey ha e acquain ance wi h o a long pe iod o ime and hey do no wel‑
come he newcome s. This is because he business is al eady domina ed by
some local people and some e ugees in hei ne wo k.
(Aldise, Augus 15, 2019, She kole e ugee camp)
The mining ne wo k s e ches up o Gambella egion. The e a e b oke s who c ea e
he business link om Assosa o Gambella. Legally speaking, he e ugees a e no
allowed o mo e ou side he camp wi hou a pass pe mi . Howe e , hei business
pa ne s om he hos communi y help hem and acili a e he jou ney. The acili a‑
ion includes p epa ing ake pass pe mi s and iden i y ca ds. Some imes hey b ibe
he ga ekeepe s o he camp o pass checkpoin s. One o he in o man s was among
he g oup o e ugees who isi ed Gambella equen ly o mining. He ells his
Gambella expe ience as ollows:
…. i s we lea ned abou going o Gambella om one Sou h Sudanese e u‑
gee who had been in he Gambella e ugee camp. He old us he e is a be e
gold mining ield in Gambella. I also hea d ield owne s in Gambella need
skill ul people om e ugees o he G ea Lakes. Then I decided o go. The
ield owne s acili a ed my anspo a ion and pass pe mi o pass he ga e
wi h he local people. We we e h ee Congolese, wo Bu undian and wo
Sudanese. Then we a i ed a a place called Rooma in Gambella. We s ayed
he e o one mon h and each o us came back wi h abou 10,000 bi . We
mined wen y‑ i e me e s deep and he amoun o gold we go was six een
g ams. The e we e also wel e local people wi h us, bu he ha des pa o
he wo k was done by he e ugees. Howe e , he boss ga e us he same
amoun o money o all o us. Howe e , he local people who go he same
amoun o money as us we e no happy because hey knew we we e e ugees
and ha hey a e E hiopian ci izens. We su e ed om lack o oxygen and
aced e e y isk oge he digging he whole. I was no con inced ha hey
should be paid be e o e en equal.
(Magozi, Ap il 7, 2017, She kole e ugee camp)
The e ugees who pa icipa ed in a ocus g oup discussion disclosed he e a e busi‑
nessmen in he gold mining a ea who ha e a mining machine. The machine owne s
ec ui ed e ugees o in ensi e labo o dig ou he place whe e hey suspec ed he
p esence o gold. The machine owne s ec ui ed e ugees, especially G ea Lakes
e ugees because hese e ugees ha e he mining skills. Once he gold is ound, he
machine owne is esponsible o paying o he labo o digging. He is supposed o
di ide he money o e ugees and local pa icipan s based on hei labo con ibu‑
ion. A maximum o six people engage in a speci ic mining ac i i y. Howe e , hey
pay o he labo only i he labo e s a e lucky enough o ind gold. O he wise, he
86 Ti si Sahldengil
owne o he machine only gi es hem ood and shel e o hei s ay while digging.
A e ugee om Congo sha ed his expe ience in he mining a ea as ollows:
Fo example, las mon h we we e in he Mänge gold mining ield. I was dig‑
ging wi h my i e iends. A e wo days o digging, we go 10 g ams o
gold. Then we b ough i o he machine owne . He ook se en g am and ga e
he emaining h ee g am o us. This was a g ea success o us. Ou iends
we e digging o i e o six mon hs. Howe e , hey we e no success ul. Bu
we we e lucky. Mo eo e , some machine owne s may deny you paymen o
you labo and chase you away a e aking he gold. Since we wo k in o ‑
mally, we ha e nowhe e o complain.
(Jony, Augus 27, 2019, She kole e ugee camp)
Besides he low wages ha e ugees wo king in mining si es a e su e ing om,
wo king in o mally in mining poses ano he isk o e ugees. People who o mally
wo k in mining ields ha e li e insu ance because o he isk o he wo k. Howe e ,
e ugees wo king in o mally a e no insu ed. This is because e ugees do no pass
h ough he o mal employmen p ocess and hey a e no axpaye s. Hence, he
employe s and especially, he small mining o ganiza ions, do no p o ide insu ance
o e ugees. Mos o he employe s a e indi iduals who a e no o mally egis e ed
business owne s. Acco ding o my discussion wi h in o man s who engaged in he
mining, hey los hei iends because o a landslide du ing exca a ion.
The abo e Congolese e ugee who sha ed his expe ience claimed, “I am a min‑
ing expe in Mänge mining si e”. Howe e , he complained he bene i he ge s om
he mining is no wo h his e o . Mo eo e , he digging ac i i y has i s own isk
and hey dig abou 20 o 30 me e s deep o ge 8–10 g ams o gold. They a e also
supposed o mo e inside he hole o 45 minu es o ge he gold. Wi h all isks and
challenges, he sha e ha e ugees ge om he gold is e y small and he la ges
po ion is aken by he local bosses. This includes 20% o he people who do he
digging, 30% o he digging machine en , 20% o he boss, and he emaining
30% dis ibu ed o he digge s no ma e how many hey a e. Mos o he e ugees
who a e wo king in he mining a ea also change hei ac i i y and engage in o he
ac i i ies du ing he ainy season and esume hei engagemen in mining in he
d y season. The e a e many Congolese e ugees who ha e been engaged in mining
ac i i ies o six o en yea s.
Re ugees also sha e he belie s and supe s i ions o he local people abou gold
mining. Acco ding o in o man s, in he Mänge mining ield, he e is a big ed and
whi e snake which he local people belie e ha i i is seen in he place, ha place
is ich in gold and immedia ely i has o be exca a ed. In o he wo ds, i is a sign
o good luck. Re ugees who a e wo king in he place also accep ed his belie and
acco ding o in o man s who pa icipa ed in he mining, hey wai un il hey see
a snake be o e hey s a digging o gold. Since hey a e old by he local people
no o kill he snake, hey a e cau ious o p o ec and obey he ule. A Congo‑
lese in o man alked abou he snake, ha chasing he snake o alking bad hings
Looking beyond he Vic imhood Discou se 87
abou i is s ic ly o bidden. He also ei e a ed ha he snake chased away some
o his iends who igno ed he ule and alked bad wo ds abou i . This shows ha
he e ugees ha e close social ela ionships wi h he local communi y, including
paying espec o he belie s o he communi y and hey a e also in luenced by i .
Re ugees who wo k wi h he locals in he mining a ea almos sha e he same belie s
ega ding he snakes and many e ugees es i y ha he communi y’s belie in he
snake is also hei belie .10
Re ugees om he Congo a e also engaged in elec ic wo k ins alla ion. Re u‑
gees engage in elec ic ins alla ion and o he skilled wo k because mos o hem
b ing hei skills and hey used o do he same hing in hei home coun y. The e
a e many e ugees who epai gene a o s, mobile phones, and s o es o bo h he
hos communi y and he e ugees.
Conclusion
This chap e discussed he agency o o ced mig an s in wo di e en ways. Fi s ,
i challenged he dominan discou se po aying e ugees as mig an s who canno
make any in o med choice abou hei des ina ion. By going beyond he domi‑
nan na a i e, he chap e p esen ed how e ugees conside se e al ac o s in o de
o de e mine hei des ina ion. The Sou h Sudanese and Sudanese p e e o ake
e uge in She kole camp because du ing hei s ay as e ugees, hey would, o
example, na iga e be ween he hos camp and hei place o o igin o economic
oppo uni ies. Simila ly, e ugees om he G ea Lakes ha e conside ed di e en
easons why hey would join a camp in E hiopia a he han s aying in coun ies
close o hei place o o igin. A leas wi hin he limi ed op ions a ailable, e ugees
ha e agency and may weigh he ad an ages and disad an ages o whe e o go. In
addi ion o hei agency o making a choice, e ugees also an icipa e he economic,
cul u al, and his o ical ad an ages hey ha e in hei des ina ion. Hence, e ugees
om he G ea Lakes egions come o E hiopia conside ing all o he oppo uni ies
ha hey would ge in E hiopia. This inding suppo ed he a gumen abou e u‑
gees’ agency and disp o ed e ugees’ mo emen as andom mo emen .
A second key a gumen wi h espec o he agency o e ugees p esen ed in
his con ibu ion is in he way hey a e able o capi alize on hei economic skills
and make empo a y o pe manen li ing a angemen s in hei des ina ions in he
Global Sou h. The chap e showed how he G ea Lakes e ugees capi alize on he
skill gaps a places o des ina ion and make he bes ou o he skills hey migh
ha e acqui ed a hei places o o igin. Mo eo e , E hiopia appeals as a ansi
pa hway o se e al o he des ina ions in he Middle Eas and he Gul egion and
beyond o he e ugees om he G ea Lakes. Finally, he chap e poin ed o he
pu po ed his o ical and e hnic links as well as social ne wo ks ha he e ugees
d aw upon in making hei choices abou camp se lemen . This con ibu es o he
eme ging a gumen ha demons a es e ugees a e no docile people who jus si
and awai oppo uni y, bu a he ha e mul iple o ms o agency ha hey deploy o
c ea e and make use o oppo uni ies wi hin hei ange.
88 Ti si Sahldengil
No es
1 In o ma ionob ained om heRRSo iceo Bambasi e ugeecamp2017.
2 KIIwi hTso eCampCoo dina o ,Ap il2017Tso e e ugeecamp.
3 IDIwi hCongolese e ugee,She kole e ugeecamp,2019.
4 IDIwi hCongolese e ugee,Augus 2019,She kole e ugeecamp.
5 IDIwi hCongolese e ugee,Augus 2019,Assosa own.
6 IDIwi hCame oonian e ugee,Ap il2017,She kole e ugeecamp.
7 IDIwi hCongolese e ugeeShe kole e ugeecamp.Augus 2019
8 KIIWi h egionalRRSp og amo ice ,Assosa own.Augus 2019
9 IDICongolese e ugee,Ap il2017,She kole e ugeecamp.
10 IDIwi hCongolese e ugee,She kole e ugeecamp,Augus 2019.
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Pa III
The Flows o Resou ces in
Sou h-Sou h Mig a ion
DOI: 10.4324/9781003368267-9
6 Humani a ian Nomads
The Mobili ies and Disjunc u es
Inhe en o Aid Wo k in he
Global Sou h
Lau en Ca u h
In oduc ion
The global humani a ian aid indus y1 has a wo k o ce o a ound 630,000 people,
mos ly wo king in c isis‑ and disas e ‑a ec ed coun ies in he Global Sou h (AL‑
NAP 2022). These aid wo ke s2 – he wo ld’s humani a ians – a e o en po ayed
in Hollywood mo ies and news media s o ies as “whi e sa io s” (Cole 2012) pa a‑
chu ing in o dis an , c isis‑a ec ed, a away places. Howe e , his image o unidi‑
ec ional mo emen s o people as well as expe ise and esou ces om places in he
Global No h o places in he Global Sou h, mis ep esen s he eali y o humani a ‑
ian esponse oday.
A global ne wo k o elie agencies, dono s, academics, and consul an s called
he Ac i e Lea ning Ne wo k o Accoun abili y and Pe o mance in humani a ian
ac ion, o ALNAP, inds ha in 2020, o e 90% o he humani a ian wo k o ce we e
local and na ional s a e s (ALNAP 2022, 63–64). In o he wo ds, he as majo i y
o aid wo ke s a e esiden s o he coun ies and communi ies whe e c ises un old
and global elie agencies in e ene. Mos aid wo ke s a el no om he Global
No h o he Global Sou h, bu wi hin and be ween c isis‑a ec ed coun ies and
communi ies in he Global Sou h. The global humani a ian indus y – s ill head‑
qua e ed in and unded mos ly by go e nmen s and ins i u ions in No h Ame ica
and Eu ope – elies on he lexibili y, mobili y, and easy eloca ions o “local,”
“subna ional,” and “na ional” aid wo ke s who can mig a e, a el, and li e wi hin
he Global Sou h, in places whe e global humani a ian in e en ions ecu .
Howe e , e en hough hey mus a el and mig a e egula ly as pa o hei
jobs, mos humani a ian aid wo ke s om he Global Sou h emain s ubbo nly
s uck, yea a e yea , job a e job, in pa s o he wo ld whe e eme gencies and e‑
lie ope a ions un old. Thei expe ise is ypically cha ac e ized as “local” in na u e
and hei expe ience is discoun ed as being only in he “local” ci cums ances, cul‑
u es, and languages a hand. These aid wo ke s’ ci izenship, coun y o o igin, and
hei geog aphic and p o essional loca ions in he bo om echelons o he hie a chi‑
cal global aid indus y limi hei oppo uni ies o mo e and wo k ou side Global
Sou h locali ies. “One o he s a kes di ides alls be ween people who a el easily
and people who do no ,” Pe e Red ield a gues (2012, 358).
100 Lau en Ca u h
and back in o E hiopia. They se led in a sp awling e ugee camp nea he own o
Degago. As a eenage and hen young man, Mahamed wo ked o six di e en
humani a ian o ganiza ions and wo di e en go e nmen al elie bu eaus in and
a ound he camp. Some imes he olun ee ed in he clinic un by Doc o s Wi hou
Bo de s and UNHCR, and he helped o ganize socce games and o he ac i i ies o
you h in he a ea. As he go olde , he was hi ed o empo a y gigs wi h aid agen‑
cies, p o iding Somali‑ o‑English o Amha ic language in e p e a ion, o helping
lead expa ia e aid wo ke s h ough he dese expanses whe e nomadic pas o alis
amilies camped. In his 20s, luen in English, Amha ic, and Somali, he wo ked
sho ‑ e m sala ied jobs moni o ing dis ibu ions o ood aid and conduc ing e‑
sea ch o needs assessmen s whene e eme gency condi ions a ose.
Mahamed has o decades been in aluable o aid agencies. He knows nea ly
e e yone li ing wi hin a h ee‑hou d i ing adius o he Degago e ugee camp.
As o 2022, his a he li ed an hou away along he bo de wi h Somaliland, his
mo he li ed in a small own close o Djibou i, and his wi e and child en li ed in
he nea es ci y nea ly h ee hou s away whe e hey a end high school. Mahamed
spen mos days a eling be ween hese di e en homes, sleeping and ea ing in he
homes o his iends and ex ended ela i es, and s aying in owns whe e wo k and
aining oppo uni ies a e a ailable. He can do so because o common unde s and‑
ings, habi s, and expec a ions o hospi ali y.
Mahamed is no unique. Nume ous p o essional Somalis now a el and s ay in
he homes o iends and amily membe s in communi ies and coun ies nea by as
hey na iga e he me cu ial na u e o ad‑hoc elie ope a ions, and he unp edic ‑
able lows and si es o in e na ional a en ion and unding. E e y yea g ea e num‑
be s o Somali women, like Nimo and Mona, join he humani a ian wo k o ce and
a el om place o place o wo k as well, despi e women’s ela i ely lowe a es
o pa icipa ion in he wo k o ce and lowe access o highe educa ion compa ed
o o he E hiopian g oups (Elezaj e al. 2019; Teklehaimano and Teklehaimano
2013).4 The amilia i y o mobili y and he cen ali y o hospi ali y o e e yday li e
and wo k allows local s a e s, men and women, o ake empo a y jobs ha equi e
a el and eloca ions, whene e and whe e e hey eme ge.
Labo Hie a chies ha Enable and Cons ain Mobili y
Mos humani a ian aid wo ke s – bo h in he Ho n o A ica and in he Global
Sou h mo e gene ally – a some poin a el o eloca e o communi ies o coun ies
nea by o empo a y wo k and aining oppo uni ies, as disas e s, con lic s, and
in e na ional a en ion o di e en c ises ebb and low. Mobili y is undamen al o
he humani a ian sec o and he humani a ian mission o sa e li es in eme gencies
(Red ield 2008). While Somali aid wo ke s’ mobili y o aid wo k is made pos‑
sible by long adi ions o egula mig a ions and hospi ali y, hei mobili y is also
shaped and cons ained by hei posi ions wi hin he hie a chical global humani a ‑
ian aid indus y. Figu e 6.1, below, desc ibes he labo hie a chies inhe en o he
global humani a ian indus y, using humani a ian esponse in eas e n E hiopia as
Humani a ian Nomads 101
a case example. A he op o he indus y hie a chy ope a ing he e, a ela i ely
small numbe o expa ia e s a e s wo k o high sala ies, enjoy gene ous wo k
bene i s, and can a el and eloca e in e na ionally wi h ease. These in e na ional
aid wo ke s ypically ha e pe manen homes in Wes e n dono coun ies and capi‑
al ci ies whe e aid agencies a e headqua e ed. They may a el o places like he
Somali Region o E hiopia o si e isi s o da a collec ion, bu hey do no spend
mo e han a ew days o weeks in he places whe e elie ope a ions occu .
Na ional s a e s popula e he second highes , bu s ill ela i ely small sec ion o
he wo k o ce hie a chy. In E hiopia, o example, hese indi iduals mos ly speak
Amha ic as a i s language and a e usually luen in English as well. They a e
pa o he bu geoning middle o uppe class in he capi al ci y o E hiopia, Addis
Ababa; mos ha e uni e si y deg ees and pos ‑g adua e aining in nu sing, medi‑
cine, o he social sciences; and many occasionally a el a ound he coun y and
in e na ionally o con e ences and educa ion. These s a e s may spend a ew days
o weeks ou side u ban headqua e s o ices, bu like expa ia es, hese E hiopians
ypically do no spend much ime in communi ies, camps, o elie ope a ions ou ‑
side hese ci ies.
The majo i y o he humani a ian wo k o ce in E hiopia, indica ed by he la ges
and lowes pa o he py amid, a e nei he expa s no E hiopians om he capi al
ci y. They a e locals om places like he Somali Region o E hiopia pe pe ually in
c isis, who wo k in o ices close o whe e c ises and elie ope a ions happen, and
who s uggle o ad ance o jobs loca ed in o ices in capi al ci ies – much less o
headqua e s loca ed ou side hei coun y o o igin. Many wo ke s a he bo om
Figu e 6.1 Labo hie a chies in he global humani a ian sys em, as expe ienced in E hiopia.
102 Lau en Ca u h
o he aid wo k hie a chy, including Somali aid wo ke s, a e om mino i ized and
acialized e hnic g oups, and emain simul aneously ma ginalized and dis an om
poli ical powe in Addis Ababa.
In E hiopia and elsewhe e, his humani a ian labo hie a chy is cha ac e ized
by g ada ions o powe and ma e ial esou ces, ma ked by pa allel acialized5 e h‑
nolinguis ic dis inc ions, di e ences in educa ional a ainmen , e e yday language
use, weal h, and he capaci y, equency, and ease o in e na ional mo emen o
and wi hin Global No h coun ies (Ca u h 2021). Mo e b oadly, “[ ]he con empo‑
a y p o essional s uc u e o he libe al humani a ian space,” Jun u Bian a gues,
is cha ac e ized by “a co e powe hie a chy ueled by pe cep ions o expe ise
and compe ency along acial lines—pa icula ly a ound one’s whi eness” (Bian
2022, 2 d awing on Ben on 2016). Thus, he p o essional hie a chies ha s uc‑
u e aid wo ke s’ posi ions and mobili ies in E hiopia a e shaped by pe cep ions o
and p oximi ies o he whi eness ha domina es global humani a ian aid wo k (as
discussed in Ca u h 2021), as well as his o ies o impe ialism, e hnic ede alism,
and pe cep ions o acialized e hno‑linguis ic dis inc ion pa icula o he E hiopian
con ex (discussed in Abbink 2011; Ke ale 2013; Mengis eab 2013).
Somali‑E hiopians, acco dingly, mos ly popula e “local” “ ield” o ices and hold
mos lowe ‑le el, empo a y, and subcon ac ed s a posi ions in eas e n E hiopia,
whe eas Amha ic‑speaking E hiopians om he cen al pa s o he coun y hold
mos highe ‑le el, sala ied posi ions in he capi al ci y o Addis Ababa. A Somali
man I call Aden, a leade o o e 15 yea s in a UN elie o ice in he Somali e‑
gional ield o ice in Jigjiga said, acco dingly, “I canno ge an in e na ional pos
despi e he ac I ha e applied many imes. I ha e been ejec ed and ejec ed. …
They wan me o s ay. They wan o keep me he e” (Ca u h 2021, 4).
Pa icipa ion, Localiza ion, and he Necessi y
o Sou h‑Sou h Mobili y
Se e al e o m mo emen s o e he las ew decades ha e a emp ed o amelio a e
hese kinds o s uc u al inequi ies wi hin he aid indus y, wo sened in low‑income
coun ies by s uc u al adjus men p og ams and he decima ion o go e nmen al
budge s o heal h, disas e p e en ion, and social se ices. Beginning in he la e
hal o he 20 h cen u y, in e na ional aid p og ams began explici ly e e encing
he mo al necessi y o “local pa icipa ion” as a way o add ess bene icia ies’ pe ‑
cei ed inna e and mo al de iciencies and p e en hei po en ial “dependency” on
o eign aid dis ibu ions (Ca u h and F eeman 2021; Chambe s 1994; Hickey and
Mohan 2004, 5–9; Mohan and S okke 2000; Mosse 2003). Me hods o designing
in e na ional in e en ions, like “pa icipa o y u al app aisals,” o example, we e
designed o gi e ecipien s owne ship o he aid hey ecei ed and meaning ully
engage hem in shaping aid p ojec s ha un olded in hei communi ies.
As pa icipa o y app oaches we e mains eamed and suppo ed by majo aid o ‑
ganiza ions and Global No h dono coun ies du ing he 1990s and 2000s, he esi‑
den s o communi ies in he Global Sou h whe e global aid agencies in e ened, in
some cases, gained a modicum o powe o de e mine he design and p io i ies o
Humani a ian Nomads 103
he aid packages in hei communi ies. As such, some schola s a gued, pa icipa‑
ion could po en ially be “ ans o ma i e,” e en some imes unde mining y annical
and undemoc a ic egimes (Hickey and Mohan 2004). Many o hese pa icipa o y
p ojec s modeled democ a ic pa icipa ion in go e nmen and spu ed democ a ic
e o ms (Fox 2007; Ga en a 2004; Ga en a and McGee 2013). The ising popula ‑
i y o pa icipa o y me hodologies and p ojec s was pa o humani a ian policy and
wo k o ce e o ms as well (Asga y and Law ence 2020). The 1991 Uni ed Na ions
Gene al Assembly Resolu ion 46/182 (UNOCHA 2016), he Code o Conduc o
he In e na ional Red C oss and Red C escen Mo emen and NGOs in Disas e
Relie (ICRC 2018), he new and e ised Co e Humani a ian S anda d on Quali y
and Accoun abili y (2014), and he Sphe e S anda ds (2018) each unde sco e he
impo ance o “local” people and “local” o ganiza ions o making elie mo e e ‑
ec i e and e hical.
Local pa icipa ion and pa icipa o y me hodologies equi e subs an ial wo k on
he g ound. Local labo is necessa y o liaise wi h local leade ship and esiden s,
dis ibu e ma e ials, en o ce adhe ence o p og am designs, p ocess pape wo k,
collec da a, p o ide language ansla ion, p o ide logis ical suppo , dis ibu e
goods and se ices, and moni o and e alua e p ojec s. E en in humani a ian c i‑
ses, when many go e nmen al and nongo e nmen al eme gency esponse agen‑
cies may be comp omised, hese jobs a e mos ly pe o med by people om he
egions whe e he in e en ions un old. While all hese di e en o ms o local
labo a e necessa y o he p oduc ion o pa icipa o y p ojec s, hey a e o en only
pe o med as side gigs, o as pa o subcon ac ed, empo a y, o in o mal wo k,
and a e hus nei he coun ed by human esou ce depa men s, no necessa ily lead‑
ing o p omo ions, p o essionaliza ion, aises, o bene i s packages.
Wi hin many global humani a ian aid ins i u ions like he In e na ional Com‑
mi ee o he Red C oss, he Uni ed Na ions O ice o he Coo dina ion o Hu‑
mani a ian A ai s (o UNOCHA), and o he s, he e has been inc easing a en ion
in he las en yea s o he needs o he “locals” who a e also he bene icia ies
o a ge s o empo a y global humani a ian in e en ions (ODI 2013; UNOCHA
2023). Wha ’s called “The G and Ba gain,” o example, launched in 2016, is an
ag eemen be ween majo dono and aid o ganiza ions o p o ide bene icia ies, lo‑
cal aid wo ke s, and local o ganiza ions he means o design, e alua e, and imp o e
he humani a ian in e en ions in hei mids . This is one pa o an e o ac oss he
humani a ian sec o o p io i ize he “localiza ion o aid,” and he decen aliza ion
o esou ces and s a ing om ins i u ions and o ices in he Global No h o sub‑
na ional and local o ganiza ions and ci izens loca ed in c isis‑a ec ed coun ies in
he Global Sou h (Benne e al. 2016; Cha e 4Change 2020; Ginge ich and Owen
2015; In e ‑Agency S anding Commi ee 2022; Ox am 2016; Mahmood 2017).
Wo kshops and publica ions by elie o ganiza ions now po ay he na ional
and sub‑na ional s a s o elie o ganiza ions as he he oes and he igh ul ocus
o global assis ance (Ox am 2014, e.g. UNICEF 2019). Lowe o e head, lowe
sala ies, and educed logis ical hassles by subcon ac ing o pa ne ing wi h lo‑
cal o ganiza ions – compa ed o hi ing and deploying expa ia e s a e s and
consul an s – mean “localized” in e en ions can po en ially cos less and in ol e
104 Lau en Ca u h
ewe challenging logis ics (Van B aban and Pa el 2018). Bu beyond hese ma‑
e ial and logis ical conce ns, in e en ions and people ha a e mo e “local” a e
also now pe cei ed by global elie o ganiza ions as somehow be e , mo e e hical,
mo e a uned o local eali ies and cul u es, and mo e accoun able o bene icia y
popula ions. As a ecen epo om he B ookings Ins i u ion a gues,
A e gene a ions o in es men in educa ion, echnical aining, and social
in as uc u e, no one now a gues ha de eloping coun ies lack alen ed
people. Indeed, he anks o de elopmen o ganiza ions a e illed wi h highly
quali ied, deeply expe ienced local p o essionals who ha e g own up wo k‑
ing in in e na ional de elopmen .
(Fine 2022)
This has obse able e ec s on humani a ian in e en ions and aid wo ke s in places
like eas e n E hiopia. Doc o Hamza, a physician and a o me leade wi hin he
Somali egional go e nmen wi hin E hiopia said in an in e iew,
Today he [go e nmen al] Heal h Bu eau he e is 100% Somali. … Mos IN‑
GOs [in e na ional nongo e nmen al o ganiza ions] a e headed by Somalis
now oo, and be o e i e yea s he heads o o ice we e mos ly ei he whi e o
highlande .6 This is a big change o us now, and i eally helps us o be ee.
Powe ul global elie o ganiza ions wo king in eas e n E hiopia, such as
UNICEF, he No wegian Re ugee Council, Sa e he Child en, Ox am, Médecins
Sans F on iè es, and o he s a e p og essi ely unneling mo e money o subna‑
ional go e nmen al o ices like he Somali Regional Heal h Bu eau and local
Somali‑ un nongo e nmen al and ci il socie y pa ne s. These o ganiza ions a e
also hi ing mo e locals, mo e Somalis, and ewe Amha ic‑speaking E hiopians
om he capi al Addis Ababa, as well as ewe expa ia es, o s a subna ional
and ield o ices. As such, localiza ion is a powe ul mo emen wi hin he hu‑
mani a ian indus y – a mo emen ha can ha e p o ound local poli ical and
social e ec s.
Howe e , he bu geoning powe o local people and o ganiza ions is s ill
dwa ed by he powe o dono go e nmen s and in e na ional NGOs headqua ‑
e ed in he Global No h (shown elsewhe e in Cooke and Ko ha i 2021). While
local o ices a e almos exclusi ely s a ed by e hnic Somalis in eas e n E hiopia,
ew i any e hnic Somalis om he Ho n o A ica s a headqua e s o ices in he
Global No h, and acco ding o ecen esea ch, mo e gene ally, ew c isis‑a ec ed
people ha e managed o ob ain leade ship posi ions wi hin he global aid indus y
o si on in e na ional NGO go e ning boa ds (ALNAP 2022; Wo den and Saez
2021). “Localiza ion,” o he mos pa , has mean mo e wo k o esiden s o
c isis‑a ec ed communi ies, bu no mo e powe o indi iduals o o ganiza ions in
he Global Sou h. The global aid indus y is pa adoxically elian on he mobili y o
local aid wo ke s wi hin he Global Sou h o hei localiza ion e o s while lea ‑
ing unadd essed he inabili y o local aid wo ke s o a el o ob ain isas o jobs
Humani a ian Nomads 105
ou side hei coun ies o egions o o igin (see also Tsanni 2023, ega ding simila
challenges in he ield o global heal h).
Humani a ian Assemblages: Global, Local, and Mobile
The in e na ional humani a ian indus y is comp ised o complex ela ions o ac‑
o s and o ganiza ions ha a e a once p oduc s o globaliza ion – o he global
each and mo emen o ideas abou c isis, in e en ion, and humani a ianism, as
“abs ac able, mobile, and dynamic” phenomena (Collie and Ong 2005, 4) – as
well as p oduc s o “localiza ion” – o he e o o de ol e powe and esou ces
away om Global No h cen e s o powe o he communi ies whe e in e en‑
ions happen, mos ly in he Global Sou h (ALNAP 2022; Fine 2022). As such,
he con empo a y humani a ian indus y ep esen s wha Collie and Ong (2005)
call a “global assemblage” ha is e i o ialized no p ima ily h ough na ion‑s a e
bo de s, bu h ough i s ocus on locali y and mobili y. Humani a ian in e en ions
mus be adequa ely “localized” and s a ed by locals, as well as lexible and e‑
sponsi e o dynamic and dispe sed eme gency si ua ions happening a ound he
wo ld. Wi hin his, aid wo ke s mus be mobile and adap able, exhibi ing wha
Ong (1999) calls “ lexible ci izenship” in hei asce ainmen o esou ces, ben‑
e i s, belonging, and igh s ou side go e nmen al au ho i ies and ac oss e i o ial
o poli ical bounda ies. As such, “ lexibili y, mig a ion, and eloca ions, ins ead o
being coe ced o esis ed, ha e become p ac ices o s i e o a he han s abili y”
(Ong 1999, 19).
Howe e , Somali aid wo ke s, mos o he wo ld’s humani a ians, a e nei he
like Ong’s (1999) “ lexible ci izens,” able o ully seize economic oppo uni ies
in he global capi alis economy h ough global mobili y, no do hey e lec he
“ligh ness” o Red ield’s (2012) “expa s” – global eli es wi h passpo s om do‑
no coun ies and he abili y o a el and li e in he Global No h as well as he
Global Sou h. As shown in his chap e , Somali aid wo ke s’ ne wo ks o mobili y,
social ela ions, and labo di e in h ee impo an ways: i s , Somalis’ cons an
mobili y wi hin he Ho n o A ica o wo k, li es ock, ade, heal hca e, and so on
happens ac oss Global Sou h bo de s bu o en wi hou hallma ks o impe ialis
o na ion‑s a e e i o iali y in he o ms o checkpoin s o isas. Somalis easily
and equen ly pass o e bo de s ha we e his o ically designed o pa i ion hem
and hwa hei geog aphic mo emen s, kinship ies, economic ies, and poli ical
solida i ies. Second, he inc easing numbe s o Somali aid wo ke s om he Ho n
o A ica, a eling and eloca ing wi hin he egion equen ly o job oppo uni‑
ies, happens concu en ly wi h he simul aneous seden a iza ion and displacemen
o nomadic pas o alis s h oughou he egion. Humani a ian nomads e lec adi‑
ions o mobili y, hospi ali y, and sama al long held by nomadic pas o alis s, bu
a he same ime hese legions o nomadic humani a ians a e a ailable o wo k
la gely because o he declining iabili y o ca ee s in li es ock pas o alism and he
con inuing poli ical insecu i y and displacemen o Somalis om hei homelands.
Thi d, as aid wo ke s, hey a e pa o a bu geoning well‑educa ed, p o essional
class in places like he Somali Region o E hiopia, bu hey also emain aliena ed
106 Lau en Ca u h
om he means o p oducing policies and designing elie in e en ions. They lack
equal powe , capi al, and global mobili y compa ed o aid wo ke s om he Global
No h.
Global humani a ian aid assemblages, o i on Collie and Ong’s (2005)
ph asing – including aid wo ke s, elie ope a ions hemsel es, and all he di e en
global and local elie agencies and go e nmen s in ol ed in aid wo k – a e he e‑
o e no solely p oduc s o o subo dina e o global capi alism, neo‑libe al poli ics,
o dono coun ies and weal hy ac o s in he Global No h – bu nei he a e hey in‑
dependen o hese powe ul o ces and o ms.7 These nomadic aid wo ke s p esen
al e na i e ways o wo king and p o iding humani a ian assis ance oday. Thei
powe , mobili y, and labo in pos ‑colonial, poli ically insecu e, non‑capi alis , and
economically p eca ious spaces ha e allowed o he eme gence o subal e n bu
powe ul global assemblages o nomadic aid wo k. These eme gen humani a ‑
ian assemblages a e shaped and enabled by Somalis’ long adi ions o nomadism,
hospi ali y, sama al, and ansna ional mobili y bu hey a e a he same ime con‑
s ained by inequi ies inhe en o he global humani a ian sys em and he impos‑
sibili y o Somalis’ mig a ion, a el, and wo k ou side he Global Sou h.
A jun Appadu ai (2000), likewise, inds ha “ ela ions o disjunc u e” cha ‑
ac e ize con empo a y global assemblages. Somali aid wo ke s in E hiopia – and
o he aid wo ke s mo ing o wo k wi hin he Global Sou h – a e hus nei he com‑
ple ely excluded om no equally powe ul wi hin capi alis labo economies like
he global humani a ian elie sec o . Ins ead, he inds, “ hese disjunc u es hem‑
sel es p ecipi a e a ious kinds o p oblems and ic ions in di e en local si ua‑
ions … ha p oduce undamen al p oblems o li elihood, equi y, su e ing, jus ice,
and go e nance” (Appadu ai 2000, 5). Rela ions o disjunc u e, and unequal dis‑
ibu ions o powe , esou ces, oppo uni y, and he abili y o mo e and a el wi h
he global humani a ian indus y, shape he limi a ions and po en ials o Somalis’
aid wo k. Somalis’ nomadic humani a ian wo k e eals impo an subal e n mo‑
bili ies and eme gen o ms o powe and success wi hin he p og essi ely local‑
izing aid indus y – e en as hei wo k con inues o be limi ed by long‑s anding
acialized global inequi ies.
Disjunc u ed Sou h‑Sou h Mobili ies
Somalis’ “ligh ness” and hei enjoymen o egula a el and mig a ion enable
hei easy in e pola ions in o nomadic o ms o aid wo k. These humani a ian no‑
mads a e ema kably skilled in he p o ision o eme gency elie ac oss geog aphic
and poli ical bounda ies. Howe e , h oughou he Ho n o A ica, adi ions o
nomadic pas o alism exis alongside he p og essi e seden a iza ion o pas o alis s.
Somalis’ egula a el o isi ing, ade, li es ock, eligious p ac ice, educa ion,
and wo k exis s alongside con lic and o ced mig a ions h oughou he egion.
Somalis’ eliance on and lo e o a el and mig a ion emain, e en as mos So‑
malis in he Ho n o A ica lack access o isas, passpo s, and oppo uni ies o
a el and wo k ou side he Global Sou h. Somali aid wo ke s e ain a desi e and
enjoymen o ieldwo k and si e isi s, e en as hei geog aphic and p o essional
Humani a ian Nomads 107
mobili ies a e cu ailed by an inequi able aid indus y, in lexible laws, and global
o ces and ends la gely beyond hei con ol. E o s o p omo e pa icipa ion and
localiza ion wi hin he aid indus y ha e necessi a ed inc eased Sou h‑Sou h mo‑
bili ies and mig a ions o aid wo ke s, bu ne e hei ue eedom o equali y.
In he ace o hese pa adoxes, howe e , “mo ing ou widens he hea ,” Ahmed
insis ed, and a el and mig a ion wi hin and be ween c isis‑a ec ed places in he
Global Sou h con ain he po en ial o emancipa e indi iduals om iolen poli ical
and economic enclosu es.
As Appadu ai poin s ou , he une en dis ibu ion o powe , esou ces, and igh s
o mo e, o he disjunc u es and inequi ies so cha ac e is ic o global assemblages
like he global humani a ian aid indus y, con ain wi hin hem he po en ial o
ans o ma ion and empowe men . Thus, o many Somalis, nomadic aid wo k
enables and ep esen s limi ed o ms o eedom, ul illmen , and ca ee ad ance‑
men . Somali aid wo ke s’ imagina ion o he wo ld and he humani a ian indus y
o he wise, hei mobili y and wo k in de iance o inequi ies and bo de s, “allow
people o conside mig a ion, esis s a e iolence, seek social ed ess, and design
new o ms o ci ic associa ion and collabo a ion, o en ac oss na ional bounda ies”
(Appadu ai 2000, 6). Global humani a ian assemblages can enable emancipa o y
poli ics, including po en ially h ough wha he global aid indus y calls “pa icipa‑
o y ac ion” o “localiza ion.” In his case, among Somali aid wo ke s and local
humani a ian indus y in he Ho n o A ica now s a ed almos exclusi ely by
Somalis, emancipa ion is imagined and enac ed h ough mobili y, in ways only
nomads can imagine.
No es
1 Following ALNAP (2022), in his chap e I de ine he humani a ian indus y as all he
ac o s (people, ins i u ions, laws, go e nmen s, e c.) ha o ganize, und, and implemen
elie ope a ions. They may be local o ganiza ions, like ci il socie y g oups o eligious
o ganiza ions, and hey may be global elie agencies and dono s, such as UNICEF o
USAID. Humani a ian elie ope a ions, in con as o de elopmen o heal h in e en‑
ions, a e de ined as empo a y p og ams o in e en ions designed o sa e and p o ec
human li es du ing con lic s, popula ion displacemen s, disas e s, and majo social, po‑
li ical, o economic uphea als.
2 In his chap e , I use he ph ase “aid wo ke s,” o e e o people who wo k in some posi‑
ion wi hin he humani a ian indus y and who wo k on he g ound o in he ield plan‑
ning, implemen ing, o e alua ing a ious esponses o humani a ian eme gencies.
3 All names in his chap e a e pseudonyms o p o ec my in e locu o s’ iden i ies.
4 Unlike male aid wo ke s, emale Somali aid wo ke s I spoke o du ing his esea ch
equen ly men ioned hey s uggled o balance childbea ing wi h he equen a el
equi ed o humani a ian elie ope a ions. Howe e , mo e and mo e women we e em‑
ployed e e y yea by global elie agencies, and all women I spoke wi h exp essed ex‑
ci emen abou he g owing numbe o women doing his kind o wo k.
5 Race in E hiopia emains a complex a he han a bina y o s a ic concep . Racialized
hie a chies include complex acialized and poli icized di e en ia ions be ween he many
e hnic and linguis ic g oups in E hiopia, whe eby sel ‑iden i ied Habesha E hiopians
om he cen al and no he n moun ainous pa s o he coun y, who mos ly speak Am‑
ha ic o Tig inya as a i s language, a e pe cei ed by Somalis and o he s o be dis‑
p opo iona ely p omo ed o highe le els o au ho i y wi hin he humani a ian indus y
108 Lau en Ca u h
compa ed o people om pas o alis g oups and o he e hnolinguis ic g oups om he
sou he n and eas e n pa o he coun y.
6 The e m “highlande ” is ypically used o e e o pe sons o Amha a and o he e hnici‑
ies ha mos ly li e in he moun ainous cen al, no he n, and wes e n pa s o E hiopia.
7 E en people like Somali aid wo ke s, o example, pe haps ou side wha Ong (2005,
698) calls “hype capi alis zones,” a e no , I ind, comple ely “globally excluded,” o
pa o wha Ong cha ac e izes as “popula ions wi hou igh s” only wo king o “shee
su i al.” They wo k as pa o impo an global economies like he global humani a ian
indus y, and hey ha e ound p o essional success and ela i ely luc a i e gigs as aid
wo ke s, compa ed o hei pee s in he declining sec o s o nomadic pas o alism, o
example.
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116 Tebkie a Alexand a Tapsoba and Bonayi Hube Dabi é
ha e u n mig a ion can indeed in luence he ag icul u al sec o in he same way
emi ances do, because mig an s can e u n o hei coun y o o igin wi h sa ings
and new skills acqui ed a he place o mig a ion.
Da a and Resul s
We use he quali a i e da a o he MIDEQ p ojec , ocusing on mig a ion biog a‑
phies o e u n mig an s in he Cen e Eas egion o Bu kina Faso. The su ey ga h‑
e ed in o ma ion abou hei expe iences and he con ibu ion o hei mig a ion in
a eas such as ade, business, and ag icul u e. A o al numbe o 42 in e iews we e
conduc ed in Bobo Dioulasso, Cen e ‑Wes , Cen e ‑Eas , and Sou h‑Wes egions
o he coun y. We alked o e u nees who go in ol ed in he ag icul u al sec o
upon a i al
We p esen some desc ip i e s a is ics o ou sample in Table 7.1.
The ime spen in Cô e d’I oi e by e u nees a ies om being bo n o e seas o
esiding in Cô e d’I oi e o 27 yea s. The ci ies in which he mig an s esided a e also
Table 7.1 Demog aphic cha ac e is ics o esponden s
Pseudonym Age Gende Fi s
mig a ion
in Cô e
d’I oi e
Cul i a ion Educa ion Yea s
in CI
Ma i al
s a us
Fa ouma 36 Female Bo n in CI Vege ables Ne e
been o
school
Bo n
in
CI
Widow
Albe 50 Male 2002 Vege ables P ima y 3 Ma ied
Bo is 61 Male 1986 Vege ables Ne e
been o
school
14 Ma ied
Bou eima 44 Male 1995 Vege ables Ne e
been o
school
5 Ma ied
Id issa 47 Male 1996 Banana Ne e
been o
school
6Ma ied
Boubaca 58 Male 1979 Banana
and
cassa a
P ima y 15 Ma ied
B uno 62 Male 1987 Cocoa Ne e
been o
school
20 Ma ied
Cy il 57 Male 1985 Rice and
cassa a
Ne e
been o
school
27 Ma ied
Ya a 69 Male 1976 Rice P ima y 8 Ma ied
Michel 50 Male 1982 Vege ables Ne e
been o
school
15 Ma ied
Sou ce: MIDEQ da a and au ho s’ calcula ions.
The Flow o Resou ces in he Global Sou h 117
e y di e se. Mos o hem esided in he sou he n pa o he coun y wi h ci ies such
as Tiassalé (sou h o he coun y), Di o (sou h o he coun y), Sassand a (ex eme
sou h o he coun y), Po Boue (ex eme sou h o he coun y), Adiaké (sou h o he
coun y), and a ious dis ic s o he economic ci y o Abidjan such as Anoumanbo o
Ma co y. The esponden s we e all ini ially employed in ag icul u e be o e mo ing
o Cô e d’I oi e. One no iceable gap is ela ed o he ac ha o all hese e u nees
he e was only one woman aged 36, while he emaining we e all male, wi h an age
ange o 22 o 66 yea s. This lack o women’s ep esen a ion in ou panel e lec s wo
si ua ions. Fi s ly, mig a ion is p edominan ly a male phenomenon in Bu kina Faso,
wi h young men going o Cô e d’I oi e o wo k. Female mig a ion, which is ma ginal,
is mainly he case o women joining hei husbands and coming back whene e he
comes back. Secondly, women’s access o land in Bu kina Faso is condi ional in many
pa s o he coun y because a woman, e en hough she can access land, usually can’
be he owne . The e o e, women wo k mos o he ime in hei a he ’s ield o hei
husband’s. The en i e sample is also all ma ied, some wi h se e al wi es in Bu kina
Faso and ou side he coun y. The only woman on he panel was widowed bu ema ‑
ied a e coming o Bu kina Faso o he i s ime. No ably, mos o he panel had
no been o school ei he in Bu kina Faso o Cô e d’I oi e. Only h ee esponden s
a ended p ima y and seconda y school, while he es had been o Ko anic school.
Rega ding hei amily li e and li ing condi ions in Cô e d’I oi e, h ee li ed
wi h o me amily membe s who p eceded hem in mig a ion. O he s li ed wi h
people om he same locali y bu we e no di ec ly ela ed o hem. Fo o he s who
had no amily be o e hem, hey li ed in accommoda ion p o ided by hei bosses
a hei place o wo k. Fo ins ance, one esponden said:
O e he e, i you ag ee o do he wo k o be paid pe yea , i is he boss who
will ind you a house o sleep in, bu i you wan o do you own wo k, i you
wan he boss o sha e he ield and gi e you you sha e, i is you who will
ind a place o sleep.
(Boubaca In e iewed on 29 h No embe 2021 in Bag é,
Cen e Eas egion.)
Causes o Re u n
The concep o e u n mig a ion can be da ed back o he amous lis o mig a ion
laws w i en by Ra ens ein (1889, p. 287), whe e he s a ed ha “each main cu en
p oduces a coun e cu en o eeble s eng h.” The scien i ic li e a u e conside s
e u n mig a ion as a componen o his coun e ‑cu en (Bo enke k 1974). F om
he economic poin o iew, neoclassical economic heo ies s a e ha e u n mig a‑
ion is a esul o ailed expec a ions in des ina ion coun ies o he esul o a bad
a bi a ion be ween he cos and bene i s o mig a ion in he i s place (de Haas and
Fokkema 2011; Toda o 1969). In any case, hese heo ies conside e u n mig a ion
as a ailu e, because people who a e able o succeed in hei mig a ion p ocess s ay
in hei des ina ion coun ies (Tezcan 2019). In he same way, some au ho s con‑
side ha o coun ies o o igin, e u n mig a ion ecei es li le a en ion especially
118 Tebkie a Alexand a Tapsoba and Bonayi Hube Dabi é
when he e u n is in olun a y o subsequen o a ailed mig a ion and ailed in‑
eg a ion in he coun y o des ina ion. Re u n mig an s a e he e o e e en mo e
o e looked when he o igin coun ies’ economies and labou ma ke s a e weak
(Haase and Hone a h 2016).
The New Economics o Labou Mig a ion Theo y s a es hings di e en ly. In
ac , unlike he p e ious heo y, mig a ion decisions a e aken a he household
le el, whe e he membe who is mo e likely o succeed in mig a ion is selec ed o
a el. Success in ha case means con ibu ing o he household income by sending
emi ances o sa ing o in es men s in he o igin coun y upon e u n. In a p ac i‑
cal way, he In e na ional O ganiza ion o Mig a ion de ines e u n mig a ion in
he con ex o in e na ional mig a ion as “ he mo emen o pe sons e u ning o
hei coun y o o igin a e ha ing mo ed away om hei place o habi ual esi‑
dence and c ossed an in e na ional bo de ” (IOM 2019). In his chap e , we a gue
ha e u n mig a ion is no a ailu e, bu a he is usually a choice o he mig an ,
e en hough some ac o s can make hem e u n p ema u ely.
Be o e discussing he skills acqui ed in he place o mig a ion and used in Bu ‑
kina Faso, i would be app op ia e o ake s ock o he mig an s’ in en ions o e‑
u n. Indeed, i should be no ed ha , wha e e he eason o hei depa u e, all he
people in e iewed emphasised hei long‑ e m desi e o e u n when hey s a ed
hei mig a ion jou ney. This is a common inding in he li e a u e as a gued by
Ba is ella (2018), mos mig an s lea e wi h he idea o e u ning home one day. In
ou case, he mig a ion p ojec is o en amed as a plan, aiming o ea n an income
ha will allow he mig an o send money home, and make sa ings o his e u n.
Hence mig a ion is desc ibed by he in o man s as a iable li e op ion.
B uno, in e iewed in Bag é on he 27 h o No embe 2021, s a ed:
I had he in en ion o coming back. I wen he e o sea ch o money and ha e
a be e li e. One who ea ns be ween a hund ed housand o wo hund ed
housand CFA e u ning home would be o ced o mig a e a e spending his/
he sa ings. I came, wen back, came back, and wen back o Cô e d’I oi e
mo e han en imes. Howe e , in he mean ime, we knew se ling he e in ou
coun y o ind some hing o do would be be e han s aying away. So ha is
how we came back o se le he e pe manen ly.
The geog aphical p oximi y o Cô e d’I oi e, accompanied by cul u al p oximi y
and egional ag eemen s like ECOWAS (Economic Communi y o Wes A ican
S a es), ein o ce he mig a ion pa e n and allow people o ci cula e easily be ween
bo de s. ECOWAS ag eemen s allow all ci izens om membe S a es o mo e
eely wi hin he communi y. Howe e , i is impo an o no e ha since 22 Ma ch
2020, Cô e d’I oi e chose o unila e ally close i s g ound bo de s wi h neighbou ‑
ing coun ies. Ai bo de s we e s ill opened howe e , bu conside ing ha he ma‑
jo i y o people mo ing om Bu kina Faso o Cô e d’I oi e a e ela i ely poo ,
hey we e s uck and had o use clandes ine g ound oads o en e he coun y. No e
howe e ha g ound bo de s ha e been ecen ly opened on he nigh o 15–16
Feb ua y 2023.
The Flow o Resou ces in he Global Sou h 119
Those who a e no in ol ed in he mig a ion p ocess as such, as well as hose
who we e bo n he e, also men ioned he desi e o e u n o hei coun y o o igin
one day. The emale esponden , Fa ouma in e iewed on he 23 d o No embe
2021 in Tenkodogo, sha ed he expe ience: “… e en om he age o wel e (12), I
kep bo he ing my pa en s wi h his s o y o “I wan o go o Faso.”
I should be no ed ha while he desi e o e u n home was p esen in he minds
o all mig an s, some o hem had o sho en hei s ay o easons beyond hei
con ol. In ac , many men ioned amily easons ha pushed hem o e u n p e‑
ma u ely. These easons a e o en ela ed o old age o he dea h o a pa en , which
necessi a es he p ema u e e u n o he mig an , especially i he mig an is a man.
The e u n is, he e o e, some imes imposed by amily membe s. In ci cums ances
whe e se e al membe s o he same household ha e mig a ed, hose who mig a ed
o Cô e d’I oi e a e mo e likely o be called back home because hey a e consid‑
e ed close geog aphically.” Cy il, in e iewed on he 27 h o No embe in Bag é,
emphasises he non‑ olun a y cha ac e o his e u n by saying:
In any case, my e u n was no good o me. I did no go back o a simple
cause. The dea h o my olde b o he , lea ing behind his wi e and child en,
was he main ac o o my e u n. I was a e y sudden dea h ha made me
come back in olun a ily. I was in olun a y because i i was no o ha , I
was no going o come back igh now.
In addi ion o amilial esponsibili ies many ha e men ioned ha ano he eason
o e u ning is he eeling o ejec ion and he ha sh social condi ions in Cô e
d’I oi e. In ac , Boubaca In e iewed on 29 h No embe 2021 in Bag é, Cen e
Eas egion a gues ha
Ah, conce ning ou e u n o Bu kina, in any case, we can say ha we le
I o y Coas o compulso y easons. Because we we e i ed he e. E e y day
i is jus he blows ha we ake. So we saw in he end ha he bes hing was
o a i e home. Ou su e ing was oo much.
This las s a emen e e s o a common inding in he li e a u e s a ing ha pe ‑
cei ed xenophobia, and di icul ies o in eg a e he labou ma ke in des ina ion
coun ies can ca alyse mig an s’ e u n o o igin coun ies (Tezcan 2019). Re u n
mig an s come home wi h new se s o skills and a new mindse ha di ec hem
owa ds sel ‑employmen and en ep eneu ship upon e u n. In ac , wi h he help
o sa ings acqui ed o e seas, hey a e mo e likely o become en ep eneu s upon
e u n (Dus mann and Ki chkamp 2002; McCo mick and Wahba 2001; Mesna d
2004). S udies emphasising he ans e o mig an s’ skills in hei coun ies o
o igin a e howe e ocused on he No h‑Sou h Mig a ion. Mo eo e , hey do no
ocus on he ag icul u al sec o ha employs he majo i y o people, especially
in A ica.
Ag icul u e is a common ac i i y ca ied ou bo h in Cô e d’I oi e and in
Bu kina Faso. Indeed, he in e iewed e u nees men ion ha hey we e al eady
120 Tebkie a Alexand a Tapsoba and Bonayi Hube Dabi é
in ol ed in ag icul u al ac i i ies be o e hei mig a ion and ha by e u ning o
Bu kina Faso, hey simply ein eg a ed in o an ac i i y hey al eady knew, e en i
hei cul i a ion echniques had changed. Albe , in e iewed in Pakala on he 28 h
o No embe 2021, wo king in he ga dening sec o , a gues ha : “…we we e in
he business since ou childhood”. As s a ed abo e mos o he esponden s we e
ini ially employed in ag icul u e be o e mo ing o Cô e d’I oi e. The quali a i e
su ey esul s in he Cen e‑Eas egion show a whole ange o skill ans e s by
e u nees in ag icul u e. Indeed, whe he hey inno a e by in oducing species un‑
known in Bu kina Faso o a ming echniques, hey add alue o he Bu kinabe
ag icul u al sec o .
They all men ion he undeniable con ibu ion o hei s ay in Cô e d’I oi e in
gaining new wo k cul u e and skills. As Bo is, a ma ke ga dene in e iewed on
he 28 h o No embe 2021 in Ga ango/Pakala, said:
A he momen , i i was no o he ac ha we we e in Cô e d’I oi e, we
would no be he e oday doing his wo k… Today he way o plan ing he
di e en plan s is no longe a sec e o us.
Id issa, a banana a me in e iewed in Bag é on he 29 h o No embe 2021,
added: “Rega ding ou way o wo king, i is ou mig a ion o Cô e d’I oi e ha
augh us e e y hing.”
I should also be no ed ha e u nees adap hei wo king me hods o local con‑
di ions. Indeed, whe he hey a e cul i a ing new o local ag icul u al species, hey
ecognise undamen al di e ences be ween Bu kina Faso and Cô e d’I oi e, which
leads hem o adap hei knowledge o he local con ex . Imp o isa ion akes on i s
whole meaning when he e u n mig an s conside he essen ial ac ha clima ic
condi ions and soil ypes a e no compa able wi h he I o ian con ex .
New Ag icul u al Species as a Re u nee Asse
Ou s udy ound ha some uncommon and new species o plan s a e cul i a ed in
he Cen e‑Eas egion as a di ec esul o knowledge acqui ed by e u n mig an s.
Some o hese species a e di ec ly impo ed om Cô e d’I oi e as well as all he
echniques used in he cul u e. The main impo ed c op g own by he e u nees
su eyed in he ma ke ga dening sec o is he lowe ing onion impo ed om Cô e
d’I oi e. As Bou eima s a ed du ing his in e iew on he 28 h o No embe 2021
in Tenkodogo, “This new species is called he e he Chinese onion…Tha is wha I
used o g ow in Cô e d’I oi e. I came om Cô e d’I oi e. I came wi h he b o he
who is lea ing he e o e u n home.”
We also no ed he cul i a ion o cassa a, which ini ially came om he local
species bu has g adually changed wi h he a i al o species cul i a ed in Cô e
d’I oi e and wi h changes in consump ion habi s. The yields o hese new c ops
a e good and esul in na ional sales, especially in he majo ci ies. Locali ies such
as Ouagadougou, Bobo Dioulasso, Bi ou, Pouy enga, and Manga a e some imes
men ioned, indica ing ha hese c ops in oduced by he e u nee a e well con‑
sumed in he la ge ci ies. I is impo an o no e a poin conce ning he c op o
The Flow o Resou ces in he Global Sou h 121
which Cô e d’I oi e is one o he main expo ing coun ies ha is cocoa. One o
he e u nees in his s udy also impo ed his c op in Bu kina Faso, and is g owing
i o sale. As he s a ed, a e spending abou wen y yea s in Cô e d’I oi e, B uno,
ied o g ow cocoa in Bu kina Faso wi h echniques he lea ned in Cô e d’I oi e:
“He e, when I am g owing cocoa, I lea ned ha in Cô e d’I oi e.” A e g owing
mille and ice in he i s yea s o his e u n o Bu kina Faso, he used he ea nings
om his ac i i y o a el back o Cô e d’I oi e o ge cocoa seeds: “I was ecen ly
in 2015 ha I s a ed g owing cocoa. I used o g ow maize, ice, and small mille .
On 20 July 2015, I e u ned o Cô e d’I oi e wi h 300,000 CFA o buy cocoa seeds
in Cô e d’I oi e.”
The yields a e good o B uno, and he has in e na ional ambi ions. He a gues ha
“He e, i he p oduc ion is a lo , you can go o Cô e d’I oi e o sell i . I i ’s no much,
you’ll connec o people who will come and buy i .” He con inues by add essing an
issue ha seems common o ou in e iewees, which is he access o la ge a mland:
Bu as my plo o a m is no la ge, I am looking a i , i a e wa ds he go ‑
e nmen sees ha my idea is good and i comes back o add space, necessa ily
I will now ha e he ma ke wi h he whi e people.
In addi ion o B uno, Id issa ied o in oduce a new a ie y o banana ound in
Cô e d’I oi e and Wes e n coun ies. He a gues: “The e is ano he a ie y, he
‘g ande‑naine,’ bu ha is only a ailable in Cô e d’I oi e o in Wes e n coun ies.”
He was howe e no able o succeed in his en e p ise because o he COVID‑19
pandemic, and lack o suppo om he go e nmen .
We once o de ed his a ie y o g ande Naine in F ance o y i ou . I was a
he ime o he COVID pandemic, he o de was deli e ed and blocked some‑
whe e because o he closu e o he bo de s. Bu as hey we e g ains, hey los
hei necessa y weigh and quali ies. So when we expe imen ed he e, i didn’
wo k. When i came, we asked he egion o help us wi h a small a ea, e en
i i ’s wo hec a es, o expe imen wi h, bu hey la ly e used. Wi h all ha
ime added, he g ains we e o ally spoiled.
The Case o New Ag icul u al Techniques and Wo k E hics
Some o ou in e iewees did no cul i a e new species bu a he ein eg a e in o
hei old ac i i ies upon e u n, and ye one could see a signi ican di e ence in
he new se o skills hey b ough wi h hem. When asked whe he he echniques
hey use a e he same as hose o he non‑mig an s, Fa ouma eplied: “Tha is clea .
Those who a e he e will no necessa ily ha e he same echniques, le alone me,
who lea ned ou side…. He e, as he e is no enough wa e , my pa ings a e less
wide han hose in Cô e d’I oi e.” Simila ly, Albe a gues:
The ac ha we ha e been o Cô e d’I oi e is al eady a di e ence. The wo k
canno be he same. E en be ween us e u ning mig an s, he way o doing
hings canno be he same. Tha is i . The echniques we use di e .
122 Tebkie a Alexand a Tapsoba and Bonayi Hube Dabi é
Abou he cul i a ion o he local a ie y o cassa a al eady p esen in Bu kina
Faso, Cy il ema ked ha :
Fo cassa a, I ha e no iced ha he ones g owing he e a e o en placed close
o each o he . The gap he e is no a all wide, so you ha e o lea e a gap be‑
ween each cassa a plan . You ha e o plan i so ha i is wide… So i you
plan in be e measu es, no mally i you emo e one cassa a plan , i should
be enough o se e al people.
He u he emphasised he con ibu ion o Cô e d’I oi e o his way o wo king,
main aining ha
In he plan a ion p ocess, I am as e han hem (non‑mig an s). I ha e a good
unde s anding o ha . I ha e a good g asp o wa e piping and e e y hing.
I know i well because I had o do i in Cô e d’I oi e. I ha e done in he big
lowlands in Cô e d’I oi e, so I mas e all ha .
The egion o en o e s capaci y‑building aining o a me s in o de o help hem
in hei ac i i ies. Mig an s and non‑mig an s ake he cou ses; howe e , hey seem
no o ha e he same unde s anding o he aining’s impo ance. Cy il, he e o e,
emphasises ha e en in he aining cou ses hey a end, hey a e mo e assidu‑
ous in he sense ha hose who ha e no mig a ed a e less inclined o ollow he
ecommenda ions gi en o hem du ing he aining. In addi ion o his igou and
assidui y a wo k, he e is also a dis inc di e ence in he eage ness o wo k, as
many o ou esponden s men ion he ac ha hey a e mo e enacious a wo k han
non‑mig an s. This is due o he ac ha in Cô e d’I oi e, hey we e used o la ge
a eas o cul i a ion compa ed o he hec a es ha he Bu kinabe go e nmen ag ees
o g an hem he e. Bou eima emphasises ha his has become a habi , a second
na u e o hem: “Those who did no go ou he e canno las long in he ields like
us. I has become ou habi . Tha is i .”
Re u nees’ Re lec ions on Thei Re u n – The Con ibu ion o Mig a ion
Mig an s we e also asked di ec ly wha hey hink abou he non‑ inancial con ibu ion
o hei mig a ion expe iences. No su p isingly, hey men ion se e al con ibu ions o
his mig a ion ha a e no only inancial. The emale in o man Fa ouma adds:
Taking a s ep away om home is al eady like en olling in a new school.
The e a e hings ha you will ne e accep o e use i i is no ha you a e
once ou . Someone who is ou and someone who is no ou hese wo a e e y
di e en . The one who wen ou is doubly ich in he head han he one who
s ayed. I I ha e eached his le el oday, i is because I was bo n ou side.
This poin unde lines he awa eness ha mig an s acqui e du ing hei mig a o y
p ocess. Thus, e en i hei mig a ion does no succeed in economic e ms, i s ill
has some posi i e sides o i , as emphasised by Albe : “I is ue ha ou mig a ion
The Flow o Resou ces in he Global Sou h 123
has no enabled us o achie e any hing, bu a leas we a e ma u e and e u ned
home wi h some li ed expe iences on wha a ha d wo k can pay one in li e.”
Some e e o he ac ha hei mig a ion has made hem alue educa ion. Fa‑
ouma a gues,
In he illage he e, you canno see a child who has his pa en s in Cô e d’I oi e
lea ing school because o school ees. You can ne e see ha . I is no ha
hey ha e mo e money han hose he e, bu i is because hey be e unde ‑
s and he alue o educa ion.
Gi en ha he majo i y o he pa icipan s o he s udy ha e ne e been o school,
his is signi ican and ma ks a shi in belie s abou he ole o he school. This end
in Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion, as Chap e 1 a gues (Zeleke and Smi h 2023), pa ly
ela es o he mig an s’ conside a ion o in es men in educa ion as a compensa o y
ac , compensa ing o hei own lack o educa ional a ainmen .
Finally, as Cy il, one o ou 57‑yea ‑old in e iewees s a ed: “Knowledge is
no some hing ha can be measu ed; i is no some hing ha o s away so ha he
aces will be he e, and we will bene i om i . Tha is how i is.”
Conclusion
Re u n mig a ion in he con ex o Sou h‑Sou h Mig a ion, especially in
in a‑con inen al mig a ion, unlike he mig a ion o emo e des ina ions, needs o
be add essed wi h e e ence o how much p oximi y be ween places o o igin and
des ina ion impac s he e u n mig a ion dynamic. In ac , ou wo k showed ha
mig a ing o a coun y close o he o igin coun y aises he p obabili y o being
equi ed o come home in case o necessi y. In ha amewo k, e u n mig a ion
can be in olun a y in he con ex o in acon inen al and especially geog aphically
closed mig a ion.
Ne e heless, he idea o e u ning home a e mig a ing has always been in he
minds o ou in e iewees. Hence, he skills and knowledge gained by Bu kinabe
mig an s e u ning om Cô e d’I oi e a e no o be neglec ed. This con ibu ion
a gues ha any discussion on he low o esou ces needs o unpack how he low
o skills and new wo k e hics, as pa o he o e all esou ces ha mig an s acqui e
a places o des ina ion, has di e se impac s on o igin communi ies, anging om
he c ea ion o businesses o de elopmen o new ac i i ies in he ag icul u al a ea
in ou case. The bene i s o hei mig a ion a e also de ini ely impac ing he econ‑
omy o hei coun y o des ina ion. In ac , hey use hei physical and in ellec ual
s eng h in hei place o mig a ion, which undoub edly con ibu es o he de elop‑
men o hei hos coun y. As o hei coun y o o igin, he inancial spin‑o s sen
a e he p ima y sou ce o bene i s o mig an s. In his chap e , we ha e discussed
he non‑ inancial bene i s o mig a ion, including he in oduc ion o new species in
ag icul u e, new wo ld iews and wo k e hic, and he ans e o skills and knowl‑
edge as a whole, in he Cen e Eas egion o Bu kina Faso.
The esul s o he su ey show ha mig an s e u ning om Cô e d’I oi e dem‑
ons a e ingenui y in ag icul u al p ac ices, bo h in e ms o in oducing new species
124 Tebkie a Alexand a Tapsoba and Bonayi Hube Dabi é
and new wo king echniques. The esul s also show di icul ies ela ed o he social
accep ance o mig an labou , access o land, and he di icul clima ic condi ions
o he coun y. Ne e heless, i is wo h no ing he un ailing de e mina ion o he
mig an s who, e en when aced wi h obs acles, o e come hem, ecalling he cha ‑
ac e o sel ‑ anscendence ha hey ha e acqui ed du ing hei mig a o y jou ney. I
would he e o e be app op ia e o go e nmen ‑led policies o conside accompany‑
ing hese mig an s so ha hey can capi alise on hei knowledge o he bene i o
he en i e na ion.
No es
1 We ci e he 2006 census because 2019 census esul s ega ding he main egions o de‑
pa u e a e no a ailable ye .
2 Remi ances da a a e made a ailable by he Wo ld Bank. Howe e , hey a e no disagg ega ed
by sending coun ies. We only he e o e can ely on su eys o es ima e hem by coun y.
Re e ences
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132 De eje Feyissa
expounded by local a ian s o p ophecies cus omized o he needs o p ospec‑
i e indi idual mig an s, len a di ine sc ip o a secula mig a ion p ojec . The
Hadiya ha e c ea i ely used eligion as a space o c ea e agency o ma e ialize
he mig a ion p ojec . In e ec , his p ophecy sac alises and endo ses mig a ion as
God‑sanc ioned and God’s edemp i e plan o he Hadiya. The Hadiya o en use
he spi i ual e m abe alin (God awakened us) while alking abou why and how
Hadiya mig a ion o Sou h A ica s a ed. Abandoned by he E hiopian s a e and
lagging behind hei neighbou s, God, as i we e, s epped in and is now engaging
Hadiya by opening a sou he n ou e h ough which p ospe i y comes, helping hem
o ca ch up wi h and e en excel compa ed o hei neighbou s. Mos Hadiya who
mig a ed o Sou h A ica a e om he illages and unskilled wi h li le o mal edu‑
ca ion and expe ience in business, as o be discussed below.
In addi ion o his, Hadiya mig a ion o Sou h A ica, like o he mig an s om
he Ho n o A ica mo e b oadly, has been enabled by a mo e libe al immig a ion
policy especially o A ican mig an s in pos ‑Apa heid Sou h A ica, a leas un‑
il 2011 when policy s a ed shi ing. This e e sed Apa heid’s es ic i e policy
ha ins i u ed i s ision o an all‑whi e Sou h A ica h ough a sys em o ‘in lux
con ol’ applied o black Sou h A icans as i was also used o con ain and egula e
mig a ion om o he A ican coun ies. Pos ‑Apa heid Sou h A ica unde P esi‑
den Mandela opened i s doo o mig an s pa ly as an ac o g a i ude o A ican
coun ies ha ac i ely suppo ed he A ican Na ional Cong ess du ing he libe a‑
ion s uggle. P esiden Mandela was also keen o black Sou h A icans o lea n
om A ican mig an s, especially business skills (Siddique 2004). Sou h A ica is
he only coun y in he con inen whe e e ugees and asylum seeke s ha e eedom
o mo emen and he igh o wo k a he han being con ined o camps. D a ed in
1998 unde he pos ‑apa heid e a o democ a iza ion, he law is among he wo ld’s
mos p og essi e in e ms o he igh s i g an s asylum seeke s and e ugees. Un‑
like o he A ican coun ies, Sou h A ica ne e es ablished e ugee camps. Ins ead,
asylum seeke s and e ugees a e ee o se le anywhe e in he coun y, and a e also
ee o wo k and s udy.5 E en hose claiman s whose case is pending o hei s ay
is ex ended o a sho pe iod ound hemsel es a he wo kplace soon a e hei
a i al. In p inciple, wo king wi hou documen s makes hem illegal bu he e is a
g ea e ole ance by Sou h A ican au ho i ies owa ds mig an s, especially in he
in o mal ade sec o . Howe e , his comes wi hou a igh o p o ec ion and ac‑
cess o social se ices. Some mig an s nego ia e hei p eca ious exis ence h ough
in o mal a angemen s wi h Sou h A ican law en o cemen agencies and a ious
b oke s who help hem secu e ake documen s. Sou h A ica is one o he s ong‑
es economies in A ica and o e s oppo uni ies o mig an s o wo k bo h in he
o mal and in o mal economies. In addi ion o Sou h A ica’s p og essi e immig a‑
ion policies, policy e o ms in E hiopia since 1991 also included he cons i u ional
igh o mo emen o people, including in e na ional a els ( he 1995 Cons i u‑
ion, A icle 32. 1). P io o ha in e na ional a el was e y much es ic ed, as
his equi ed go e nmen pe mission which issued an exi isa.
This simul aneous libe al mig a ion policies a he place o o igin and des‑
ina ion ha e inc eased he momen um o Hadiya mig a ion o Sou h A ica.
Hadiya Expe iences 133
Al hough ew Hadiya mig a ed o Sou h A ica because o poli ical pe secu ion,
especially he you h a ilia ed wi h he opposi ion HNDO in he ea ly 2000s,
mos a e i egula mig an s who eques asylum in o de o ge wo k pe mi s
so ha hey can be sel ‑employed in he in o mal ade. Bu as he numbe o
mig an s om he Ho n o A ica seeking asylum in Sou h A ica has eached
unp eceden ed le els, Sou h A ican bo de au ho i ies ha e s a ed e using mi‑
g an s en y. This has gi en way o he eme gence o a obus smuggling indus y
ha in ol es mul iple in e media ies si ua ed in places o o igin, in ansi coun‑
ies and in Sou h A ica.
Mos E hiopian mig an s wo k in he in o mal ade sec o , unning busi‑
nesses in ownships and business dis ic s o bigge owns such as Johannesbu g
and Du ban. F om illages wi h li le educa ion, skills, and language ba ie ,
nea ly all Hadiya mig an s in Sou h A ica a e sel ‑employed and engaged in
small businesses. Typically, hey s a wi h home deli e y o consume goods in
he ownships. This business is known among mig an s as ‘loca ion’. The goods
ange om household appliances o bel s and cu ains. These ypes o businesses
we e enabled by he gaps c ea ed in se ice deli e y o ownships du ing Apa ‑
heid (Ogu a 1996). No p ope shops we e es ablished in he black ownships and
blacks we e ei he no allowed o we e ea ul o accessing goods and se ices in
bigge owns which we e p edominan ly inhabi ed by he whi e Sou h A icans.
When he coun y was opened in he pos ‑Apa heid pe iod and he economy was
libe alized wi h g ea e in eg a ion wi h he global economy, he hi he o sca ce
consume goods became suddenly a ailable o he black Sou h A icans who
now also ha e g ea e pu chasing powe hanks o Sou h A ica’s wel a e s a e.
Sou h A ica has one o he mos ex ensi e social wel a e sys ems in he global
sou h (Naidu 2022).6
Mig an s in ol ed in he in o mal ade en ice black Sou h A icans o spend
hei wel a e money in pu chasing consume goods o e ed in he o m o c edi .
Cu en ly, he doo ‑ o‑doo deli e y o consume goods is eplaced by small
shops in he ownships popula ly known as Spaza o ag shops, ins ancing a o m
o economic mobili y o mig an s, Hadiya mig an s included. Al hough his o m
o business has a da ke side in ol ing a g owing o m o iolence, including
xenophobia and shop obbe ies (Solomon and Kosaka 2019; Liwewe 2022), i
has also enabled Hadiya mig an s o accumula e weal h, e iden in he olume
o emi ance and sp ou ing mig an businesses in places o o igin, especially in
Hosanna and o he owns in Hadiya Zone. Abo e all, mig a ion has equipped he
Hadiya wi h he much‑needed en ep eneu ial skills which hey deploy in he
businesses hey se up in places o o igin. O he o ms o he low o knowledge/
ideas include a belie in onesel ; a cul u e o sa ing, ne wo king skill, esilience,
and pe se e ance, and an al e na i e concep ion o de elopmen ha c i iques
E hiopia’s his o ically sedimen ed s a is concep ion and e ms o de elopmen .
In he ollowing sec ion, we discuss he low o economic no ms exp essed in
he o m o new business skills and en ep eneu ial d i e mo e b oadly and he
ans o ma ional signi icance o his bo h a he indi idual and collec i e le els
in places o o igin.
134 De eje Feyissa
De elopmen Di idends o Hadiya Mig a ion o Sou h
A ica – Acquisi ion o En ep eneu ial Skills
Anima ed by spi i uali y and de e mined o imp o e hei condi ions o li e wi hou
he skill se and language compe ence, Hadiya mig an s acqui ed business skills in
Sou h A ica he ha d way. They a e all sel ‑made. Mos e u nee mig an s empha‑
sized non‑mone a y gains when asked abou he impo ance o hei Sou h A ican
expe ience. Mos desc ibed mig a ion o Sou h A ica in i s ans o ma ional sense,
as he ollowing ex ac s om in e iews wi h e u nee mig an s indica e:
Sou h A ica is like a big school o me. I was a g ade 10 s uden when I
d opped ou o school and mig a ed. I had no idea abou business. I used o
hink business is mean o he Amha a, Tig ayans, Gu age and o he people
om he no h. Bu Sou h A ica has showed me a di e en wo ld – expand
my ho izon and mos impo an ly ha ha d wo k pays o i he igh sys em
is pu in place. Yes, he e is disc imina ion and iolence in Sou h A ica
bu s ill you can succeed and imp o e you condi ion o li e. We go he e
emp y handed and come back no only wi h money bu also wi h he knowl‑
edge and skills. Abo e all, we eel now good abou ou sel es. We Hadiya
we e made o eel in e io in E hiopia. We also wo k ha d in E hiopia bu
no change. I am e e g a e ul o Sou h A ica o he be e pe son ha I
ha e become. I would ha e emained in a illage o he es o my li e
doing wha my o e a he s did o gene a ions. Bu now I un a ib an
business – owning wo Sino T ucks, a cons uc ion ma e ials shop and plo s
o land, one o which I buil a illa on. You see now many Hadiyas a e do‑
ing business, which would ha e been un hinkable wi hou Sou h A ica.
Mos Hadiya businesses you see in Hosanna a e somehow connec ed o
Sou h A ica one way o he o he .
(A e u nee mig an , in e iewed in Hosanna, May 17, 2021)
Ano he e u nee mig an , Ab aham (a pseudonym) sha ed a simila iew, app e‑
cia ing he ans o ma ional impac o mig a ion no only h ough knowledge ac‑
qui ed in Sou h A ica bu also li e li e‑changing expe iences du ing he jou ney:
I was 16 yea s old when I mig a ed o Sou h A ica. No only ha was I
a boy bu also, I did no ha e enough money o pay o he cos o mig a‑
ion. The money I had ook me only o Kenya. My si ua ion o ced me o be
sel ‑ elian . I app oached smuggle s and wo ked wi h hem. I connec ed hem
wi h many Hadiya mig an s who we e passing h ough Kenya. I did his o
six mon hs. Wi h he sa ings ha I made; I con inued my jou ney passing
h ough Tanzania. By he ime I eached Malawi I un ou o money. I wen
o he e ugee camp whe e I again go connec ed wi h smuggle s. I s ayed
wi h he smuggle s o one yea acili a ing he money ans e be ween mi‑
g an amilies and he smuggle s. I go commission o ha . In ac , I wan ed
o s ay in Malawi bu when I hea d ha he bo de s o Sou h A ica would
Hadiya Expe iences 135
be closed soon a e he 2010 Wo ld Cup I ushed and c ossed he bo de o
Sou h A ica. By he ime I eached Sou h A ica I al eady lea n a lo om
my s ay in Kenya, Tanzania and Malawi. Al hough I did no ha e ela i es
in Sou h A ica, I knew many people and ha social ne wo k helped me o
ge s a ed he loca ion business no long a e my a i al. A e some ime,
I opened shops in Du ban and made lo s o money. I ealized how impo ‑
an social ne wo k is which helped me e en ge a Mozambique wo k pe mi
whe e I used o do “b and” business [business in coun e ei p oduc s] om
Mozambique o Sou h A ica. Had i no been o he g owing iolence and
obbe y I would ha e liked o s ay in Sou h A ica longe ; a coun y which
made me a be e pe son. I is no only money ha I go om Sou h A ica. I
ha e also lea n how Sou h A icans make a li ing. The mos s iking hing
o me was how ich whi e people s ill do a ming o keep ca le. I hough ,
once you a e ich, you do some hing else. This is how people hink in E hio‑
pia, Hadiya included. I did no ha e a clea business plan when I e u ned
om Sou h A ica. I assessed he ma ke and ealised ha he e is milk sho ‑
age in Hosanna own. Then milk supply was only 25% o he demand. I
sensed ha he supply would be e en less because o he apid u banisa ion in
Hosanna. I decided o in es in dai y a m. I bough 25 milk cows wi h an in‑
es men wo h 8 million bi . Tha was shocking o many, including iends
and ela i es. They expec ed me o be mode n and in es in o he sec o s, no
going down and was e he money on cows. I old hem ha many ich whi e
people in Sou h A ica keep ca le and cul i a e e en hose who a e highly
educa ed. Look whe e I am 3 yea s a e my e u n – my dai y a m is g ow‑
ing by he day supplying he own wi h 800 li es o milk pe day. I makes
me e y happy o see I am con ibu ing o ood secu i y supplying o e 1000
child en wi h he much‑needed milk.
(A e u nee mig an , in e iewed in Hosanna, July, 14, 2021)
F om Ab aham’s s o y, we also lea n how impo an social ne wo k is o mi‑
g an s o cope wi h and h i e in hei des ina ion and upon e u n o hei places
o o igin. Th oughou his s ay in Sou h A ica, his e u nee mig an made a obus
socio‑economic ne wo k ac oss eligious and e hnic bounda ies, and which he con‑
inued upon his e u n. He ecoun ed ha he consciously c ossed bounda ies o
enhance his li e chances while esponding o he impe a i es o mig a ion. I is no
wonde hus ha he und aising o his send‑o pa y was he highes , ea ning him
o e 400,000 Rand which he used, in addi ion o his sa ing, as seed capi al o s a
his dai y a m business in Hosanna. Du ing his jou ney back o E hiopia – he p e‑
e ed he land ou e om Sou h A ica ia Mozambique, Tanzania, and Kenya – he
me an Indian businessman which e ol ed in o an impo an economic ne wo k.
The Indian businessman was keen on ne wo king wi h Ab aham who in oduced
himsel as hal Sou h A ican and hal E hiopian in o de o inc ease his business
appeal. They planned a business en u e in Sou h A ica. While Ab aham isi ed
he b ick wo kshop o he Indian businessman in Addis Ababa, he ecip oca ed by
isi ing Sisay and his dai y a m in Hosanna. Mo e c ucially, his ne wo k helped
136 De eje Feyissa
Ab aham o a el o India whe e he isi ed a ade ai o dai y p oduc s. Two o
his Muslim iends om Addis Ababa whom he me in Sou h A ica also isi ed
Ab aham in Hosanna, also wi h a plan o a join en u e.
Cu en ly, Ab aham is emba king on comme cial a ming wi h 300 hec a es o
leased land ha he go om he go e nmen , i sel a p oduc o his newly ound
ne wo king skill. He clea ly iden i ied whe e in es men is mos needed, as Hadiya
ha e been p og essi ely educed om p oduce s o g ain o ne impo e s. Wi h a
iew o u he mode nizing his a ms, Ab aham is also ne wo king wi h ending
educa ed E hiopian a me s on YouTube, who con inue o inspi e him and sus ain
his belie ha i is possible o be mode n and a a me a he same ime; an ex‑
panded business ho izon hanks o his exposu e o a di e en wo ld iew du ing his
s ay in Sou h A ica and in ansi coun ies.
Fo o he s, c ea ing a new sense o sel h ough he ans o ma ional impac o
mig a ion some imes comes om pa en s who use he mig a ion o hei child en
o Sou h A ica as a pa en al disciplina y measu e, as he ollowing s o y by a e‑
u nee mig an indica es:
I come om a ela i ely well o do amily. How I mig a ed o Sou h A ica
is somehow di e en om mos cases. I was imposed on me by my pa en s.
I was he naugh ies o all hei child en. I s a ed smoking and d inking a
an ea ly age. I e en joined gang g oups in Hosanna and pa icipa ed in hang‑
ing. My a he ainly ied many hings. He inally hough o sending me o
Sou h A ica. He said o me “go o Sou h A ica and be somebody”. He did
no mean his in he sense o go he e and make money bu a he he belie ed
in he ans o ma ional powe o mig a ion. Many people who do no do any‑
hing in Hadiya would become ha d wo ke s in Sou h A ica and come back
no only wi h money bu also as a be e , esponsible pe sons. Sou h A ica
p o ed my a he igh . I mig a ed eluc an ly bu now I am a success ul
businessman owning a house, plo s o land. Shops and ucks. Abo e all, my
pa en s a e happy wi h me.
(Re u nee mig an , in e iewed in Fonqo, Augus 5, 2021)
S ill o o he s wha Sou h A ica has augh hem is pe se e ance and esilience.
Al hough in he ea ly yea s o mig a ion, Sou h A ica was sa e , hings s a ed
changing wi h a mo e isible sign o weal h exp essed in he o m o sp ou ing
shops in ownships making hem ulne able o obbe ies, as ecoun ed by he ol‑
lowing e u nee mig an :
Yes, he e a e isks unning shops in Sou h A ica. As soon as you business
expands i a ac s obbe s. Robbe s know ha we pu ou money in he shops
because we can no use banks as we do no ha e documen s. Black Sou h
A icans do no know how o make business bu hey see us p ospe ing. Tha
is why hey hink we a e s ealing hei money. Bu as soon as we a e obbed,
we s a he business om sc a ch. We ha e lea n how o pe sis and ebuild
business. I ha e lea n he alue o pe se e ance. Always ind a way o come
Hadiya Expe iences 137
back, o example, i I am b oke, I won’ jus qui . I a he wo k ha de o ge
back o business. Mos people gi e up business when hings go in he w ong
di ec ion; hey lose he psychological ba le ha is no a good hing. You igh
on wi h wha you ha e un il you ge some hing be e . You also need o be
pa ien . Tha is in he logic o business. This is helping me a lo in my busi‑
ness he e in Hosanna. I am a belie e o mysel . No ma e how I go down in
my business I know ha I will ge up again.
(A e u nee mig an , in e iewed in Hosanna, July 28, 2021)
A alue addi ion o he en ep eneu ial skill se , and an impo an economic no m,
is how mig a ion has ein o ced he cul u e o sa ing. A key componen o E hio‑
pian mig an s’ success in business in Sou h A ica is iqub. Iqub is a adi ional
means o sa ing in E hiopia and exis s comple ely ou side o he o mal inancial
sys em. I is a o m o e ol ing sa ings. People olun a ily join a g oup and make
a manda o y con ibu ion (e e y week, pay pe iod, o mon h o example). The
“po ” is dis ibu ed on a o a ing basis de e mined by a d awing a he beginning
o he iqub. Amoun s con ibu ed a y acco ding o he means o he pa icipan s.
Iqub is adap ed o he speci ic mig a ion milieu o Sou h A ica in which i plays
a c ucial ole; pa o mig an s’ esilience epe oi e and means o accumula ion
(Gi machew 2019). The e i aliza ion o iqub in he si ua ion o mig a ion di ec ly
ela es o he s a us o Hadiya mig an s and he na u e o he labou ma ke . Mos
Hadiya mig an s in Sou h A ica do no ha e documen s, which ba s hem om
access o he Sou h A ican banking sys em. E en hose who ha e documen s eel
uncom o able using he banking sys em o ea o losing money o Sou h A ican
immig a ion au ho i ies. As a esul , nea ly all pu hei sa ing in he shops un il
ei he hey in es i in he expansion o hei shops o emi o amilies h ough he
hawala sys em. They mi iga e he isk o being obbed by en e ing in o iqub. The
na u e o hei business also encou ages he use o iqub, especially du ing he o m‑
a i e ‘loca ion’ phase o mig an businesses in which daily income comes in he
o m o small amoun s (coins) which equi es diligen sa ing o pay o he weekly
iqub con ibu ions. O he wise, i would be e y easy o lose ea nings as hey appea
insigni ican . Iqub unc ions based on us . As Hadiya o m he la ges E hiopian
immig an communi y in Sou h A ica his has p o ided hem a wide social ne ‑
wo k o e ing a ious o ms o iqubs. The impo ance o iqub in mig an s’ business
can be gleaned om he ollowing ecoun by a e u nee mig an :
The eason why E hiopian mig an s ha e become mo e success ul in busi‑
ness han black Sou h A icans is because o iqub. Iqub helps us sa e and be
planned. We plan expansion o business based on he size o ou iqubs. Once
in an iqub you ha e o hink wice be o e you spend you daily income. Iqub
is also kind o addic i e. The mo e money you ea n he mo e iqubs you wan
o en e . Iqub is also impo an o es a business a e a obbe y. People who
a e obbed o en ge p io i y so ha hey ge going as soon as possible. When
he iqub money is no enough we also gi e each o he money ei he as a gi
o bo owing. Hadiya would ha e p ospe ed e en mo e had i no been o
138 De eje Feyissa
he jealousy and compe i ion. People alk a lo abou black Sou h A icans
obbing E hiopian mig an s and killing hem. In ac , he ise in obbe y and
iolence agains mig an s is ela ed o mig an s hemsel es. Those mig an s
who a e no as success ul in hei business a e now going o black Sou h A ‑
icans and ell hem who ge s he iqub money when and whe e hey pu hei
money. Sou h A icans would no ha e known abou hese hings o he wise.
Now hey say gi e me my iqub money. Mig an s do his ei he o elimina e
compe i o s o ge a sha e o he loo . Hadiya communi y in Sou h A ica has
now es ablished an in o mal ins i u ion ha moni o s c iminal ac i i ies [ he
Enough Campaign] and epo o he Sou h A ican law en o cemen agen‑
cies.7 A hand ul o such people ha e al eady been depo ed o Hadiya.
(A e u nee mig an , in e iewed in Hosanna, Augus 10, 2022)
A any a e, he cul u e o sa ing epi omized by iqub, hough i has local oo s p io
o mig a ion, has been elabo a ed on due o he impe a i es o he speci ic mig a‑
ion con ex o Sou h A ica and he na u e o he labou ma ke . As much as we
speak he e abou social emi ance, i is impo an o no e also how mig an s mo e
wi h hei adi ional asse s which a e cus omized and app op ia ed o he con ex s
a places o des ina ion. The e olu ion o iqub om a means o mobilizing inancial
esou ces in o a sa e deposi mechanism in he Sou h A ican con ex goes beyond
i s o iginal pu pose a he place o o igin.
Re u nee mig an s u he use he cul u e o sa ing o suppo hei businesses.
They s and ou e y di e en ly om mig an amilies whom hey suppo ed while
hey we e s ill in Sou h A ica. Mig an amilies a e known o hei conspicuous
consump ion and display o he ma e ial weal h gene a ed by he low o esou ces
om Sou h A ica. They a e nicknamed yihune which in Amha ic means ‘le i be’;
a e e ence o hei spending cul u e including paying o wha e e p ice sugges ed
by a shopkeepe . Re u nee mig an s a e shocked o see such ex a agance and hey
seek o coun e his by leading h ough example, o which hey a e some imes
mocked as qo aliyews; a e m used in E hiopia o people who go doo o doo o ex‑
change used clo h and shoes o any o he household i em in exchange o cheape
bu unc ional impo ed Chinese goods. Calling e u nee mig an s as qo aliyaws is
mean o discou age hei ‘agg essi e’ sa ing cul u e, as he ollowing expe ience
o a e u nee mig an businessman in Addis Ababa indica es:
When I i s isi ed Hosanna upon e u n om Sou h A ica, I was shocked
when I hea d he p ice ha I was hea ing om he shops. Nea ly all goods a e
much mo e expensi e in Hosanna han in Addis. When I asked people why is
i ha goods a e e y expensi e in Hosanna, hey old me abou he yihunes.
The ha d‑won money ha we send o suppo amilies is was ed he e as i we
dig money; hus endless. I also ealised ha shopkeepe s, especially hose
who come ou side o Hadiya, ake ad an age o his i esponsible consump‑
ion. I you haggle o e a p ice hey would say, ‘a e you a mengis se a egna/
ci il se an ?’, as i being a ci il se an is some hing ha one has o be
ashamed o . Implici ly hey a e e e ing o he di e ence be ween mig an
Hadiya Expe iences 139
and non‑mig an amilies and hei di e en spending beha io . Le hem call
us qo aliyaw. We should a he s i e o make he yihune qo aliyaws. We
should no was e his unique chance ha is p o ided o us. Sou h A ica is a
gi om God o Hadiya. We should make use o i o ans o m ou socie y.
Bu i people [mig an amilies] become i esponsible in hei spending all
would be o no hing.
(A e u nee mig an , in e iewed in Addis Ababa, July 25, 2021)
A di e en low o idea is he cul u e o wo king oge he ; exposu e o mig an s
om o he coun ies who no only suppo each o he inancially bu wo k oge he
in he o m o join en u es ha enables he pooling o capi al and labou . This has
led o sel ‑ e lec ion on he saying ha “E hiopians a e good a ea ing oge he bu
no wo king oge he ”. A e u nee mig an hus ecoun ed:
Many non‑E hiopian mig an s in Sou h A ica ound ou cul u e in iguing,
including ou neighbou s he Somalis. They say “E hiopians a e pe haps he
only people who ea om a common ay and e en eed each o he , and ye
we do no see you wo king oge he ”. They wonde wha will become o us i
we combine ou s ong sense o sociali y wi h wo king oge he . This is ue,
mo e so among Hadiya and mig an s om sou he n E hiopia. We suppo
each o he h ough iqub and all so s o und aising o social e en s – om
welcoming new come s, weddings, o sending o pa ies o hose who e‑
u n home. And ye i is a e o see us wo king oge he , excep his empo a y
con ac ual a angemen be ween a boss (es ablished mig an s) and bo de s
(new a i als). The e is also ano he p oblem wi h E hiopians. We end o do
exac ly he same business. I I open a shop somewhe e and becomes p o i ‑
able, o he s would come and do he same. This is he eason why he e is a
lo o animosi y and iolence among E hiopian mig an s. In Sou h A ica a
ce ain business is o en associa ed wi h a ce ain amily [business p o iling]
so ha hey expand he business wi h g ea e p o i ma gin. The same busi‑
ness is un as a amily business o gene a ion.”
(A e u nee mig an , in e iewed in Shashogo, July 17, 2022)
Some e u nee mig an s a e mo ing owa ds a amily i m, and ew wi h iends.
Ab aham who is quo ed ex ensi ely in he p e ious sec ion, o ins ance, ecen ly
opened a ideo game and PlayS a ion business wi h a iend who is s ill in Sou h
A ica, combining inancial esou ces and ma ke in o ma ion. A ecen example
o in es ing in sha eholding would be six Hadiya mig an s (some e u nee, o he s
s ill in Sou h A ica) who ha e in es ed in he Addis Ababa Ci y Adminis a ion’s
Con en ion and Exhibi ion Cen e. Such incipien o ms o sha eholding a e e y
impo an , mo e so as E hiopia is g adually opening i s economy‑c ea ing oppo ‑
uni ies o Hadiya mig an s in es ing in he inancial sec o o emba k on join
en u es.
Mig an s’ en ep eneu ial d i e and i s po en ial o ans o ma ion o Hadiya
socie y is also isible no only in ca ching up bu also excelling in a ce ain sense.
140 De eje Feyissa
Fo ins ance, mig an in es men in he public anspo sec o has no only e‑
mendously enhanced u al–u ban connec i i y in Hadiya Zone bu also enabled
he Hadiya o success ully inse hemsel es in o he na ional economic space,
e iden in he shee numbe o in e ‑ egional buses Hadiya own and how Hadiya
language has become he de ac o lingua anca o au obus e a, he headqua e s
o in e ‑ egional public buses in Addis Ababa. A saying has i ha whene e a pas‑
senge asks which bus, he should go o, he managemen would ell hem “Go o a
bus which pos ed ‘hulum be esu hone’ in i s on window” (a bus wi h a s a emen
“e e y hing is he way i is because o God), an implici e e ence o he P o es an
eligious iden i y o he Hadiya.8
Wha is an e en mo e s iking example o Hadiya excellence is how e u nee
mig an s a e engaged in a a e business in E hiopia, mo e so in a eas ou side o Ad‑
dis Ababa such as Hosanna. The e a e a couple o Hadiya e u nee mig an s who
a e in ol ed in digi al cu ency ade and keen on sp eading he in o ma ion and
he skill o ellow Hadiya you h, especially hose who a e ech‑sa y, as he ollow‑
ing na a i e by a e u nee mig an indica es:
I lea n abou c yp ocu ency in Sou h A ica. I always ied o communica e
wi h people e en wi h hose whose language I do no know. I had many
black Sou h A ican iends and hey showed me how o do business wi h
c yp ocu ency. I is no ha I am educa ed. In ac , I was bo n and g ew
up in a coun yside; no e en Hosanna. I did no know ha people know
abou c yp ocu ency in E hiopia. A e I e u ned, I me somebody in Addis
Abeba who ades in c yp ocu ency. He c ea ed a Wha sApp and eleg am
o ma . I was simple o me because I al eady knew abou i in Sou h A ‑
ica. The challenge was a he he e was no bank access in E hiopia o do
c yp ocu ency ade. We ha e accessed he money and he goods ha we
impo h ough he Hawala sys em. I is a e y luc a i e business. Wo ld bil‑
lionai es such as Bill Ga es a e using i . I ha e 85 people in my g oup unde
one company only. Mos o hem a e E hiopians, also some blacks. You mus
ead and s udy abou he cu ency be o e you buy, ha which company uses
i . Indi iduals can also in luence he alue o a c yp ocu ency such as wha
Elon Musk did; he w o e on social media abou he cu ency as people’s
cu ency nex hing you know he p ice wen up o he sky. Bu la e his
announcemen abou no selling he ca by c yp ocu ency also sha ply de‑
c eased he doch coin. By he way, i is legal in he es o he wo ld. I don’
hink he E hiopian go e nmen gi es enough a en ion. In Kenya and Sou h
A ica, you can wi hd aw om he bank, which is no a ailable in E hiopia.
I ea n on a e age 30,000 bi a mon h, which is no bad. The good hing is
ha I can s ill wo k on o he hings.
(A e u nee mig an , in e iewed in Hosanna, Augus 10, 2021)
I his s o y is om an educa ed E hiopian and mo e so om Addis Ababa, i migh
no be no ewo hy. Bu his is indeed news coming om Hosanna wi h someone
wi h e y li le o mal educa ion compensa ed by he expe ience in he si ua ion
Hadiya Expe iences 141
o mig a ion; ins ancing no only Hadiya’s ca ching up bu also in eg a ion in o a
global inancial ma ke ha is eally cu ing‑edge. In June 2022, E hiopia joined
he league o c yp o‑an agonis ic coun ies when i s cen al bank issued a s a emen
calling c yp o ansac ions illegal and wa ning people o a oid using hem. The
bank claimed ha only he bi , E hiopia’s cu ency, can be used o se le ansac‑
ions in he coun y. Howe e , he policy quickly shi ed o egula ion. Ins ead o
shu ing ou c yp ocu encies, i wan s o egula e he space as pa o a igh agains
cybe c ime and aud. Th ough i s egis a ion scheme, E hiopia wan s o be he
i s A ican coun y o o e in es o s p o ec ion om c iminal c yp o en e p ises
om a cybe secu i y pe spec i e.9
C yp ocu encies gi e easy access o he dolla , which has been sca ce in E hio‑
pia. Impo e s ha e been going o he in o mal ma ke o access o eign cu ency
because he go e nmen educed o eign exchange alloca ions o he p i a e sec o .
E hiopia can’ ake he same d as ic decisions as i migh back i e. While i seems
scep ical abou digi al cu encies, E hiopia is explo ing inno a i e uses o block‑
chain echnology.10 The cu en massi e upg ading o E hio elecom and i s pa ial
p i a iza ion is expec ed o boos he ICT in as uc u e which he ade in digi al
cu ency could bene i om. I and when his happens, Hosanna is al eady well
placed o ap in o a new economic niche hanks o he en ep eneu ial d i e injec ed
by Hadiya mig an s. The wo ld is changing and i ’s changing quickly. The speed a
which c yp ocu encies a e aking o e is a clea indica o ha adi ional inancial
ins i u ions can no longe be he only game in own.11
Beyond S a ism – Mig a ion and Di usion o Libe al Economic
Ideas in Places o O igin
The s a e is big in E hiopia a he a ious s ages o he de elopmen p ocess. I has
li le ai h in he ole o he p i a e sec o as a d i e o economic de elopmen .
E hiopia unde he EPRDF was cha ac e ized as a de elopmen al s a e, a speci ic
o m o s a e ha is said o enjoy high le els o au onomy om di e en segmen s
o socie y and ha e s ong ins i u ional capaci y, “bo h o which allow his spe‑
ci ic o m o s a e o implemen a se o success ul s a e‑in e en ionis policies in
pu sui o de elopmen al goals” (Mollae 2016, p. 2). Bu he s a is concep ion o
de elopmen h ough a op‑down planning p ocess goes much ea lie o impe ial
ule as well as he De g pe iod, hough E hiopia unde EPRDF ‘p o ides one o he
clea es examples o a ‘de elopmen al s a e’ in A ica (Clapham 2018); he idea
ha de elopmen is made by he s a e and is o e ed o he E hiopian people. PM
Abiy who came o powe in Ap il 2018 and his P ospe i y Pa y’s economic policy
( he Home‑G own Economic Re o m – 2021–2030) somehow de ia es om he
de elopmen al s a e model wi h a ocus on “a g adual ansi ion om public o
p i a e sec o ‑led g ow h” (MoFED 2020, p. 8). While some desc ibe he app oach
unde Abiy as a adical neolibe al depa u e, o he s say ha i is mo e o a p agma ic
a ai , in ol ing signi ican con inui y as well as no el y (see o ins ance Da ison
2019). As no ed by Tsegab (2021, p. 51), “looking a he e o ms unde way […]
ea u es o a de elopmen al s a e as well as neo‑libe al iews o he economy a e
