Mölle s, Judi h; A api-Gjini, A jola
A icle — Published Ve sion
The na u e and e ec s o emi ance sc ip s in u al
Koso o
Mig a ion S udies
P o ided in Coope a ion wi h:
Leibniz Ins i u e o Ag icul u al De elopmen in T ansi ion Economies (IAMO), Halle (Saale)
Sugges ed Ci a ion: Mölle s, Judi h; A api-Gjini, A jola (2024) : The na u e and e ec s o emi ance
sc ip s in u al Koso o, Mig a ion S udies, ISSN 2049-5846, Ox o d Uni e si y P ess, Ox o d, Vol. 12,
Iss. 4, pp. 1-15,
h ps://doi.o g/10.1093/mig a ion/mnae035 ,
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The na u e and e ec s o emi ance
sc ip s in u al Koso o
Judi h M€
olle s
1,
�and A jola A api-Gjini
1
1
Leibniz Ins i u e o Ag icul u al De elopmen in T ansi ion Economies (IAMO), Theodo -Liese -S . 2,
Halle 06120, Ge many
�Co esponding au ho . Depa men Ag icul u al Policy, Leibniz Ins i u e o Ag icul u al De elopmen in
T ansi ion Economies (IAMO), Theodo -Liese -S . 2, Halle 06120, Ge many. Email: [email p o ec ed]
Abs ac
Remi ances play an essen ial ole in he in e linkage o mig a ion and de elopmen . While pas esea ch
has ocused mainly on he mone a y lows and hei de e minan s, his a icle o e s a deepe unde s and-
ing o emi ing as a social p ac ice. Ou esea ch con ibu es o he eme ging li e a u e on emi ance
ans e s in se e al di ec ions. Using a ich e hnog aphic da ase o an a ea desc ibed as he quin essen ial
land o mig a ion, Opoja in Koso o, i o e s in iguing insigh s in o he easons and pa e ns behind emi -
ing o ‘ emi ance sc ip s’. Ou wo k complemen s he exis ing li e a u e wi h a unique empi ical analysis
o changing emi ance sc ip s o e ime and a discussion o he implica ions o such changes in e ms o
well-being in a u al con ex . By applying Ca ling’s concep o sc ip ing emi ances, he s udy makes an im-
po an con ibu ion o es ing his concep . Ou indings exempli y how a conse a i e u al en i onmen
may slow down a shi away om adi ional emi ance sc ip s. The analysis e ealed how emi ances
un old no only posi i e e ec s, such as con ibu ing o he illage’s mone a y well-being, bu also a ious
ad e se e ec s. We iden i y a cau ious de elopmen owa ds a new and s ill agile sc ip sys em, in which
ecipien s p o ide social isibili y as he co e equi al o he emi ances hey ecei e. Al hough emi ance
sc ip s a e doub lessly egion-speci ic, we belie e ha ou s udy no only unde lines he use ulness o he
emi ance sc ip concep bu is illus a i e o phenomena ha migh be ound in many places s ongly
a ec ed by ou mig a ion and emi ance dependency.
Keywo ds: emi ance sc ip s; mig a ion; well-being; Koso o
1. In oduc ion
While a la ge body o li e a u e deals wi h he economic mo i es behind emi ance ans-
e s, he e is a g owing in e es in unde s anding he na u e o he ela ionship be ween he
ecipien and sende and he meaning o emi ances o hem (Ha pe and Zubida 2016).
The a ionale behind his shi in pe spec i es is he ealiza ion ha emi ance ans e s a e
mo e han jus mone a y lows bu cons i u e a social p ac ice ha occu s wi hin a pa icu-
la cul u al en i onmen , ollowing speci ic cul u al pa e ns and acknowledging he
agency o bo h sende s and ecipien s (Page and Me ce 2012).
The New Economics o Labou Mig a ion (NELM) p o ides a widely acknowledged heo-
e ical base in e ms o households’ mo i es o emi ance ans e s, ocusing on al uism e -
sus sel -in e es mo i es (S a k 1983, 2009; Lucas and S a k 1985). Howe e , he simpli ied
economic app oach comes wi h limi a ions (Mahmud 2020). E en S a k (2009) admi s ha
iewed om he pu ely economic heo y poin o iew, mone a y lows in he o m o
© The Au ho (s) 2024. Published by Ox o d Uni e si y P ess.
This is an Open Access a icle dis ibu ed unde he e ms o he C ea i e Commons A ibu ion License (h ps://
c ea i ecommons.o g/licenses/by/4.0/), which pe mi s un es ic ed euse, dis ibu ion, and ep oduc ion in any
medium, p o ided he o iginal wo k is p ope ly ci ed.
Mig a ion S udies, 2024, 12, mnae035
h ps://doi.o g/10.1093/mig a ion/mnae035
O iginal A icle
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emi ances emain a puzzle. Hence, a b oade concep ual pe spec i e ha accoun s o he un-
de lying pa e ns and di e se mo i a ions o emi is needed (see, o ins ance, Fokkema, Cela,
and Amb ose i 2013; Zhou and Li 2016; Mahmud 2020). Ca ling (2014) p o ides such a
concep ual pe spec i e in his pape on emi ance sc ip s. Remi ances a e de ined he e as so-
cial ansac ions
1
embedded in cul u al no ms and desc ibed comp ehensi ely as sc ip s. This
de ini ion s ipula es a shi om he ‘why’ ques ion (con ined only o he mo i es o emi ) o-
wa ds a comp ehensi e unde s anding o he na u e o he ansac ions, including hei impac s
on he sende s and ecipien s and he ela ionship be ween hem. The concep is aimed a an
empi ical e hnog aphic ope a ionaliza ion. Howe e , despi e a su ge in s udies in ecen yea s,
ield applica ions a e s ill limi ed.
2
Applying he concep o emi ance sc ip s, ou a icle adds impo an empi ical con ex .
I o e s ascina ing insigh s in o he easons and pa e ns behind emi ing, using a ich
e hnog aphic da ase o an a ea desc ibed as he quin essen ial land o mig a ion, Opoja in
Koso o. The u al egion o Opoja, Koso o, has a long and ongoing his o y o ou mig a-
ion and emi ance lows, and hence long-es ablished emi ance sc ip s. Opojans iden i y
hei e i o y as he ‘quin essen ial land o mig a ion’ as basically e e y Opojan is a mi-
g an o has a mig an in he amily (Reineck 1991: 122). The case is ascina ing because
we can link ou esea ch o he ea lies e hnog aphic s udy in his ield on Koso o: he e-
sea ch o Jane Reineck (1991), whose book gi es ich insigh s in o mig a ion and emi -
ance pa e ns o he same a ea in he 1980s.
3
Re u ning o his egion allows us o
analyse changes in emi ance sc ip s ha ha e occu ed o e almos 20 yea s. We u he
analyse how hey a e in e linked wi h he ela ions and espec i e agency o di e en s ake-
holde s in he ex ended household
4
wi hin he pa ia chal amily s uc u e and how hey
a ec he well-being o sende s and ecipien s as well as mig a ion mo i es.
Ou esea ch con ibu es o he eme ging li e a u e on emi ance ans e s in se e al
di ec ions. Among he ew applica ions o he concep o emi ance sc ip s, he a icle con-
ibu es o es ing he applicabili y o he app oach in he ield. Based on a ich e hno-
g aphic da ase , i b oadens ou unde s anding o he easons and pa e ns behind
emi ing. Fu he mo e, his e hnog aphic esea ch inds applica ion in he coun yside.
This con ex has buil he ‘s a ing poin ’ o mig a ion and mobili y bu has been la gely ig-
no ed by mig a ion s udies (Leu lo -G andi s 2017). Las bu no leas , ou wo k comple-
men s he exis ing li e a u e wi h a unique analysis o changing emi ance sc ip s o e
ime and a discussion o he implica ions o such changes on he well-being o bo h sende s
and ecipien s. Al hough emi ance sc ip s a e doub lessly egion-speci ic, we belie e ha
ou case s udy is illus a i e o phenomena ha migh be ound in many places s ongly a -
ec ed by ou mig a ion and emi ance dependency.
2. A b ie o e iew o he concep ual app oach
Ca ling’s (2014) concep o sc ip ing emi ances has wo main links wi h exis ing heo ies.
Fi s , i o e laps wi h he idea o mo i es o emi , and hence wi h wha is a he co e o
economic li e a u e in he ield; second, as al eady poin ed ou by Ellis (2003), he na u e
o implici con ac s be ween a mig an and he ecei ing household a o igin is deeply
oo ed in cul u e and socie y. Acknowledging his, sc ip ing emi ances ela es o he idea
o sha ed (cul u al) no ms in which emi ing is no simply an economic ac bu a social
p ac ice (Page and Me ce 2012).
The NELM (S a k and Bloom 1985) iden i ies emi ances as essen ial mo i a ions o
mig a ion. Compa ed o he mo e igid neo-classical o s uc u alis app oaches, NELM
allowed o a mo e ealis ic scena io o mig a ion and emi ance s a egies because i
acknowledges agency (de Haas 2010). Like he li elihoods app oach (Ellis 2003), he he-
o y ocuses on household s a egies and decision-making. Wi h his, i emphasizes he isk-
sp eading beha iou o households and he o e coming o ma ke cons ain s, implying
2 J. M€
olle s and A. A api-Gjini
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ha households’ employmen s a egies encompass mo e han jus one ac i i y, and hence
mig a ion and o he ac i i ies do no exclude each o he bu a e pa o he po olio o
household ac i i ies and pooled incomes (S a k 1991, 2009; de Haas 2010). The wo p i-
ma y mo i es o emi ing discussed by NELM a e al uism (emo ional a achmen ) and
sel -in e es (S a k and Bloom 1985; S a k 2009). Sel -in e es is assumed o p e ail when
he ba gaining powe in he ecipien household is high, while less powe and weal h in he
ecipien powe poin s o al uism (S a k and Lucas 1988; Fokkema, Cela, and Amb ose i
2013). Di e en sub-mo i es may igge sel -in e es , such as he exchange mo i e o he
wish o secu e an expec ed inhe i ance and epu a ion (S a k 2009).
Acknowledging cul u e as a s ong o ce in human beha iou (Spence -Oa ey 2012;
Fe a o and B iody 2017), i is e iden ha he pa e ns o emi ing a e no only in luenced
by conside a ions o indi iduals and households bu also by cul u al no ms. Cul u e is de-
ined as ‘a uzzy se o basic assump ions and alues, o ien a ions o li e, belie s, policies,
p ocedu es and beha iou al con en ions ha a e sha ed by a g oup o people,
5
and ha in-
luence (bu do no de e mine) each membe ’s beha iou and his/he in e p e a ions o he
‘meaning’ o o he people’s beha iou ’ (Spence -Oa ey 2008: 3). Unlike pe sonali y, which
is pa ly inhe i ed, pa ly lea ned and speci ic o he indi idual, cul u e is lea ned, no
inhe i ed, and speci ic o he g oup (Ho s ede, Ho s ede, and Minko 2010). Ne e heless,
i is as much a psychological cons uc as a social cons uc : an indi idual may sha e cul-
u e by sha ing i s unde lying alues and beha iou s bu may also ollow cul u al no ms o
a di e en deg ee (Ma sumo o and Juang 2012). Cul u e may, he e o e, be seen as subjec
o g adual change esul ing om in e nal and ex e nal o ces (cul u al di usion) (Spence -
Oa ey 2012; Fe a o and B iody 2017).
Ca ling’s (2014) concep o sc ip ing emi ances combines hese wo impo an heo e i-
cal s ands by looking a emi ing as a social ansac ion embedded in cul u al no ms.
While economic mo i es play a ole, emi ing is seen as a highly complex p ocess ha goes
beyond economic conside a ions bu embodies speci ic expec a ions, meanings, and unc-
ions, which can be desc ibed comp ehensi ely as sc ip s. These sc ip s a e by a no en-
i ely new— he e is, o example, o e lap wi h he mo i es discussed by S a k (2009)—bu
Ca ling de ines hem om an angle ha pu s he s uc u es o expec a ions in o he cen e.
In his sense, emi ance sc ip s a e cogni i e s uc u es ha ep esen app oxima e and im-
plici knowledge o ‘a epe oi e o gene alised ep esen a ions o emi ance ansac ions
ha a e ecognised by a social g oup bu migh no be explici ly exp essed’ (Ca ling 2014:
221). They e e o (pa ly) ou inized beha iou in a speci ic con ex (de ined by he social
g oup). While sc ip s a e some imes simply ollowed, Ca ling (2014) clea ly emphasizes
ha ansac o s should usually be seen as ac ing wi h sc ip s. Tha agency is exe cised
when people con o m o o de ia e om sc ip s. Remi ance sc ip s mus be seen as wo-
sided (Ca ling 2008; Meye , M€
olle s, and Buchen iede 2012; Ha pe and Zubida 2016):
as hey may se e he bene i o he ecipien and/o he pu pose o he sende , no only he
beha iou o he emi ing mig an s bu also he ecipien s’ agency mus be looked a .
Ca ling (2014) sugges ed wel e non-exhaus i e emi ance sc ip s ha appea ele an
in many se ings bu a e cul u ally de ined and a y be ween con ex s. They a e cha ac e -
ized by di e ences in e ms o whe he and how he sende gi es up owne ship o he ans-
e ed emi ances ( elinquishmen ), wha ecipien s o e o a e expec ed o o e in
exchange o emi ances ( equi als), whe he emi ances exp ess o in i e emo ions such
as g a i ude, and how he emi ance ansac ion a ec s he p oximi y and hie a chy be-
ween he sende and he ecipien . In he ollowing, we b ie ly in oduce he wel e sc ip s.
Fo a comple e desc ip ion, see Ca ling (2014).
When he mig an ac s/ emi s o compensa e o he ecipien s expec o be compensa ed
o se ices such as aking ca e o p ope y o ela i es, he (1) ‘compensa ion’ sc ip is ol-
lowed. (2) ‘Repaymen ’ sc ip s a e a play when he mig an sees himsel (o is seen) as in-
deb ed. When emi ances a e sen as a epaymen , his is o en based on an implici
Na u e and e ec s o emi ance sc ip s in u al Koso o 3
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con ac and may be an open-ended p ocess (S a k 2009; Ca ling 2014). Remi ances may
also be a (3) ‘gi ’ in he sense o he heo ies on gi exchange and, hence, a non-
obliga o y, i egula ans e o which social alue and ecogni ion a e impo an .
Howe e , emi ances mus be seen as ‘non-gi ’ in he case o an (4) ‘au ho iza ion’ sc ip .
He e, hei use is de e mined by he sende , and he bene i o he ecipien is only indi ec .
Typical o his sc ip , he ecipien is chosen based on us conside a ions. Depending on
he con ex , emi ing may be simply (5) ‘income pooling’. In his case, he mig an emains
pa o he income-pooling household. The (6) ‘allowance’ sc ip implies ha egula lump
sum paymen s o daily li e expendi u es a e sen . This sc ip unde pins he supe io posi-
ion o he sende bu may also o e lap wi h ans e s ha esemble income pooling. When
ans e s e e o (7) ‘obliga ion/en i lemen ’, hey a e simila o compensa ion o epay-
men sc ip s, whe eby he e he espec i e se ice o deb is no clea ly de ined, o o pool-
ing and allowance, when we alk abou an obliga ion o a household ha he mig an is
s ill pa o . This sc ip migh also be linked o ansna ional iden i ies, implying double
loyal ies, a elling back and o h, e c. (de Haas 2010). The (8) ‘sac i ice’ sc ip desc ibes
he mig an ’s ac ing and emi ing by sel less de o ion. I hence is linked o he idea o he
ha dship o mig a ion. I he mig an is mo i a ed by ea o nega i e pe cussion, his is
called (9) ‘blackmail’ sc ip . I implies ha he ecipien can igge ep isals o no emi -
ing. I emi ances a e igge ed by wo hy needs ha he sende is in a posi ion o alle i-
a e, his is called he (10) ‘help’ sc ip . Help is a mo al impe a i e, bu social obliga ions
may also play a ole. Usually, help sc ip s occu based on a eques by he ecipien . The
(11) ‘in es men ’ sc ip is ele an when emi ances a e a ge ed in o housing, business, o
educa ion in es men s. O en, houses o m he ‘main ma e ialisa ion o mig an s’ emi an-
ces’ (Dalakoglou 2010: 766), bu emi ances may also be in es ed in o social asse s and
ela ionships o inance amily membe s’ mig a ion. S a k (2009) s esses ha in es men s
may be aimed a di e si ying he mig an ’s income and/o ha e an insu ance unc ion.
Howe e , empi ical e idence sugges s ha in es men s a e some imes a he consump i e
in he sense o ‘capi al ans e mo e han capi al c ea ion’, o hey low in o ‘second ank
p oposi ions in an o e c owded sec o ’ (Penninx 1982: 803) due o a lack o c ea i i y and
inno a ion leading (de Haas 2010: 236–37). Finally, emi ances may be gi en as (12)
‘dona ions’. Cha i able o eligious dona ions lack a clea sende – ecipien dyad. ‘Diaspo a
in es men s’ o he commune, such as in building spo s acili ies, e c., migh also be
coun ed unde his sc ip .
Remi ance sc ip s e lec he signi ican a ia ion in he na u e and logic o emi ance
ansac ions in di e en con ex s and single se ings. The dimensions ha shape emi ance
sc ip s include emo ional, ma e ial, and ela ional aspec s (Ca ling 2014). This implies ha
one has o look a he ansac ion as a whole and usually ela e o a epe oi e o sc ip s,
no a single sc ip .
3. S udy design, me hods, and analy ical s a egy
Aiming o s udy he phenomenon o mig a ion and emi ances in-dep h and b ing o h as
ich e idence as possible, we op ed o an e hnog aphic case s udy app oach in one illage.
This app oach helps o su moun sho comings due o he complexi y o he ma e
(Fokkema, Cela, and Amb ose i 2013). Ou analysis aims a unde s anding social in e ac-
ion among eal people. I inco po a es insigh s om in-dep h in e iews, ocus g oup dis-
cussions, and de ailed ield no es. We also made ex ensi e use o pa icipa o y obse a ion
wi hin he illage and, in pa icula , in one mig an household, which allowed us gene ous
and unlimi ed access o hei e e yday li es and social in e ac ions while, a he same ime,
connec ing us o o he households in he illage.
Ou da a includes ield no es om wo sepa a e isi s in 2016 and 2017, as well as se -
en een in-dep h in e iews conduc ed in 2016 ( i een in e iews) and 2018 ( wo
4 J. M€
olle s and A. A api-Gjini
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in e iews, conduc ed du ing a e- isi ). The in e iews began wi h a guideline ques ion-
nai e, bu mos ex ended beyond he guidelines o become li e s o y in e iews. Ou
esponden s anged in age om hei 20s o hei la e 60s. Economic ac i i ies o he
esponden s in he illage we e limi ed. We in e iewed a eache , a me s, shopkeepe s,
and mig an s wi h a ious p o essions ab oad. Many o he younge in e iewees we e s u-
den s o unemployed a e comple ing hei uni e si y s udies. Female in e iewees we e
ypically housewi es. Abou wo- hi ds o he in e iewees we e men, bu some in e iews
we e joined by addi ional amily membe s, such as spouses o child en. In addi ion o he
in-dep h in e iews, we conduc ed ocus g oup in e iews wi h bo h male and emale il-
lage s. The male ocus g oup consis ed o younge men, while he emale ocus g oups in-
cluded middle-aged housewi es and hei young adul daugh e s.
The esea ch was conduc ed in Koso o’s Opoja egion in he summe o 2016, comple-
men ed by insigh s om e isi s in 2017 and 2018. Opoja is si ua ed close o he Sha
moun ains in he sou h o he coun y, nea he bo de s o Albania and No h Macedonia.
I was chosen as a sui able ‘labo a o y’ o in es iga i e ieldwo k as i has a long his o y
o labou mig a ion due o limi ed local a m and non- a m economy oppo uni ies. The
choice o he egion and he speci ic illage was mo i a ed by he ea lies and mos ib an
e hnog aphic s udy in his ield on Koso o by Jane Reineck (1991). He book gi es alu-
able insigh s in o he mul i-laye ed ela ions es ablished, o ins ance, h ough amily ies,
hie a chies, and emi ances. Re u ning o Opoja mean ha we could obse e he changes
in he meaning and impac s o mig a ion and emi ances o he same a ea since he
1980s. Opoja, back hen and s ill oday, is no only iden i ied as he ‘quin essen ial land o
mig a ion’ (Reineck 1991: 122) bu is also known as one o Koso o’s mos conse a i e
and adi ional a eas. This is a ou able o s udying deep- oo ed pa e ns o emi ing.
Al hough we came as ‘in ude s’ o he illage a i s , he ieldwo k was e y ui ul as
we could gain us e y quickly: he cu iosi y o he illage s in he unexpec ed gues s in
he illage, bu also a high in e es in and emo ional a achmen o he opic o mig a ion
helped o make in e iew pa ne s open up o ou ques ions. The link o ou hos amily,
whom we had ound h ough Jane Reineck, was a doo opene h oughou he illage.
Ou s udy bene i ed om he ac ha we we e a eam o wo expe ienced esea che s ex-
changing and discussing ou obse a ions. The exchange wi h he hos amily was equally
impo an as i imp o ed awa eness o he meneu ic di e ences a ising om language, dia-
lec , o cul u al di e ences— he g ey a ea be ween o eign and amilia (Kucka z 2014).
The exchange wi h illage s and isi ing mig an s u he acili a ed a con ex ualiza ion o
hei ela ionship and discu si e posi ionings owa ds each o he (Leu lo -G andi s 2017).
Remi ance sc ip s p o ed o be an analy ical ool i ing e y well wi h Reineck’s (1991)
p e ious analysis. Bo h app oaches emb ace me hods in ol ing in e ac ion wi h esea ch
subjec s, ga he ing o quali a i e da a, and in e p e a i e analysis. Ou analy ical s a egy
e e ed o he wel e emi ance sc ip s based on sys ema ic quali a i e ex analysis, pu -
ing analy ical ca ego ies a he cen e o he analysis (Kucka z 2014). The me hod e-
qui ed ansla ion, ansc ip ion, and coding o he comple e ma e ial. Ou codes and
ca ego ies we e de eloped in a ule-guided and mul i-s ep p ocess. S a ing om a e iew
o he esea ch goals and ques ions, we ca e ully ead all ansc ip s, ield no es, and ma e-
ials while no ing down memos. We hen b ie ly summa ized ou cases, whe eby ou sam-
pling uni s we e he in e iewed o obse ed indi iduals. A he hea o he ex , wo k was
cons uc ing ou hema ic ca ego ies and codes a ound he wel e emi ance sc ip s de-
sc ibed in Sec ion 2. Fu he o e a ching aspec s, such as he agency o he ecipien and
he ecip oci y in he exchanges, we e added. All coding wo k was done in a eam (consen-
sual coding).
Na u e and e ec s o emi ance sc ip s in u al Koso o 5
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4. Resul s and discussion
This sec ion i s b ie ly in oduces he speci ic con ex o he egion o Opoja in Koso o,
whe e he emi ance sc ip s discussed he e a e embedded, ollowed by a sys ema ic analy-
sis o Ca ling’s (2014) wel e emi ance sc ip s wi h a iew o he pa e ns ound in
Opoja. Finally, we discuss how sc ip s a e linked o a shi in means o ecip oci y and
equi als and how hey un old in hei impac on wellbeing and mig a ion mo i a ion. We
connec ou esul s o he wo k o Jane Reineck (1991) o cap u e a longe - e m
pe spec i e.
4.1 Mig a ion and emi ances hen and now: he Opojan con ex
Remi ance sc ip s in Opoja can only be unde s ood agains he men ali y and cul u e o i s
people. Un il oday, his cul u e is guided by ancien adi ions (K asniqi 2015). Al hough
we go o know illage s as open-minded and cu ious, hey we e deeply oo ed and some-
imes apped in hei adi ions and cul u e. In he 1980s, one Opojan desc ibed his al-
mos poe ically and ap ly: ‘We a e hi s y o enligh enmen , bu wha a e we o do, illed
as we a e wi h he pas ?’ (Reineck 1991: 198). Leu lo -G andi s (2017: 52) i idly unde -
lines how powe ul his idea o he pas is un il oday by ci ing a eenage ’s desc ip ion o
he li e goals, which s a ed wi h ‘We need o be a en i e o ou pas , because i makes he
days s ill ahead o us mo e secu e’.
This ‘pas ’ o which Opojans egula ly e e links o he ancien cul u e ha , abo e all,
emphasizes he impo ance o submission o he will o he collec i e o he ex ended
household, obse ance o beha iou al aboos, obedience o s ic hie a chies, and a s ong
a achmen o he illage (Reineck 1991). Female subo dina ion—a ‘symbolic submission
o men, ac ed ou in a my iad o daily i uals’ (Reineck 1991: 94)—and s ic age hie a -
chies a e among he ou s anding ea u es ha desc ibe his cul u e. In oday’s Opojan il-
lages, e en in households pe cei ing hemsel es as ‘mode n’, women s ill s and eady o
se e co ee o ligh ciga e es o he men in he house, whe eby he younges ‘b ide’ (wi e
o one o he sons o he house) is he one who se es he whole amily.
While he ancien cul u e emains isible and obus , we also obse ed signs o mode ni-
za ion and g adual disin eg a ion. Wha used o be ‘ ana ic conse a ism’ (Reineck, 1991:
15) could be desc ibed now as con inued and deep- oo ed awa eness o he ‘pas ’ and a
eadiness o obey he adi ional no ms ( o indi idually di e en deg ees). In he 1980s,
Reineck (1991) obse ed a high uncon en edness and, a he same ime, de ence o he
anach onis ic li es yle and social li e. We, howe e , hea d many c i ical oices du ing ou
s ay. Doub s we e aised, o example, ha adi ions such as o e ly expensi e weddings o
ce ain gende no ms should s ill be ollowed. The younge gene a ion in pa icula ejec ed
he idea o a adi ional, ex ended household. Such an ex ended household, led by he am-
ily pa ia ch, comp ises se e al gene a ions o b o he s and hei amilies (as well as un-
ma ied sis e s). The amily in such a household is a join economic and social uni , bea ing
a ious no ma i e and p ac ical dimensions (Leu lo -G andi s 2017). Ex ended house-
holds we e cha ac e is ic o u al a eas, especially un il he 1999 wa , bu a e s ill common
in oday’s Opojan illages. The pe sis en men ali y ha suppo s he adi ional household
was explained o us as ollows: ‘We li e in big amilies, we li e in communi ies. [ … ] Li e
he e is collec i e’. A he same ime, he e is a dynamic owa ds spli ing up in o nuclea
amilies wi h one couple and hei unma ied child en (K asniqi 2015), causing a cons an
con lic be ween he wish o se e he own nuclea amily and ul illing one’s obliga ion o-
wa ds he ex ended amily.
Mig a ion and emi ances a e closely in e wo en wi h he Opojan cul u e. Opojans a-
di ionally send ou young men as labou mig an s. I has shaped he li es o gene a ions o
Opojan amilies. Mig an s usually s ayed away o yea s, o en o hei whole wo king
li e. Du ing hei absence, no ma e how long hey we e away, he mig an s emained
membe s o hei Opojan household, whe e hei wi es and child en li ed unde he
6 J. M€
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p o ec ion o he household head. Wi hin his sys em, mig an s no only con ibu ed wi h
hei emi ances o he pooled household income bu held Opoja’s cul u e and adi ions
high by suppo ing he collec i e. Reineck (1991) ound ha mig a ion ‘impeded social
change in se e al ways’. (Reineck 1991: 14), no ably h ough absen male amily heads
o cing households in o e en s ic e conse a ism. We simila ly obse ed ha change was
likely impeded i he pe son who could au ho ize i was a mig an who was absen and no
in e es ed in change o jus unawa e o he wish o such change. Th ough i s nega i e side
e ec s, mig a ion i sel has come in o c i icism among hose who seek a be e li e
in Opoja.
4.2 Opojan emi ance sc ip s
Opojan emi ance sc ip s desc ibe he pa e ns ha e ol ed a ound he inancial and social
ansac ions esul ing om mig a ion and embedded in cul u al no ms in he Sou h o
Koso o. The obse a ions and in e iews o ou ield esea ch link o all bu one o he
wel e emi ance sc ip s desc ibed in Sec ion 2.2, bu wi h di e en weigh s in
hei impo ance.
In Opoja, mig an s emain closely linked o he collec i e o he illage and he amily
wi h i s hie a chical s uc u e. They keep being pa o he income-pooling household, and
emi ances belong o he household, no he mig an . The ‘income-pooling’ sc ip goes
along wi h he idea ha mig an s de o e hei li es o he collec i e in e es s o he ex-
ended amily: he sending communi y emains he locus o emo ional and social a en ion
and he place whe e he mig an s and hei amilies see hei u u e (Reineck 1991). The
amily pa ia ch manages he pooled income o he ex ended household. I he pa ia ch is
he mig an himsel , he nex man in he hie a chy— o example, he younge b o he —
ac s as a depu y in he illage household bu ecei es ins uc ions om he pa ia ch.
Al hough i is he essence o he cul u al adi ion, income pooling is a dwindling sc ip
in oday’s Opoja. I is inc easingly challenged by he indi idual in e es s o he mig an and
he choice be ween he adi ional ideal and a be e li e o he mig an ’s wi e and child en.
A i al o ce ha may end he idea o income pooling in he nea u u e is ha mo e and
mo e mig an s ake hei co e amilies wi h hem. Howe e , we obse ed ha he income-
pooling na a i e was main ained o e decades, e en a e he wi e and child en ollowed
he mig an .
6
Regula isi s and he pe sis ing idea o belonging o one household inhibi
he ‘ou o sigh , ou o mind’ e ec (S a k 2009), and he sc ip is weakened bu upheld.
Howe e , i will undoub edly end wi h a new gene a ion o child en who g ew up and li e
ab oad and eel no longe bound o submi o he cus oms o hei pa en ’s illages. I no
g adually and o e ime, income-pooling ends when a household o icially spli s.
Al hough he na a i e emains ha o a pooled income, many mig an s ha e u ned qui-
e ly owa ds ‘allowance’ paymen s. This ansi ion om income pooling o allowance pay-
men s happens aci ly and g adually: land and p ope y usually emain pooled,
7
and he
na a i e o he income-pooling household is no ouched. Howe e , mig an s ab oad keep
mo e and mo e o hei income o hemsel es. This is jus i ied by he needs o hei co e
amily bu implies a change o he sc ip : emi ances a e no longe pooled and accumu-
la ed a he o igin bu a e cu down by he mig an o an allowance ha co e s daily expen-
di u es. This is possible because he emi ance-sending mig an s a e in a supe io posi ion,
allowing hem o ew i e he sc ip his way.
The ansi ion om income pooling o allowance paymen s is o en linked o a looming
amily spli up. A sepa a ion o he mig an s om he adi ional household is a a -
eaching s ep o bo h sides because he mig an hen has he eedom o signi ican ly (and
openly) lowe emi ances lows. Acco ding o K asniqi (2015), imbalances wi hin he join
household wo k owa ds spli ing land and p ope y. We simila ly obse ed ha a g owing
dissa is ac ion o sende s and ecipien s abou hei one-sided inancial dependency pushes
adi ional households o spli . One mig an household head old us ha i he amily
Na u e and e ec s o emi ance sc ip s in u al Koso o 7
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sepa a ed, he could inally in es his money ins ead o sending allowance paymen s, while
his b o he could wo k o him i he wan ed o.
Bo h pooling and allowance sc ip s espond o he cul u al no m o suppo he ex ended
household. Fo his eason, hey o e lap wi h he ‘obliga ion/en i lemen ’ sc ip . Unlike
hese wo sc ip s, which emphasize he pu pose o he ans e , we in e p e he obliga ion/
en i lemen sc ip wi h a ocus on whe he emi ing is seen as a choice o a mus . In he
1980s, he na a i e was ha o a mus : ‘We all wan o go ab oad o wo k, no o plea-
su e, bu ou o obliga ion o he amily’ (Reineck 1991: 125). In oday’s Opoja, his na a-
i e is ali e, as we also discuss wi h a iew o he sac i ice sc ip u he below, bu he
obliga ion o emi is no as s ong as i p obably was in he pas . The e is s ill a widesp ead
expec a ion on he ecipien s’ side and signi ican no ma i e p essu e o emi on he
mig an s’ side. Howe e , some in e iew pa ne s ejec ed he idea o an obliga ion as
a he o ending. They s essed ha he mig an s ac ou o hei own will e en i hey eel
obliga ed. This was desc ibed hen, o example, as: ‘They made i hei obliga ion’.
Typically, a di e en ia ion was made be ween a s onge obliga ion owa ds pa en s han
o he amily membe s.
The s onge obliga ion o suppo pa en s may also be in e p e ed as he ‘ epaymen ’
sc ip : Mig an s see hemsel es as indeb ed o hei pa en s who aised and suppo ed hem
be o e. Some imes, hey also see hemsel es as indeb ed o hose amily membe s who sup-
po ed ( h ough emi ances) hei own o hei child en’s educa ion o ca ee . Howe e ,
epaymen is o be seen less as a sel -s anding sc ip bu as a suppo ing ac o o he obliga-
ion sc ip in Opoja.
The ‘compensa ion’ sc ip comes in o play when he pooling and obliga ion sc ip s a e
weakened o dissol ed. I e e s o he compensa ion o amily membe s o he ex ended
household who p o ide speci ic se ices. Typical se ices would be, o ins ance, o look a -
e elde ly pa en s (and manage allowance paymen s o his pu pose), bu also a e he
p ope y. In he li e a u e, o mig an s and e en second-gene a ion mig an s, he compen-
sa ion sc ip has been desc ibed as a s a egic way o keep he doo open o a possible e-
u n (Fokkema, Cela, and Amb ose i 2013). As men ioned ea lie , he hope o one
mig an ha his b o he could wo k o him a e he amily has spli up could also be
in e p e ed in he ligh o he compensa ion sc ip .
Money ans e s may be made ou side he abo e-desc ibed sc ip s as pe sonal gi s o as
non-gi s o a de e mined use. Bo h sc ip s a e widesp ead in Opoja and used in pa allel o
o he sc ip s. ‘Au ho iza ion’ desc ibes a non-gi and is pa icula ly ele an o he con-
s uc ion o houses, whe e he mig an migh send a la ge amoun o money speci ically
o his pu pose. The ecipien is hen obliged o do wha he sende eques s. In he
b oade sense, also allowance paymen s a e agged by he mig an o a speci ic use and
hus ‘au ho ised’ o egula expenses: ‘I he [ he mig an ] sends 1000 Eu os and says,
‘Build a house!’, I will build a house. I he gi es me 200 Eu o o amily expenses, hen I
will spend i o he amily’. ( illage man who egula ly ecei es emi ances om his mi-
g an b o he ).
The au ho iza ion sc ip links up di ec ly wi h he ‘in es men ’ sc ip . I is impo an o
no e ha mos in es men s unde aken by mig an s in Opoja a e a leas pa ly ‘so ’
in es men s. They a e a ge ed owa ds social asse s and ela ionships and a e seldom gen-
uinely business-o ien ed. Fo he 1980s, Reineck (1991: 90) s a ed ha mig an s ‘pu mos
o hei o eign capi al in o houses and weddings’. Un il oday, weddings a e in amous in
Opoja o ea ing up as amoun s o emi ances in he way o signi ican conspicuous con-
sump ion. Howe e , housing in es men s also ha e ‘so ’ elemen s, as we will explain in
he ollowing.
O e he yea s, emi ance- inanced in es men s ha e eplaced he adi ional illage
houses made o mud and s one wi h conc e e buildings. Al hough many o hese new
homes a e no used o only empo a ily inhabi ed,
8
new houses a e cons an ly unde
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