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Single-Family Homes in Campau/Banglatown: Values of Placemaking, Homemaking and Placekeeping in a Neighborhood of Artists and Immigrants in 21st Century Detroit

Niemann, Kerstin

Abstract

Detroit’s shrinking size has resulted in an overabundance of single-family homes in this single-family home metropolis. On the one hand, the abandoned houses have led to Detroit being declared bankrupt, while on the other hand, it has paved the way for other ways of working and living with and using houses and vacant lots that may not make an immediate profit on the real estate market and may be considered “unreal” estate (Herscher, 2012), but that keep people together as a neighborhood and community. This thesis looks at the circumstances in which residents become homeowners and how as homeowners, artists and immigrants ascribe value to single-family homes and how they make place with their homes in a neighborhood context. The focus is on homeowners’ everyday practices that determine the value of single-family homes when the latter is not considered use value or economic value in a real estate market, but recognized as a social and cultural value. The field of research is Campau/Banglatown, a neighborhood on Detroit’s east side that has been characterized over the years by shifting immigrant communities. The everyday practices of immigrants and artists, including urban gardening, building community- and workspaces, and community engaged art projects, were part of my observation and concern as a single-family homeowner and non-permanent resident of a research residence, FILTER Detroit www.filterdetroit.org, in this neighborhood I wanted to find out more about how living and working in this neighborhood is connected to the single-family homes, and how the different communities’ social and cultural activities inform a sense of belonging in this diverse neighborhood. As an ethnographic field research between 2009 until 2019, the research is approached from three different perspectives. From a historical perspective, focusing on how Detroit evolved into a single-family metropolis and how that affected urban development over the years; from the perspective of the real estate market and its stakeholders and how they deal with single-family homes in post-industrial Detroit; and from the perspective of Campau/Banglatown’s own residents who own homes, with special attention paid to artists and Bangladeshi American immigrants. More specifically, it analyzes how homeowners use their homes to connect to and engage within their neighborhood to form social spaces. It also asks what role they play in a neighborhood, i.e., as creative placemakers, homemakers or placekeepers. In Chapter Two, the theoretical framework, current concepts of value are discussed, from single family homeownership to social capital, migration, community, and social space in neighborhoods. Moreover, it addresses the role of artists in creative placemaking and its consequences for gentrification. Chapter Three contextualizes the historical development of single-family homes in the city of Detroit as part of an industrial, multi-ethnic, shrinking city as well as the driver of a foreclosed city. Chapter Four analyzes current residential real estate developments in Detroit. In Campau/Banglatown newer residents consider visual maintenance and care, DIY culture, density, walking infrastructures, and cultural familiarity as values that inform social spaces in their own community and neighborhood. In the context of placemaking with art, Chapter Five explores how artists work with single-family homes in Detroit. There are different ways artmaking with homes in Detroit unfolds in different neighborhoods. The chapter documents how in Campau/Banglatown artmaking with homes turns into both placemaking with art and homemaking with art. It is this individual strategy of homemaking that informs social space and the neighborhood’s stability. It also shows how the artist’s role as homeowner has changed in the context of the neighborhood’s development sometimes from a creative placemaker to a real estate developer. The final chapter critically discusses placemaking, homemaking and placekeeping in the context of cultural displacement. It considers the attribution of social and cultural values to single-family homes, which consequently become components of economic value, while real estate prices have risen moderately in Campau/Banglatown. The chapter concludes that creative placemaking has become part of an everyday practice of care, a form of placekeeping, in the sense of caring for cultural traditions and residential needs, even while it may cause a constant process of inclusion and exclusion.

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Single-Family Homes in Campau/Banglatown: Values of Placemaking, Homemaking and Placekeeping in a Neighborhood of Artists and Immigrants in 21st Century Detroit

Author: Niemann, Kerstin
DOI: 10.34712/142.38
Source: https://repos.hcu-hamburg.de/bitstream/hcu/902/2/2023-07-14_niemann-kerstin_dissertation.pdf
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Single-Family Homes in Campau/Bangla own: Values o Placemaking,
Homemaking and Placekeeping in a Neighbo hood o A is s and Im-
mig an s in 21s Cen u y De oi .
Doc o al Thesis a Ha enCi y Uni e si y Hambu g
Ke s in Niemann
Fi s Supe iso : P o . D . Monika G ubbaue
Second Supe iso : P o . D . Ka h in Wildne
Add ional P o esso : P o . D . Volke Ki chbe g
4
A hesis submi ed o he doc o al commi ee o he Ha enCi y Uni e si ä Ham-
bu g in ul ilmen o he equi emen s o he deg ee o Doc o o Philosophy (D .
phil.) om Ke s in Niemann.
Doc o al Commi ee:
Fi s Supe iso : P o . D . Monika G ubbaue
Second Supe iso : P o . D . Ka h in Wildne
Addi ional P o esso : P o . D . Volke Ki chbe g
Chai : P o . D . D . Raphael Schwegmann
Hambu g, Sep embe , 28, 2022
Da e o he dispu a ion: No embe 29, 2022
Imp in
Ha enCi y Uni e si y Hambu g
Me opoli an Cul u e (d . Kul u de Me opole)
Henning-Vosche au-Pla z 1
20457 Hambu g
© 2023, Me opoli an Cul u e (d . Kul u de Me opole), Ha enCi y Uni e si y Hambu g
DOI: 10.34712/142.38
Copy igh
“Single-Family Homes in Campau/Bangla own: Values o Placemaking, Home-
making and Placekeeping in a Neighbo hood o A is s and Immig an s in 21s
Cen u y De oi ” by Ke s in Niemann is licensed unde CC BY-SA 4.0
5
Summa y
De oi ’s sh inking size has esul ed in an o e abundance o single- amily homes in his single-
amily home me opolis. On he one hand, he abandoned houses ha e led o De oi being decla ed
bank up , while on he o he hand, i has pa ed he way o o he ways o wo king and li ing
wi h and using houses and acan lo s ha may no make an immedia e p o i on he eal es a e
ma ke and may be conside ed “un eal” es a e (He sche , 2012), bu ha keep people oge he
as a neighbo hood and communi y. This hesis looks a he ci cums ances in which esiden s
become homeowne s and how as homeowne s, a is s and immig an s asc ibe alue o single-
amily homes and how hey make place wi h hei homes in a neighbo hood con ex . The ocus
is on homeowne s’ e e yday p ac ices ha de e mine he alue o single- amily homes when he
la e is no conside ed use alue o economic alue in a eal es a e ma ke , bu ecognized as a
social and cul u al alue.
The ield o esea ch is Campau/Bangla own, a neighbo hood on De oi ’s eas side ha has
been cha ac e ized o e he yea s by shi ing immig an communi ies. The e e yday p ac ices
o immig an s and a is s, including u ban ga dening, building communi y- and wo kspaces, and
communi y engaged a p ojec s, led me as bo h a homeowne and non-pe manen esiden o a
esea ch esidency in he neighbo hood, o wan o ind ou mo e abou how li ing and wo king in
his neighbo hood is connec ed o he single- amily homes, and how he di e en communi ies’
social and cul u al ac i i ies in o m a sense o belonging in his di e se neighbo hood.
As an e hnog aphic ield esea ch be ween 2009 un il 2019, he esea ch is app oached om
h ee di e en pe spec i es. F om a his o ical pe spec i e, ocusing on how De oi e ol ed
in o a single- amily me opolis and how ha a ec ed u ban de elopmen o e he yea s; om
he pe spec i e o he eal es a e ma ke and i s s akeholde s and how hey deal wi h single-
amily homes in pos -indus ial De oi ; and om he pe spec i e o Campau/Bangla own’s
own esiden s who own homes, wi h special a en ion paid o a is s and Bangladeshi Ame ican
immig an s. Mo e speci ically, i analyzes how homeowne s use hei homes o connec o and
engage wi hin hei neighbo hood o o m social spaces. I also asks wha ole hey play in a
neighbo hood, i.e., as c ea i e placemake s, homemake s o placekeepe s.
In Chap e Two, he heo e ical amewo k, cu en concep s o alue a e discussed, om single
amily homeowne ship o social capi al, mig a ion, communi y, and social space in neighbo hoods.
Mo eo e , i add esses he ole o a is s in c ea i e placemaking and i s consequences o
gen i ica ion. Chap e Th ee con ex ualizes he his o ical de elopmen o single- amily homes
in he ci y o De oi as pa o an indus ial, mul i-e hnic, sh inking ci y as well as he d i e o
a o eclosed ci y. Chap e Fou analyzes cu en esiden ial eal es a e de elopmen s in De oi .
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In Campau/Bangla own newe esiden s conside isual main enance and ca e, DIY cul u e,
densi y, walking in as uc u es, and cul u al amilia i y as alues ha in o m social spaces in
hei own communi y and neighbo hood.
In he con ex o placemaking wi h a , Chap e Fi e explo es how a is s wo k wi h single- amily
homes in De oi . The e a e di e en ways a making wi h homes in De oi un olds in di e en
neighbo hoods. The chap e documen s how in Campau/Bangla own a making wi h homes
u ns in o bo h placemaking wi h a and homemaking wi h a . I is his indi idual s a egy
o homemaking ha in o ms social space and he neighbo hood’s s abili y. I also shows how
he a is ’s ole as homeowne has changed in he con ex o he neighbo hood’s de elopmen
some imes om a c ea i e placemake o a eal es a e de elope .
The inal chap e c i ically discusses placemaking, homemaking and placekeeping in he con ex
o cul u al displacemen . I conside s he a ibu ion o social and cul u al alues o single- amily
homes, which consequen ly become componen s o economic alue, while eal es a e p ices ha e
isen mode a ely in Campau/Bangla own. The chap e concludes ha c ea i e placemaking has
become pa o an e e yday p ac ice o ca e, a o m o placekeeping, in he sense o ca ing o
cul u al adi ions and esiden ial needs, e en while i may cause a cons an p ocess o inclusion
and exclusion.
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Zusammen assung
Im S ad bild De oi zeigen sich die Auswi kungen de massi en Sch ump ung besonde s du ch
den Lee s and und Ve all on al en Indus iehallen und Ein amilienhäuse n. Die ehemals
blühende Indus ies ad , die nach wie o eine Ein amilienhaus-Me opole is , kämp e sei
Jah en gegen sinkende Immobilienp eise im S ad ke n. Das Übe angebo on Ein amilienhäuse n
üh e un e ande em dazu, dass De oi ü bank o e klä wu de. Ande e sei s ebne e es den
Weg ü neue Fo men de Nu zung de Ein amilienhäuse und lee s ehenden Gebäude und
G unds ücke, insbesonde e du ch neu hinzugezogene Küns le *innen und Mig an *innen. Diese
zu A bei s- und Gemeinscha szwecken umgewidme en Häuse und G unds ücks lächen wü den
ielleich au dem lokalen Immobilienma k keinen unmi elba en Gewinn e zielen. Abe die
als „un eal es a e“ (He sche , 2012) bezeichne en Immobilien p ägen den gemeinscha lichen
Zusammenhal eines S ad eils, du ch nachba scha liche P ojek e, k ea i e O sges al ung und
o ene Nu zungs o men und wi ken somi posi i au den sozialen und kul u ellen We eine
Immobilie ein.
De Schwe punk diese Un e suchung lieg au den All agsp ak iken on Hauseigen üme *innen,
die den We ih e Ein amilienhäuse und G unds ücks lächen äglich ges al en, obschon
diese nich als Nu zwe ode wi scha liche We au einem Immobilienma k gezähl wi d.
In de A bei wu den die Ums ände un e such , wa um Menschen, insbesonde e die neu
hinzugezogenen Küns le *innen und Einwande e *innen zu Hauseigen üme *innen we den.
Welche We e sch eiben diese ih en Ein amilienhäuse n im Kon ex ih e Nachba scha zu? Das
Fo schungsgebie is Campau/Bangla own, ein Vie el im Os en on De oi , das im Lau e des
le z en Jah hunde s on wechselnden Zuwande *inneng uppen gep äg wu de.
De Umgang de Mig an *innen und Küns le *innen mi und um ih e Hause inspi ie e
mich - selbs Eigen üme in eines Ein amilienhauses, das als Küns le esidenz ope ie - diese
Nachba scha e hnog a isch zu be o schen. Die A bei un e such und disku ie welche
Rollen sie in de Nachba scha einnehmen als k ea i e O s- und Raumges al e *innen
(c ea i e placemake s), Hausbesi ze *innen (homemake s) ode Raum- und O sp lege *innen
(placekeepe s).
Die Un e suchung wu de als Feld o schung zwischen 2009 und 2019 aus d ei e schiedenen
Pe spek i en du chge üh . Eine his o ischen Pe spek i e nimm die En wicklung De oi s zu eine
Ein amilienhaus-Me opole in den Blick und un e such wie diese Wohn o m die S ad en wicklung
und konk e den S ad eil gep äg ha . Aus de Pe spek i e des Immobilienma k es ag sie,
wie sich de We de Ein amilienhäuse n im pos indus iellen De oi e ände ha . Eine d i e
Pe spek i e is die de Bewohne *innen on Campau/Bangla own, de Eigen üme *innen on

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Ein amilienhäuse n, mi besonde em Augenme k au Küns le *innen und Zuwande *innen aus
Bangladesch.
Placemaking, homemaking und placekeeping sind indi iduelle S a egien und all ägliche P axen
in diese Nachba scha , die den sozialen Raum und die S abili ä des Vie els p ägen. Diese
Me hoden das Leben in eine Ein amilienhaus-Nachba scha zu ges al en üh en zu einem
s ändigen P ozess de Inklusion und Exklusion on al en ode neuen S ad eilbewohne *innen.
Zudem zeig die A bei und hin e ag , den Rollenwandel de Küns le *innen als
Hauseigen üme *innen im Kon ex de En wicklung de Nachba scha , und zwa on k ea i en
O sges al e *innen zu G unds ücks- und Immobilienen wickle *innen.
Indes läss sich in Campau/Bangla own eine We s eige ung on Ein amilienhäuse n du ch
soziale und kul u elle P ozesse beobach en. Kul u elle We e we den in ökonomische We e
ans o mie , was sich au dem lokalen Immobilienma k in Fo m on P eiss eige ungen und
eine ges iegene Nach age wide spiegel .
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Acknowledgemen s
I would like o hank he ollowing people, wi hou whom I would no ha e been able o comple e
his esea ch!
My g a i ude o my p o esso s and supe iso s o hei in aluable pa ience and eedback is
beyond wo ds. I would like o hank my supe iso , P o . D . Monika G ubbaue , whose insigh
and knowledge o he subjec ma e guided me h ough his esea ch o he end, P o . D . Ka h in
Wildne o he en husiasm o he p ojec , o he suppo , encou agemen , and pa ience, D . Lisa
Kosok o he eedback, suppo , and unde s anding, and P o . D . Gesa Zieme , who made his
esea ch possible. Special hanks a e due o P o . D . Volke Ki chbe g, who always suppo ed
me wi h insigh ul eedback and wo ked wi h me on ela ed a eas o knowledge, e en in imes o
doub and a he beginning o he COVID-19 pandemic.
Thank you o my colleagues om he s udy p og am Me opoli an Cul u e a Ha enCi y Uni e si y
Hambu g, who ha e suppo ed me. And especially o P o . D . D . Raphael Schwegmann, Janina
K iszio and Nicolas Pe zold. Special hanks o D . No a Kü el, D . Joshua Ake s, F anziska
Klose, Be ina S einb ügge, and Co dula Di z (and hank you o he nigh shi ) who, h ough
hei own esea ch and a p ac ices, ha e con ibu ed wi h hei insigh s, eedback, and p ac ical
handling o he si ua ion.
I would like o ex end my hea el g a i ude o hose who helped o b ing his complex p ojec
on he oad. I could no ha e unde aken his jou ney wi hou my in e iew pa ne s, he esiden s
o Campau/Bangal own and Ham amck, and he a is s and make s in De oi whose eedback,
discussions, insigh s and occasional c i icism helped b ing his p ojec o li e. Majo hanks go
o Liza Bielby, Mi ch Cope, Co nelius Ha is, Dimi i Hegemann, Ma a H ecznyj, Richa d
Feldman, Chido Johnson, Faina Le man, Ka ie McGowan, Luke Niewandomski, Gina Reiche ,
Co ine Ve meulen, Jamie Wagne , Wal e Wasacz and G aem Why e. Mo eo e , hank you all
o helping o in eg a e FILTER De oi as a esea ch esidency in o De oi and connec ing i o
di e en con ex s and o ma s.
I would like o hank my iends, especially Syl ia D ij e s, Deb F ank, Anne e F anklin-S okes,
Ch is Kö e , Babsi K öge -Thies wi h Osman, Ch is iane Opi z and Nida Yapa , who suppo ed
me, encou aged me, and belie ed ha I would inish his wo k, and some imes ook ca e o my
daugh e Hannah.
Hannah Kumba Niemann, wi hou you his esea ch would no ha e been possible. You ha e
showed me how o engage wi h De oi and how o s op and obse e i pa ien ly. Wi hou
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knowing i , you opened doo s o new encoun e s and subjec ma e s ha I would no ha e seen
o expe ienced wi hou you. Thank you o you unde s anding. I know ha his long jou ney has
no always been easy o you as child and daugh e , because you had o pu up wi h my s ess
and moans.
And my bigges hanks o my amily o all he suppo you ha e shown me h oughou his
esea ch. My bigges hank goes o my sis e Anne e and he amily who always sho eled he
way ee o me o wo k on my disse a ion as a single mo he . Majo hanks o my b o he and his
amily as well as o Denis and Ca ol, my second pa en s in Minneso a, and hei child en. Thei
belie in me has kep my spi i s and mo i a ion high du ing his p ocess. So, a e y big hank
you o: Anne e Niemann wi h Nils Kamp ad-Papendo , E ik Niemann and An onia Niemann,
Ul ich and Ellen Niemann and Denis and Ca ol Hol haus wi h Russ Hol haus, Wanda Hol haus-
Mon oe, Jackie Muelle and Jill Tilbu y.
Las , bu no leas , I would like o hank my edi o Ted Fend as well as Julia Engle , who helped
me wi h he design.
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Table o Con en s
P ologue
F om FILTER De oi o E hnog aphic Field Resea ch wi h Single-
Family Homes
Oppo uni y in C isis
Campau/Bangla own and Ham amck
FILTER De oi
E hnog aphic Field Resea ch in Campau/Bangla own
Thesis S uc u e
S a e o Resea ch and Theo e ical F amewo k
F om Value o Un alue o Value
Single-Family Homeowne ship
Social Capi al: Mig a ion and Communi y
Social Space in Neighbo hoods and Sense o Belonging
Gen i ica ion and he Role o A is s in C ea i e Placemaking
De oi – A Single-Family Home Me opolis
The O igins o he Single-Family Home
F om Colonial Fo i ica ion o Fa ming
The P i a iza ion o Land
Single-Family Homes in an Indus ial Ci y
Ea ly Indus ializa ion
The Au o Indus y
Single-Family Homes in a Mul i-E hnic Ci y
The Ge man Se lemen
The Polish Se lemen
The A ican Ame ican Se lemen
Single-Family Homes in a Sh inking Ci y
Subu baniza ion
U ban Rein es men
Single-Family Homes in a Fo eclosed Ci y
Fo eclosu e C isis
Auc ions and Specula ion
1.0.
2.0.
3.0.
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21
21
24
27
31
33
35
35
39
42
46
49
55
56
58
60
65
65
67
71
72
75
77
83
84
86
88
89
91
1.1.
1.2.
1.3.
1.4.
1.5.
2.1.
2.2.
2.3.
2.4.
2.5.
3.1.
3.2.
3.3.
3.4.
3.5.
3.1.1.
3.1.2.
3.2.1.
3.2.2.
3.3.1.
3.3.2.
3.3.3.
3.4.1.
3.4.2.
3.5.1.
3.5.2.
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Figu e 1.0: Emily Jane Wood, Ana omy o a Ham amck House, pen on pape , 2015. Cou esy o Emily Jane Wood.
The black and whi e d awing showed he on o a wo- amily home in de ail. A b oken a ic
window, li e on he lawn, and he way he di e en kinds o siding we e peeling o eminded
me o how I mysel pe cei ed he ex e io o he single- amily homes in Campau/Bangla own.

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The handw i en commen s nex o he house desc ibed he impe ec condi ion o hese homes
and he makeshi ways damage o hem is ixed and he condi ions o me en e s o esiden s
ha e le hem in. Wood’s commen s also show ha she has gi en a lo o hough o he condi ion
o he houses. I had o ge o know he local a is and he ela ion o amily homes in Ham amck,
because wi h he a she has indi ec ly highligh ed he social and cul u al con ex o which hese
homes belong.
I eached ou o Wood by e-mail and jus wo days la e , Hannah and I accep ed he kind in i a ion
o ell us some hing abou he obsession wi h pain ing homes, iconic buildings and ash in he
ci y o Ham amck o e he pas wo decades. As Hannah colo ed in one o Wood’s homemade
Ham amck house empla es, I dug exci edly h ough he pho og aphy and ske ch a chi e o
Ham amck house acades. Co ne buildings, single- amily homes, duplexes, s ee scapes,
chu ches, public buildings, alleyways, on ga dens, and ash – Wood’s lo e o de ail and colo
cap u e he unique and indi idually designed ana omy o hese homes and he li e a ound and in
hem, as well as he landscape o his neighbo hood in pain ings, on co ee mugs, d awings and
comics.
Again, I ound mysel quie ly hinking: “Someone has o a chi e his body o wo k, because she’s
documen ed he isual de elopmen o single- amily housing in he a ea in such de ail o e he
pas wo decades.” He pe spec i e is ce ainly ha o a whi e, educa ed, middle class woman,
I hough , bu while alking o he abou he a p ac ice, I ound ou ha she is un ained and
holds a B.A. in An h opology and an M.A. in Molecula Biology om Wayne S a e Uni e si y.
O e he yea s, she has ne e heless become a qui e popula local olk a is bo h o he own
ascina ion wi h he ci y’s s ee scapes and he willingness o do commissioned wo k, o example
o homeowne s pain ing hei houses.
Fo me, a house (like he mind) con ains all he ools o li ing. Also like ou minds, ou
houses a e assembled by us bu hey also dic a e how we will li e in he u u e. So, we shape
ou homes, and ou homes shape us. We li e wi hin ou men al cons uc s in he same way
we physically inhabi he homes we build. (Wood, n.d.)
She s esses ha how we shape and design ou homes as indi iduals de e mines how we shape
ou u u e. She akes he pe spec i e o an indi idual and ha indi idual’s li es yle, connec ing
i o he way pe sonal choices abou how one li es one’s li e a ec communal ways o li ing
oge he . Howe e , Wood’s ela ionship wi h Ham amck’s houses was coming o an end. As I
became amilia wi h he body o wo k, she explained o me ha she would be cleaning ou he
s udio and li ing space o e he nex ew mon hs in o de o mo e in wi h he boy iend and his
daugh e in a much la ge space in S . Clai Sho es, a De oi subu b nex o Lake S . Clai .
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Ali and Emily a e jus wo examples o esiden s – an a is and a newly a i ed Bengali
Ame ican immig an – whose li es and li es yles ha e been shaped h ough hei connec ions
o hei homes. They may ha e di e en ideas abou how hey use single- amily homes in he
con ex o hei neighbo hoods, bu hey a e bo h connec ed o hem h ough social and economic
ela ions. These pa icula neighbo hoods, Campau/Bangla own and he ci y o Ham amck, on
De oi ’s eas side, ha e been cha ac e ized o e he yea s by shi ing immig an communi ies.
S ill, esiden s occupy he same ype o housing – single and wo- amily homes – buil abou a
cen u y ago. Why and how can hese houses unc ion o such dis inc i e uses?
1.1.
21
F om FILTER De oi o E hnog aphic Field Resea ch wi h
Single-Family Homes
In his chap e , I desc ibe he se ing o my esea ch s a ing om my own home in De oi . I gi e
an in oduc ion in o my esea ch opic and explain my app oach wi h i s objec i es and ques ions.
Oppo uni y in C isis
The e is ha dly any me opoli an a ea in he Uni ed S a es wi h an equally high densi y o single-
amily homes as De oi . Sho ly a e he US’s Subp ime Mo gage C isis, he New Yo k Times
a icle “Fo Sale: he $100 House” (Ba low, 2009) spa ked na ional and in e na ional media
a en ion on de alued single- amily homes in Eas De oi ha had been success ully aken
o e by a ‘s able’ Bangladeshi Ame ican communi y and, mo e ecen ly, by a is s and cul u al
en ep eneu s om De oi . The au ho o he Times piece, who had mo ed om B ooklyn o
De oi be o e he inancial c isis, e e s o he en husias ic ake-o e o abandoned homes as a
“s ange, new Ame ican d eam” whe e any hing “imaginable” is possible (Ba low, 2019). He
wonde s wha he new homeowne s’ mo i es a e o buying such an inexpensi e house, whose
ini ial ma ke alue is only $100: “i hey we e ac ually wo h any hing hey would cos eal
money, igh ?” (Ba low, 2019).
Ba low indi ec ly add esses conce ns abou in es ing in some hing so cheap. He ques ions
he alue o a house in a ci y ha has been po ayed o yea s as un-down, dilapida ed, and
uinous because o i s abundance o emp y single- amily homes and indus ial buildings. F om
an economic poin o iew, i does no make sense o in es in a house whose app aised alue
has dec eased and whose ma ke p ice is lowe han, o example, he mo gage p e iously aken
ou . Bu wi h wha no ions o alue ha e he new homeowne s in he a icle been buying acan
homes? Ba low ies o explain hei mo i a ion as “new ways o shaping he u ban en i onmen ,”
“ he oppo uni y o accus om and eno a e he house he way you wan i o be” and “being pa
o a communi y” (Ba low, 2009).
De oi ’s sh inking o e he pas decades and he ac ha one- hi d o i s single- amily homes
ha e unde gone o eclosu e has esul ed in an o e abundance o a ailable esiden ial p ope ies
(Deng e al., 2017). The ci y’s pos -indus ial s a us as a sh inking o dis essed ci y and i s
dec ease in p ope y alues ha e been widely discussed in u ban and a chi ec u al heo y (Oswal
& Rienie s, 2006; Thomas, 2013; Sug ue, 1996). On a mo e posi i e no e, De oi is seen as
a si e o possibili y, a ci y whose decline en iches u ban s udies (Dewa e al., 2015, pp. 31).
The e is hype p edic ing De oi ’s e u n and ha om he poin o iew o a g owing cho us o
op imis s, he ime is igh o in es in he ci y (Aus en, 2014). As pe o mance a is and ac i is
1.1.
1.0.
22
In incible (2008) s a es, De oi has an uno icial mo o: “Oppo uni y in C isis.”1 Because o
u ban decline and dis essed condi ions and despi e i s s a e o bank up cy, he ci y o De oi s ill
has a di e se a ay o esiden s li ing and d i ing he ci y (Gals e , 2012). In De oi , concep s o
ci izenship a e linked o communi y building and he ci y’s g ass oo s leade ship, especially in
e ms o how acially di ided i is (Wa d, 2011). F om do-i -you sel cul u e o he sense o he
ci y’s his o y and he abili y o sal age old ma e ials, Kimbe ly Kinde (2016) desc ibes he DIY
a i ude o De oi ’s ci izens as a phenomenon ha has become ou ine in de e io a ing Ame ican
ci ies whe e public se ices no longe p o ide o de and sa e y. Whe he i is esiden s, a is s, o
immig an s who a e in es ed economically, cul u ally, o socially in he ci y, hey all, along wi h
many o he s, belie e he ci y has a u u e.
The speci ic u ban condi ions in a pos -indus ial me opolis like De oi – a high unemploymen
a e, school closu es, a high a e o housing acancies, and a lack o public anspo a ion
and esh ood – may ha e been a o able o a is s whose p ac ices a e in luenced by and
pa icipa e in hei daily en i onmen (Ki chbe g, 2020). Pa icula ly in di e se and immig an -
ich communi ies, communi y-based a p ojec s ha e o en been ci ed as “ca alys s o posi i e
change”, which ocus a en ion on he social impac o a making (Helicon Collabo a i e, 2017).
Recen esea ch on a is s and cul u al p oduc ion has c i ically con ex ualized owne ship by
and he p ope y alues o a is s as in es o s (Ake s, 2017a), as c ea i e ci izens p io i izing an
u ban middle-class (Peck, 2007), o igge s o gen i ica ion (He sche , 2012; Ca ducci, 2015;
Flood & Redaelli, 2016).
Ca ducci (2014, p. 150) e e s o a is p ac ices ha include social empowe men s ha implemen
c ea i e neighbo hood s abiliza ion s a egies o e i alize as “Real U opias” ha bea a po en ial
o o e all human well-being in pos -bank up cy De oi . This desc ibes he ac i i ies o a is s
in he Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood in De oi , who ha e wo ked wi h single- amily
homes and acan lo s. Fo him, hey a e pa o an aes he ic communi y (Ca ducci, 2012) ha
en isions li e a e capi al, in which he “A o he Common” (Ca ducci, 2014) is ex ended o
he homes and acan lo s in a space like his neighbo hood. Yezbick (2020) a gues agains his
pe spec i e and s esses ha as long as bligh in De oi is conside ed he p oduc o a lack o
ca e, c ea i e in e en ion o bligh ed p ope ies uns he isk o being ins umen alized by he
s a e and neolibe al pa ne s in a ma ke -d i en alue egime.
A mo e ecen u ban eco e y na a i e is abou he in luence immig an communi ies ha e had
on making places in De oi ’s neighbo hoods by imp o ing he economy (Tobocman, 2014).
One ad oca e o De oi ’s immig an -inclusi e economy, Global De oi , has ocused o e he
1 Line s a emen o In incible’s 2008 eleased Hip Hop album “Shape Shi e s”, Eme gence Music, De oi .
23
pas en yea s on es ablishing immig an -inclusi e ins i u ions and c ea ing equal oppo uni ies
o newly a i ing immig an s in Michigan (Global De oi , 2020). Poli ics and he inclusiona y
and exclusiona y p ac ices o a dominan social g oup ha e he powe o de e mine he deg ee o
which mig a ion can insc ibe i sel in a ci y (Buckel, 2014, p. 160). In c i ical mig a ion s udies, i
is impo an o ecognize he ac i e ole o mig an s in he p oduc ion o space (Buckel, 2014, p.
161). In s udies o he neolibe al es uc u ing o ci ies, mig an s’ pa icipa ion ends o be educed
o hei me e p esence. Fo example, as ul illing economic demands o low-skilled o skilled
labo , as is he case in Campau/Bangla own. Mo eo e , mig an s a e o en iden i ied as a me e
esou ce con ibu ing o he shaping o c ea i e milieus (Buckel, 2014, p. 161). Çagla & Glick
Schille (2018) challenge his pe cep ion o mig an s as pa icipan s in a p e-de ined ci y s uc u e.
Along wi h Buckel (2014), hey ha e used mul iscala analysis2 o s udy how mig an s a e ac o s
o global de elopmen on many le els (Çagla & Glick Schille , 2018). They iden i y mig an s as
ac i e “mul iscala ” pa icipan s in ci y-making because o hei “ ela ionships o each o he and
wi hin a ious hie a chies o ne wo ks o powe ” in a “sociospa ial sphe e” o p ac ice (Cagla
& Glick Schille , p. 8). Va ious a and communi y-engaged p ojec s ha conside he equi y o
esiden s o he inclusion o immig an communi ies in he Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood
as well as hei needs, wo k wi h immig an s as mul iscala pa icipan s in he “sociospa ial
sphe e” o single- amily homes (Knigh Founda ion, 2022; Global De oi , 2020).
Wha do hese single- amily houses mean o di e en people? Why a e hey in demand? Wha
ole do hey play in a neighbo hood? In my esea ch, I ocus on he ways in wha alues a e
a ibu ed o single- amily homes om a his o ical, economic, and e hnog aphic pe spec i e.
I look a homemaking and placemaking p ac ices o homeowne s and use s. Single- amily
homes in De oi ha e p e iously been analyzed in ela ion o land jus ice (Sa ansky, 2018),
de elopmen and ace (Thomas, 2013; Sug ue, 1996), as pa o an in es men s a egy (Deng
e . al., 2017), h ough gen i ica ion (Dewa e .al., 2015; Ellio , 2012), in he con ex o acancy
as pa o beau i ul uins (Apel, 2015), h ough “al e na i e u banisms” (He sche , 2012), and
as becoming pa o a “Real U opia” h ough he way a is s ha e made use o hem (Ca ducci,
2014). In his con ex , he alues o single- amily homes a e o en discussed as esul ing om
neolibe al poli ics and he in luence o p i a e in es o s (Peck & Whi eside, 2016; Ake s, 2013).
Bu is he e no some hing aside om economic cons ain s ha makes hese single- amily homes
a ac i e o indi idual esiden s and communi y g oups?
I assume ha a is s and immig an s ha e no me ely been buying and auc ioning single- amily
homes in he Campau/Banglag own neighbo hood because o low eal es a e p ices o o achie e
2 Mul iscala analysis is a wo- old me hodological amewo k. This me hod a oids unde s anding mig a ion as an ac
o in eg a ion in o a o eign na ion-s a e iden i y o as a sha ed common homeland iden i y (Çagla & Glick Schille , 2018). I
also does no bo ow om he concep o e hnic communi y as a o m o sha ed e hnic iden i y in he diaspo a.

24
a quick e u n on in es men . I wan o ind ou wha i is speci ically ha connec s hem o
hese houses, ha jus co esponds o a g ea e meaning o alue. This is why I chose o obse e
how hey achie e his. Wha kind o alues do hey a ibu e o single- amily homes and lo s? I
would like o look a his by analyzing how single- amily homeowne s and occupan s use hei
homes in e e yday li e in his neighbo hood. Fu he mo e, I would like o ind ou how his
p oduc ion o meaning ela es o placemaking and neighbo hood esiden s’ sense o belonging.
Mo eo e , i is no clea wha kind o ole ecen ly a i ed mig an s – a is s and Bangladeshi
Ame ican immig an s – ob ain as he homeowne s o single- amily homes. Fo example, a e hey
placemake s o ha e hey become ac i e eal es a e de elope s o he neighbo hood?
The e has no ye been a comp ehensi e s udy o he alues homeowne s and use s in Campau/
Bangla own a ibu e o single- amily homes beyond economic eal es a e and ma ke alues.
The e o e, his hesis add esses how neighbo hood esiden s and homeowne s make space and
build communi y (Zilbe s ein, 2019; Helicon Collabo a i e, 2017; Ca ducci, 2012). I explo es
di e en kinds o e e yday u banism in ela ion o single- amily homes (Chase e al.,1999).
Mo e speci ically, i analyzes how homeowne s use hei homes o connec o and engage wi hin
hei neighbo hood. Bou dieu’s heo y o social space (1986) and he di e en o ms o capi al3
he iden i ies suppo he basic heo e ical amewo k o his analysis. Do social ac i i ies a ound
single- amily homes con ibu e o social cohesion (Fo es & Kea ns, 2001) o in o m a sense o
belonging (Blokland & Nas , 2014) in his di e se neighbo hood? Wha ollows is in ended o
ind ou how all o hese indings a ec he alue o he single- amily homes in he neighbo hood.
Campau/Bangla own and Ham amck
Campau/Bangla own is jus one o many neighbo hoods4 in he ci y o De oi . Al hough i is
in De oi , i sha es he same zip code, 48212, as he neighbo ing ci y o Ham amck, which is
loca ed o he eas . The ci y o Ham amck is a ci y wi hin he ci y o De oi and bo de s on hei
wes side wi h he Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood, which is pa o he ci y o De oi . The
Ci y o De oi e e s o he municipali y o Dis ic 3 as Campau/Bangla own. O he s e e o i
as Bangla own, i.e., a communi y o Bangladeshi Ame ican esiden s who li e in he Campau/
Bangla own, Da ison, and Bu alo Cha les neighbo hoods (Global De oi , 2018; goodgood and
Global De oi , 2017). This has also been he case o esiden s, membe s o communi y ini ia i es,
3 Fo Bou dieu (1986) a ma e ial esou ce is a o m o economic capi al because i can be di ec ly con e ed in o money,
especially in he case o p ope y igh s, which is an ins i u ionalized o m o economic capi al (1986, p. 242).
4  The e exis  di e en  de ini ions o  wha  is mean  by a neighbo hood. They a e o  example de ined by social
communi ies, his o ical associa ions o u ban planning decisions. In his case, I use he e m neighbo hood as an municipal e m
ha isde inedgeog aphically,jus as heci yo De oi  e e s oi su bandis ic sin hei smalles uni sasneighbo hoods.
1.2
25
and o he s akeholde s whom I in e iewed o alked o abou he neighbo hood. Alexa Bush,
u ban design di ec o o he Eas Region o he ci y o De oi , explains ha he ci y de ines
hese a eas geog aphically. The e o e, he ci y o De oi e e s o he neighbo hood as Campau/
Da ison/Bangla own o a oid e i o ial iden i ica ion o discussions wi h he di e en e hnic
communi ies (A. Bush, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 15, 2019). In his hesis, I will e e o
he neighbo hood as Campau/Bangla own unless quo ing o using someone else’s ma e ials.
Fo people who do no li e in ei he o hese places, i is di icul o ell he di e ence be ween
he ci y o Ham amck and he neighbo hood o Campau/Bangla own in De oi , e en hough
hei esiden s and houses a e go e ned by wo di e en municipali ies. The a chi ec u e o
he esiden ial homes and hei layou a e simila . The s o es, which ca e o e e yday needs,
me ge in o each o he on Conan S ee and Joseph Campau A enue, which a e bo h loca ed in
Ham amck and De oi . Residen s o bo h municipali ies use schools, he lib a y, he ec ea ion
cen e , he local ba s, g oce y s o es, clo hing s o es and o he ameni ies in bo h municipali ies.
Howe e , Ham amck is mo e densely popula ed han Campau/Bangla own and, wi h 2.1 squa e
miles, i is also limi ed in space.
In 2010, he Uni ed S a es Census coun ed 22,423 people li ing in he ci y o Ham amck wi h
53.6% o hem Caucasian (Eu opean, Ame ican, and Middle Eas e n ances y), 19.6% A ican
Ame ican,5 and 21.5% Asian Ame ican (Ci y o Ham amck, 2021). Acco ding o he mos ecen
census da a om 2020, he ci y’s popula ion inc eased o a o al o 28,433 esiden s, a 26.8% ise
o e he pas decade. F om 2005 un il 2021 he ci y was un by a Polish Ame ican mayo , Ka en
Majewski. Neighbo hood Public Radio epo e s no ed ha Ham amck is now closing in on a
majo i y Muslim popula ion, wi h Bangladeshis and Yemenis as he la ges g owing immig an
g oups (Block & Nadwo ny, 2017). In 2021, Ame Ghalib, an immig an om Yemen, became
Ham amck’s mayo (Wa ikoo, 2021). Repo ing in hese ecen changes, Neighbo hood Public
Radio epo e s no ed ha Ham amck is now closing in on a majo i y Muslim popula ion, wi h
Bangladeshis and Yeminis as he la ges g owing immig an g oups (Block & Nadwo ny, 2017)
In con as o Ham amck, hal o Campau/Bangla own’s popula ion o 5,000 esiden s is
iden i ied as Bangladeshi Ame ican, ollowed by la ge numbe s o A ican Ame ican, Yemeni,
Polish, Bosnian and o he di e se esiden s (Ci y o De oi , n.d.b). Like Ham amck, he
“newcome communi y” (Imam Mika’il S ewa Saadiq, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 14,
2018) Campau/Bangla own has been con inuously shaped by mig a ion: in he 18 h cen u y by
Ge mans, du ing he 19 h cen u y by Poles, by A ican Ame icans du ing he second wa e o he
g ea mig a ion, and by wa e ugees leeing economic ins abili y o non-democ a ic egimes in
5 TheA icanAme icanpopula ion,whichmakesup hemajo i yo  esiden sinDe oi ,hasalwaysbeenpa o  he
Ham amckcommuni y,bu hasne e beenamajo i y he e(G.Kowalski,pe sonalcommunica ion,Ma ch9,2018;Sug ue
1996).
26
Eu ope and Yemen in he 1980s and 1990s. While single and wo- amily homes al e na e along
Ham amck’s s ee s, he majo i y o he 1,155 homes in Campau/Bangla own a e single- amily
(Ci y o De oi Go e nmen , n.d.).
His o ically, he neighbo hood eme ged because o inne -ci y mig a o y mo emen s (see
Chap e 3.3.) o o me Eu opean mig an s o A ican Ame icans mo ing away om poo
li ing condi ions in De oi ’s ci y cen e . The mos ecen wa e o immig an s, he Bangladeshi
Ame ican communi y, s a ed o mo e om Queens, New Yo k o Ham amck and Campau/
Bangla own in he la e 1990s and ea ly 2000s in wha has been e e ed o as a mini exodus,
c ea ing a Bangladeshi Ame ican communi y wi hin mon hs:
A unc ion o economics, wo d o mou h and he sligh ly ha d- o- igu e momen um ha o en
d i es such eloca ions, he mig a ion has escala ed in he las yea , wi h dozens o amilies
packing up e e y mon h and heading om As o ia o Michigan. (Ke shaw, 2001)
Economic condi ions, such as cheap housing and access o jobs a ac ed he Bangaldeshi
Ame ican communi y o mo e o Michigan when hey we e p iced ou o As o ia (Ke shaw,
2001). Ham amck and Campau/Bangla own a e well known o hei di e se ood cul u e
and esh ege able s o es ha he immig an communi ies un. Besides adi ional Polish and
Bosnian cuisine, he e a e es au an s se ing ood om Yemen, India and Bangladesh. The e
a e dozens o neighbo hood s o es ha sell ege ables, daily supplies, and Halal mea s as well
as se e al shops o adi ional clo hing like sa is and eils on he main shopping s ee s, Conan
S ee , Cani S ee , and Joseph Campau A enue.
Campau/Bangla own has no only seen an inc ease in immig an communi ies om Bangladesh
and Yemen, bu also a con inuous in lux o a is s mig a ing om o he pa s o he ci y, he
subu bs, and o he ci ies in he Uni ed S a es. Local and newly a i ed a is s wo king in ields
anging om isual a s o pe o mance, s a ed o shape he e y same landscape o o me
wo king-class single- amily homes. Some o hem add essed u ban sho comings and hei own
immedia e needs while ans o ming he neighbo hood wi h hei communi y engaged a p ojec s
in ol ing de ensi e a chi ec u al de ices like secu i y ba ie s o p o ec agains he and illegal
occupa ion, he es ablishmen o a F ee School, and he c ea ion o communal public spaces such
as a ska e pa k. O en, acan single- amily houses and hei plo s se ed as he s a ing poin o
hese a is s’ own a .
1.3.
27
FILTER De oi
I isi ed De oi o he i s ime in 2007. Chicago a is Jon B umi ecommended I go he e o
expe ience i s pos -indus ial cul u al in as uc u e, a scene ha seemed o unc ion wi hou an
a ma ke . A ha ime, I was a esea ch cu a o a he Van Abbemuseum,6 isi ing a is s and
a p ojec s in o me indus ial ci ies and egions h oughou he Midwes as pa o esea ch
o an exhibi ion called Hea land.7 In De oi , I was pa icula ly s uck by he ac ha he local
a is s did no necessa ily ollow he a ma ke ’s la es ends, bu a he inco po a ed ques ions
o e e yday li e and su i al in o a p ac ices. An ongoing poin o discussion in De oi has
been how o eno a e single- amily homes acco ding o hese a is s’ needs wi h ha dly any
money and how o engage in communi y a s p ojec s in, wi h, and ou side o single- amily
homes in a ious inne -ci y neighbo hoods, some o which a e mo e abandoned han o he s. The
challenge has been how o make be e use o acan single- amily homes and lo s and how o
imp o e neighbo hood s uc u es, c ea ing be e e e yday li ing condi ions. The neighbo hood
esiden s o he chosen a eas ha e o en become pa o hese a p ojec s. I was in he Campau/
Bangla own neighbo hood ha I i s obse ed how communi y-engaged a p ojec s wi h a is s
li ing on si e ha e in luenced u ban ans o ma ion and u ban planning a a neighbo hood le el.
He e speci ically as well as in o he De oi neighbo hoods, I lea ned how in e wined he ela ion
be ween bo om-up social mo emen s, DIY p ojec s, and he in lux o newly a i ed esiden s
h ough immig a ion and a p oduc ion has been and wha possible ways o li ing oge he ha e
been ini ia ed.
My p o essional in e es as a esea ch cu a o and o me eal es a e businesswoman a ac ed
my a en ion o he ela ionship be ween a , immig a ion, eal es a e, and u ban de elopmen in
De oi . The low o land wi h a house we e majo ac o s. A he same ime, I was ascina ed by
he se ious bo om-up mo emen s led by he a is s, immig an s, and ac i is s who li ed in and
wo ked wi h single- amily homes. They did mo e han jus expe imen wi h al e na i e ways o
using single- amily homes and acan houses and lo s in he di e en neighbo hoods a ound he
ci y o a p ojec s, hey also li ed in hese neighbo hoods and ied o make a li ing.
Only wo isi s la e o Campau/Bangal own, in Decembe 2009, wi h he help o Powe House
P oduc ions,8 I bough a single- amily home a auc ion o $4,300. Buying a house, le alone a
plo o land, o less han $5,000 was unhea d o .
6 The Van Abbemuseum is a Du ch a museum loca ed a he hea o he pos -indus ial ci y landscape o Eindho en.
7 Fo Hea land,anin e disciplina y esea chp ojec abou independen cul u alin as uc u es,I oad ippedwi hmy
cu a o colleagues o a ious No h Ame ican ci ies such as New O leans, S . Louis, Minneapolis, Chicago, and De oi o isi
a is s and hei local cul u al ini ia i es and o ge o know he communi ies and ne wo ks hey ha e been pa o .
8 Powe House P oduc ions a is s, Gina Reiche and Mi ch Cope, had al eady bough se e al single- amily houses in
Campau/Bangla ownandwe eusing hemasobjec s,mo eo enas e e encepoin s o  hei a p ojec s a he  hanashomes o
li e in.
1.3.
34
amily homeowne ship, social capi al, mig a ion, and communi y as well as social space
in neighbo hoods. Mo eo e , i add esses he ole o a is s in c ea i e placemaking and i s
consequences o gen i ica ion. I links and discusses he alues o single- amily homes o social
ela ions and social space.
In Chap e Th ee, his o y is applied o unde s anding he eme gence o single- amily homes in
De oi . Maps a e also used as ools and an old and con empo a y medium o documen he ci y’s
ans o ma ion. Fu he mo e, in he con ex o an indus ial ci y and as pa o a mul i-e hnic,
sh inking ci y as well as he d i e o a o eclosed ci y, he analysis documen s how homes ha e
s uc u ed and shaped he ci y up o he p esen .
Chap e Fou looks a he eal es a e ma ke in De oi and which ac o s play a ole in
esiden ial eal es a e oday. Value-shaping ac o s such as p e-exis ing cul u al and educa ional
ins i u ions, public-p i a e in es men , and u ban digi al da a shape de elopmen s in mid own
and down own. The local ma ke in Campau/Bangla own is d i en by o he loca ion ac o s,
including a o dabili y and alue-in-use ac o s, such as sa e y, a high homeowne ship a e, and
s a egic neighbo hood p og amming on he pa o he ci y o De oi . Recen esiden s alue
single- amily homes as social spaces ha c ea e a sense o belonging in he neighbo hood o help
o m di e en communi ies.
In he con ex o placemaking wi h a , Chap e Fi e explo es how a is s wo k wi h single-
amily homes in De oi . The e a e di e en app oaches o how a making wi h homes in
De oi can un old in di e en neighbo hoods, as shown by he examples o Heidelbe g P ojec ,
Ham amck Disneyland, and Dabls MBAD A ican Bead Museum. Placemaking wi h a in
Campau/Bangla own has u ned in o homemaking, an indi idual p ac ice o homeowne s ha
some imes inspi es ne wo k in as uc u es, ga dening, neighbo hood s abiliza ion, and eal
es a e de elopmen as a communi y-engaged p ocess.
Chap e Six b ings oge he he esul s o he analysis o a is s and immig an s as single-
amily homeowne s. He e he h ee pe spec i es – his o y, homeowne ship and eal es a e –
come oge he . The chap e c i ically discusses and explains how he social and cul u al alues
a ibu ed o single- amily homes become pa o hei economic alue, while eal es a e p ices
ha e isen mode a ely in Campau/Bangla own. In his con ex , c ea i e placemaking has
mo phed in o an e e yday p ac ice o ca ing ha can be unde s ood in e ms o nu u ing cul u al
adi ions and esiden ial needs, e en i i may lead o displacemen . The chap e looks a how
s a egies o homemaking p oduce an ex ension o social space and he deg ee o which hese
imely, ongoing p ac ices can con ibu e o placekeeping while main aining a sense o belonging
o he neighbo hood o he majo i y o esiden s. I also de elop he no ion o placekeeping as a
ecognized alue by esiden s and ac o s in Campau/Bangla own.
2.0.
2.1.

35
S a e o Resea ch and Theo e ical F amewo k
In his chap e , I de elop and discuss he heo e ical amewo k o analyzing he meaning o he
alue o single- amily homes in he con ex o placemaking and homemaking. I link changes in
esiden ial eal es a e alue and owne ship in he con ex o De oi ’s decline o changes in social
ela ions and social space as well as o c ea i e placemaking. My esea ch d aws on heo e ical
app oaches om eal es a e, housing s udies, u ban sociology, cul u al heo y, u ban s udies,
sociology, and a .
De oi has ans o med om a as g owing, p ospe ous indus ial ci y o a sh inking and ou lie
ci y ha has p oduced ex eme condi ions o li ing and wo king (Dewa e al., 2015). The
sh inking condi ions ha e shaped spa ial, social, poli ical, and economic p ocesses ha ha e been
esea ched as a “Model Ci y” (Dewa e al., 2015). This model challenges heo e ical concep s
a ound u ban g ow h (Logan & Molo ch, 1987). Concep s o g ow h a e, howe e , impo an
o include in an analysis o he ci y’s neighbo hoods because De oi ’s u ban de elopmen has
been shaped by g ow h logics and he ci y has long been a g owing ci y. None heless, acancy
and decay and hei consequences on u ban space in pos -indus ial De oi ha e gene a ed
heo e ical concep s all hei own. Whe e e possible, I unde pin he s a e o esea ch wi h he
cu en , De oi -speci ic esea ch on he opic. The heo e ical app oaches ha I wo k wi h a e
alue, un alue, homeowne ship, social capi al, mig a ion and communi y, social space, sense o
belonging, gen i ica ion, a and placemaking. This heo e ical amewo k p o ides a poin o
e e ence o he analysis in subsequen chap e s, as well as o he summa y a he end.
F om Value o Un alue o Value
The ci y o De oi has gone h ough many challenges du ing i s indus ial decline, om massi e
popula ion loss in he inne ci y as people mo ed o he subu bs o a dec ease in employmen ,
low household incomes, and he ci y go e nmen ’s iscal p oblems, o name only a ew (Dewa
e al., 2015, p. 39). As a consequence o De oi ’s sh inking, single- amily homes ha e become
a ailable and acan , and one- hi d o hem ha e unde gone o eclosu e, which has esul ed in
an o e abundance o esiden ial p ope ies (Deng e al., 2017, p. 153). The su plus o land and
abandoned homes leads o unoccupied houses which leads o u he decline in p ope y axes o
he ci y o De oi . Financial dis ess due o unemploymen o he 2008 inancial c isis led e en
o mo e homes being le emp y. A i s glance, om an economic pe spec i e o g ow h and
su plus, many o hese single- amily homes no longe se e a esiden ial o in es men pu pose.
The low demand in De oi o housing and in es men in housing has consequen ly had an e ec
on he de elopmen o he p ope y alues o single- amily homes. They ha e los hei alue as
pa o a eal es a e ma ke sys em.
2.0.
2.1.
36
Bu who and wha de ines alue in esiden ial eal es a e? In eal es a e economics, “ alue” is
unde s ood as p ice o wo h (Lo enz & Den , 2018) o as an asse (Poleg, 2020). Lo enz & Den
(2018, pp. 33-42) explain ha alue ac s as a s imulus o decisions and ac ions, de ining and
go e ning space. Real es a e alue in he eal es a e ma ke is an economic exchange alue, i.e.
a piece o land a ached o ce ain p ope y igh s and some imes a ached o a building, which is
ea ed like an in es men and is wo h a ce ain amoun o money.
F om he poin o iew o eal es a e app aisal, Lo enz, Den , Kauko, Lü zkendo and Hill (2018)
explain ha di e en eal es a e ma ke ac o s, om banke s and in es o s o owne s o enan s,
in eg a e di e en alue ca ego ies such as physical, alue-in-use, exis en alue (cul u al and
social alue), emo ional alue, image alue, and en i onmen al alue o economic concep ions
o alue (Lo enz e al., 2018, pp. 44-49). In e ms o ma ke alue, hey iew alue-in-use as
an economic alue o a p ope y. In my esea ch (see Chap e s Fou and Fi e), I pa icula ly
explo e alue-in-use as well as wha Lo enz, Den , Kauko, Lü zkendo and Hill (2018) e e
o as exis en alue (social and cul u al alue) and image alue. Value-in-use can be desc ibed
as an asse ha p o ides o i s owne as long as i is in use. I is a unc ional alue and may be
a ec ed by he needs, wan s and equi emen s o he indi idual home owne , hei p e e ences,
hei pe cep ion o isk o hei pas expe iences wi h homes (Lo enz e al., 2018, pp. 47-48).
Acco ding o hem, social alue e e s o in e ac ion, social p ospe i y, well-being, heal h, and
sa e y, which could e lec he social space in he neighbo hood a ound he p ope y in my ield
wo k. They iew he cul u al alue as ela ed o cul u al adi ion and li es yles, he image/
sign alue as iden i ied wi h co po a e iden i y, and he image o epu a ion o he p ope y o
neighbo hood i is loca ed in (Lo enz e al., 2018.).
Bu hey also poin ou ha all o ms o p ope y alue a e imely in e ms o o e all social
con ex s a ising and disappea ing in ela ion o ou needs (Lo enz e al., 2018, p. 44). In hei eal
es a e ma ke -o ien a ed heo y o alue, hey add ess how he links be ween he economic and
non-economic componen s o p ope y alue ela e o each o he . The e o e, hey demons a e
ha i is impo an o app ecia e he alue o he buil en i onmen wi hin which eal es a e is
de e mined, namely he local ma ke and he many ac o s ha c ea e supply and demand in
his en i onmen , which include he needs o he esiden s. To hem, he e exis s a sense o
alue ha goes beyond economic alue, which hey iden i y in a social con ex as ”li es yle and
iden i y based on g oup belonging o indi idualism” (Lo enz e al., 2018, p. 44). Thei heo e ical
de ini ion o eal es a e alue hus ela es “ alue” o a b oade sys emic concep ha goes beyond
p ice o alue-in-use.
In my analysis o alue ca ego ies in Chap e Fou , hese ca ego ies se e as a poin o o ien a ion
o checking which ac o s apply in Campau/Bangla own and which ones ha e no been accoun ed
o in he local con ex .
37
U ban esea che Geo ge C. Gals e (2019), who conside s alue om a social-sys emic
pe spec i e, expands he de ini ion o alue e en u he . He explains ha alue is no only
de e mined by i s ea u es and loca ion in he neighbo hood, bu by he su ounding en i ons,
including socio-economic, acial, and amily-s a us composi ion, en i onmen al ameni ies, he
quali y o local public se ices and in as uc u e, and land-use pa e ns (Gals e , 2019, p. 11).
Mo eo e , om a his o ical pe spec i e o land use in De oi , Sa ansky (2018, p. 500) concludes
ha he alue o land “is dispu ed by people who li e on he land, ca e o i , and imagine
di e en u u es on i .” In Sa ansky’s analysis o land jus ice mo emen s,11 she highligh s
he impo ance o his o ically de eloped ela ionships and ne wo ks a ound homeowne ship.
Acco ding o he , homeowne ship in De oi may be in luenced by esiden s’ nega i e eelings,
such as unce ain y and esen men because o class o ace, e ealing “his o ical aumas a ound
land loss” (Sa ansky, 2018, p. 501). The cul u al his o ian Scheu mann (2013) akes up his
his o ical discou se and compa es he alue o a building o land in e ms o i s u ban he i age.
She poin s ou ha alue is a e lec ion o social nego ia ion p ocesses o e ime, which can
mani es hemsel es in alue concep s such as commemo a i e alue, symbolic alue, and
sus ainable alue (Scheu mann, 2013, pp. 9-10).
In my analysis o single- amily homes in he Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood, I examine he
concep o social-sys emic ela ions o alue om Lo enz, Den , Kauko, Lü zkendo and Hill
(2018) and Gals e (2019) in o de o ela e he economic alue o esiden ial eal es a e o non-
economic alue while analyzing wha sense o alue exis s o has been c ea ed by esiden s and
ac o s in his neighbo hood. U ban sociologis s Blokland & Nas (2014), who ho oughly s udied
he use o neighbo hoods, u he s ess ha esiden s’ emo ional and cul u al p ac ices belong o
a spa ial alue sys em as well. In his con ex , my esea ch examines indi idual and communi y-
ela ed daily p ac ices o single- amily homeowne s and use s, hei emo ional connec ions o a
neighbo hood, and hei cul u al p ac ices wi hin i .
To Bi dsall, Halaunio a and an de Kamp (2021), who explo e he spa ial and cul u al poli ics
o alue, economic and non-economic alues a e co-dependen in placemaking p ocesses. To
hem, alua ion is an ac i i y a he han a p oduc and i is pa o a p ocess be ween human and
non-human pa icipan s whe e:
[...] he acknowledgemen o shi ing agencies be ween hose e alua ing and hose being
e alua ed open[s] up new possible pa hways. (Bi dsall e al., 2021, p. 351)
11  Land jus ice mo emen s such as De oi e sWo king o  En i onmen al Jus ice o  g ass oo s communi y ac i is 
ini ia i es such as he Boggs Cen e and many o he s help build equal oppo uni ies as well as p o ec homeowne s in De oi
om o eclosu es and simila issues.
38
Like he app oach o Lo enz, Den , Kauko, Lü zkendo and Hill (2018), Bi dsall, Halaunio a
and an de Kamp. (2021) iden i y u ban alua ion as a mul i-senso y p ac ice, which in ol es
conc e e ac s o mo ing in, ela ing o, designing, and expe iencing u ban spaces. Fo my wo k,
a mul i-senso y app oach (Bidsall e al., 2021) is help ul in unde s anding he dynamics o alues
in ela ion o he placemaking p ojec s o a is s and mig an s ha make use o single- amily
homes in Campau/Bangla own.
Vacan single- amily homes ha e hen been “ ende ed alueless acco ding o he dominan
egime o alue” o ha e become “un alues” ha hinde he p ope y’s ci cula ion wi hin he
ma ke economy (He sche , 2012, p. 9). Inhabi ed o no , hey ha e o en become un aluable
(He sche , 2012). In he con ex o declining single- amily homes, hey ha e become less aluable
o useless o hose ha p o i ed h ough hem, such as banks h ough mo gage paymen s, he ci y
h ough p ope y axes, and he esiden s and in es o s who p o i ed h ough sales o s a egic
in es men s. Bu as he a chi ec and a chi ec u al his o ian He sche (2012) explains, because
single- amily homes became “un aluable” o he dominan egime o alue, hey ha e become
a ailable o o he alue sys ems, i.e., by occupying hem wi h o he o ms han only esiden ial
li ing, by engaging hem in ac i i ies ha ha e no been ele an o he ma ke economy bu
ele an o he people li ing nex o hem. He a gues ha he uselessness o homes as specula i e
o u ili a ian objec s o ces esiden s o e- hink hei ela ionship o hei houses and hei land in
he neighbo hood (He sche , 2012, p. 7). He sche e e s o De oi ’s u ban e i o ies ha ha e
allen ou o he eal es a e ma ke economy12 as “un eal es a e” (He sche , 2012, p. 8). To him,
un eal es a e a ises when he exchange alue o a good – in his case eal es a e – alls o he poin
whe e ha good acqui es a use alue no ecognized by he ma ke economy. In con as o u ban
g ow h, He sche sees po en ial in un eal es a e because i becomes mo e in e es ing o o he
alue sys ems such as non-economic possibili ies o use and ac i i y (He sche , 2012, p. 9). He
a gues ha he uselessness o single- amily homes as specula i e o u ili a ian objec s o li ing
e ec s e e yday u banism (Chase e al., 1999), he daily expe ience o making use o homes and
lo s in he ci y.
In his con ex , I wo k wi h He sche ’s analysis o un eal es a e as al e na i e, o en bo om-up
u ban cul u al p ojec s and ini ia i es in De oi ha adap un eal es a e o implemen i in he
e e yday con ex o he u ban en i onmen . I a gue ha emp y single- amily homes o hose
ha ha e allen h ough he adi ional alue app aised ma ke ne wo k ha He sche de ines
as un alues, ha e es ablished hei own use alue by becoming, o example, cul u al p ojec o
communi y spaces. The e o e, hey ha e again become pa o a eal es a e alue-in-use ac o .
The un alue o eal es a e p oduces alue again. Namely, he way in which esiden s app op ia e
12 Real es a e is a e m desc ibing a plo o land along wi h any pe manen imp o emen s a ached o he land, whe he
na u al o man-made – including wa e , ees, mine als, buildings, homes, ences and b idges (Chen, 2020).
2.2.
39
single- amily homes and emp y spaces in hei e e yday p ac ices makes a di e ence and has
he po en ial o al e and in luence alue. Expanding on He sche (2012), Ca ducci (2014)
explains ha eme ging g ass oo s ini ia i es in De oi , which o en wo k wi h he ci y’s ma e ial
cul u e on an aes he ic le el, ha e espassed con en ional p ope y ela ions and enhanced hei
po en ial o o e all human well-being in he o m o common use alues o esiden ial homes.
He sche ’s heo e ical app oach o un eal es a e is use ul in unde s anding acan o “non-
assessable” p ope y as a complemen a he han a nega ion o alue, as a way o e-e alua e
space h ough e e yday u banism in o new alues (2012, p. 9). Using He sche ’s (2012) heo y
o un eal es a e as a amewo k, I analyze and discuss he kind o un alues and new alues ha
ci izens – pa icula ly a is s and newly a i ed immig an s – ha e o med, iden i ied and ela ed
o conce ning single- amily homes in De oi ’s Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood.
Single-Family Homeowne ship
A single- amily home in a neighbo hood o ci y is no only a house o an a chi ec u al s uc u e
in a pa icula loca ion whose pu pose is o be occupied. Resea ch on single- amily homes has
examined hem o hei unc ions o dis unc ions as loca ions, as a chi ec u al s uc u es, as
in es men objec s, o conside ed hem as u ban planning ools. In hei esea ch on homes,
Saunde s & Williams (1988) conside hem as socio-spa ial en i ies, p o iding space o social
in e ac ion. Housing s udies ha e desc ibed single- amily homes as places holding social,
psychological, and emo ional meanings o indi iduals and g oups (Eas hope, 2004, p. 135). In
u ban s udies, homes a e o en iden i ied by he social and physically buil en i onmen such as
he neighbo hood loca ion o he communi ies ha make use o hem o h ough poli ical and
inancial agendas.
In he con ex o a sh inking ci y, De oi ’s single- amily homes – in hei ma e ial o m, bu
emp y and abandoned – ha e been de ined as objec s o specula ion (Ake s, 2013), objec s o
disin es men (Deng e al., 2017), and as igge s o bligh (Yezbick, 2020), as pa o a al e ing
egime o inancialized u banism (Peck & Whi eside, 2016) o as igge s o u ban decay
ep esen ed in uins (Apel, 2015) wi h neighbo hood-des oying capaci ies.
In his esea ch, a single- amily home is conside ed an immobile loca ion p o iding shel e o
he pu poses o li ing, wo king, and socializing. Rega dless o i s eno a ion s a us, a single-
amily home can be conside ed a poin o depa u e o humans o in e ac in social, cul u al,
economic, and ma e ial en i onmen s. Despi e i s physical immobili y, a home is no passi e
wi h ega ds o e e yday ac i i ies in a neighbo hood, i can make ac i e con ibu ions, i.e., o
o ming social and cul u al spaces in a neighbo hood. This is why a single- amily home can
also be conside ed an ac o in u ban space, simila o he concep o Ac o -Ne wo k-Theo y
2.2.

40
(ANT) ha desc ibes he social ac i i y a ound, in, and be ween ma e ial hings, non-humans,
echnology, and concep s o human modes o li ing, such as in a house and he people ha make
use o i , h ough ne wo k ela ionships (La ou , 2005). Con e sely, as an ac an , a home has bo h
he capaci y and capi al o shape a neighbo hood and i s alue as eal es a e.
Since single- amily homes a e physically immobile and embedded in a physical as well as non-
physical se o ela ions and e e yday ac i i ies, hey p oduce and en o ce speci ic ela ionships.
Rela ionships can be iewed as an u ban assemblage o ne wo ks, spaces, and p ac ices (Fa ias
& Bende , 2009). The e o e, i is sugges ed ha any kind o ela ionship c ea ed h ough and
wi h he loca ion o a p ope y, be hey human, en i onmen al, digi al, spa ial, sys emic, ela ed
o na u e o else, can con ibu e o he alue o ha social space:
-Rela ionships wi h neighbo s and wi hin amilies as well as ela ionships wi h o he humans
a a pa icula loca ion a e human ela ionships;
-Rela ionships be ween buildings o acili ies and humans a e en i onmen al/buil en i onmen
ela ionships;
-Rela ionships be ween a loca ion as a space and o he spaces a e spa ial ela ionships.
All o he a o emen ioned ela ionships a e empo al bu can las longe han a human being’s
li e ime. Building ela ionships can ake a long ime. The e o e, hei imely aspec s a e essen ial
o hei unc ioning, i.e., en i onmen al and spa ial ela ionships can las o as long as he
loca ion and/o he building s uc u e exis s. Rela ionships change due o di e en li e phases and
he li e ci cums ances o each eal es a e use , o ex e nal ci cums ances such as clima e change
o u ban sh inkage. How he ela ionships a e composed may p esen speci ic challenges o may
make a place pa icula ly li able, belo ed, sus ainable, o he opposi e. In o he wo ds, spa ial
ela ionships can ei he add quali y o a loca ion o make i mo e di icul o people o li e he e.
Ne e heless, he physical shape o houses is immobile, whe eas he people who li e in hem a e
in cons an mo emen wi hin hei buil en i onmen and be ween single- amily homes, gi ing
hem he powe o build o des oy hese ela ionships.
Homeowne s in De oi ha e had o deal wi h he consequences o he ci y’s sh inking on a a ie y
o le els, including economic decline. They ha e also been o ced o li e wi h he esul ing
social and spa ial consequences in hei e y own homes and neighbo hoods. The dis essed
condi ions o en hinde low-income homeowne s om selling hei houses because hey would
no ecei e he amoun hey need o buy esiden ial p ope y elsewhe e. Howe e , some esiden s
ha e seen oppo uni y in c isis and possibili ies o wo k wi h esiden ial homes, i.e., as a o m o
specula ion, buying he houses cheap and selling hem o a lo mo e money la e , o wi h a non-
ma ke o ien a ion, wo king wi h he land o communi y p ojec s like u ban ga dens o o build
41
hei own homes and communi ies.
Homeowne ship can be unde s ood as a o m o en i lemen . I is he igh o enac powe o e a
pa icula piece o land in a pa icula loca ion. Land o homeowne ship a e limi ed esou ces in
a speci ic loca ion. They a e “ he ich s ock ha we can ne e make mo e o ” (Gallaghe , 2013,
p. 56). In economic sociology, homeowne ship is unde s ood as a ma e ial esou ce and o m o
en i lemen , bu also as pa o a social p ac ice in a ce ain geog aphic loca ion ha p oduces
alues and places (Bou dieu, 1986, 2005; Eas hope, 2004; Lloyd & Vas a, 2017):
House owne ship is [ he au ho ] mos o en in eg a ed in o a complex sys em o s a egies o
ep oduc ion and […] hus laden wi h he whole his o y o ha which hey aim o pe pe ua e
– namely, he domes ic uni , i sel he p oduc o a wo k o collec i e cons uc ion, which
is once again la gely a ibu able o he s a e; and ha , co ela i ely, economic decisions
a e no aken by isola ed economic agen s, bu by a collec i e, g oup, amily o en e p ise
unc ioning as a ield. (Bou dieu, 2005, p. 17)
In he con ex o economic sociology Bou dieu (2016) iden i ies he ac o homeowne ship o
aking owne ship o e a house o lo as an economic, social and cul u al p ac ice ha shapes
social space. Fo Hen i Le eb e (1974) he p oduc ion o social space is a cons an p ocess
shaüed by h ee dimensions o space, he ep ensen a ion o space, ep esen a ional space and
spa ial p ac oces. On con ac o Le eb e (1974), Bou dieu posi ions homewone ship as a alue-
laden p ac ice linked o economic, spical and cul u al capi al in an u ban ield han a single ac
ha ends wi h he paymen o he pu chase p ice. Analyzing he economic s uc u es o single-
amily homes in pos wa F ance, he poin s ou ha he “ he pu chase o a house is so laden wi h
meaning” (Bou dieu, 2005, p. 16), e ealing he complex web o s uc u es in which a amily
house is embedded. Bou dieu (2005) concludes ha he cul i a ion o he esou ce o esiden ial
homeowne ship depends on he o ma ion o he social space whe e he single- amily home is
loca ed. He links social space closely o economic alue and p ac ices o owne ship. Fo his
eason, I analyze he connec ions be ween single- amily homes and he e e yday ac i i ies o
hei homeowne s ha o m a social space (Bou dieu, 1986). In oking Lo enz, Den , Kauko,
Lü zkendo and Hill (2018) on alue h ough e e yday ac i i ies and social p ac ices, I conside
he alue o single- amily homes om a cul u al s udies pe spec i e.
In No h Ame ica, land and homeowne ship ha e his o ically been equa ed o li ing and pu suing
he Ame ican D eam as pa o social mobili y (Reid, 2007). Homeowne ship is associa ed wi h a
sense o secu i y, ma e ial and social well-being, and ci ic and economic esponsibili y. Ha ey
(2013, p. 50) es ablishes a connec ion be ween homeowne ship and he capi alis c isis in u ban
a eas, explaining ha homeowne ship in he US has only become a cul u al alue because a ac i e
go e nmen unding p og ams p omo ed and suppo ed he idea in he pas . He explains how
homeowne ship was p omo ed as a componen o he Ame ican D eam (Ha ey, 2013). C ea i e
di ec o Toby Ba low (2009) unc i ically e e s o he sudden hype o pu chasing cheap houses
42
in pos -bank up De oi as he s ange bu new Ame ican D eam. F om he poin o iew o
u ban planning, Sa ansky (2018, p. 500) ag ees ha 20 h cen u y “g owing” De oi celeb a ed
his “d eam o homeowne ship.” Bu in he his o ical diagnos ic o landowne ship, she shows
he connec ion be ween he acialized disposi ions and displacemen s ha we e c ea ed du ing
ha ime and De oi ’s housing p eca i y and land c isis oday in he 21s cen u y (Sa ansky,
2018). Unlike Bou dieu (2005), in he engagemen wi h u ban land jus ice mo emen s in De oi ,
Sa ansky (2018) no only add esses he in luence o class and capi al when e e ing o land and
owne ship, she also add esses he impac o ins i u ional acism, seg ega ion and colonialism.
Acco ding o he , no e e yone has access o eal es a e owne ship no has e e yone bene i ed
om owning esiden ial eal es a e, some ha e e en expe ienced i ins ead as a con es ed space
(Sa ansky, 2018). Va ious s udies, e.g. on low-income homeowne ship wi hou go e nmen al
suppo , show ha low-income homeowne ship only wo ks unde ce ain p e-condi ions such
as he ime o pu chase o he e hnic composi ion o he neighbo hood as a suppo sys em,
o i o en depends on a locally amed and engaged se ing o esiden s in a neighbo hood o
communi y (San iago e al, 2010; Reid, 2007).
Fo my esea ch, I unde s and homeowne ship no only as a igh o en i lemen o use a ce ain
amoun o land o a house ha one ecei ed because one accumula ed enough economic capi al
o ha ce ain loca ion, I also unde s and i as a cons an p ocess o ac i ely making and
p oducing owne ship ha he house’s use has o ac i ely engage in by o ming a social space
(Bou dieu, 2005) h ough he accumula ion o o he o ms o capi al13 such as social, cul u al,
and symbolic capi al wi hin he con ex o a single- amily home. I ocus on social capi al in he
con ex o homeowne ship.
Social Capi al: Mig a ion and Communi y
Fo Bou dieu (1986), in a communi y o social se ing, social capi al is a po en ial esou ce
ob ainable h ough he possession o a du able ne wo k o mo e o less ins i u ionalized
ela ionships o mu ual acquain ance and ecogni ion. He iews social capi al as a p oduc o
indi idual o collec i e, conscious o unconscious in es men s a egies, which aim o es ablish
o ep oduce di ec ly applied social ela ionships (Bou dieu, 1986). In he con ex o Bou dieu’s
esea ch, which assumes ha an indi idual is limi ed in his o he possibili ies o de elopmen by
13 Capi al is accumula ed labo , whe he i has a ma e ialized o symbolic o m. Bou dieu (1986) dis inguishes be ween
di e en ypes o capi al, om cul u al, symbolic, social capi al o economic capi al. These can all be accumula ed indi idually,
bu  hey also ela e o eacho he and ul ima elyde e minean indi idual’sposi ion and ela ionin social spacein he ield
(Bou dieu,1986).A ieldisasys emo socialposi ions,ana enainwhichac o sci cula eandapp op ia ecapi al.The ypeso 
capi alb ough inby hedi e en ac o sina ielda eimpo an de e minan s ha de inein luenceandposi ions, hedisposi ion,
in he ield(Bou dieu,1984,1986).
2.3.
43
habi us as well as class ela ions as o ms o dis inc ion, social capi al is one o m o capi al ha
has a posi i e in luence on an indi idual’s economic capi al. Social and o he o ms o capi al
– economic, cul u al, and symbolic – make up he s uc u e and unc ioning o a social wo ld
(Bou dieu, 1986, p. 15). Fo Bou dieu (1986), social capi al is mani es ed in an indi idual’s social
ne wo ks. The exis ence o ne wo ks canno be assumed. Ne wo ks mus be buil up g adually.
As a new homeowne , o example, one mus i s ge acquain ed wi h he social en i onmen
o one’s neighbo hood. Howe e , in he con ex o a neighbo hood communi y, ne wo ks can
con ibu e o he p oduc ion and ep oduc ion o social mobili y o social inequali y. F om
Bou dieu’s Eu opean pe spec i e, ne wo ks ha enhance an indi idual’s social capi al o en
ela e o o igin and can indica e g oup a ilia ion bu , in u n, he exclusion o o he s.
Poli ical scien is Pu nam (1993) akes a di e en iew o social capi al. He ies o de ine
social capi al om a US con ex by a kind o sense o communi y and h ough democ a iza ion
p ocesses based on social ela ions o ci ic engagemen (B aun, 2001). He iden i ies i as a
“public good”, a collec i e cha ac e is ic o a speci ic communi y ha comes oge he o build
up ela ionships and social us based on sha ed no ms o ou o ci ic engagemen (Pu nam,
1993). As an ou come o social o ganizing, social capi al enhances bene i s o e iciency while
also acili a ing mu ually bene icial coo dina ion and coope a ion o indi iduals o a g oup o
people. Pu nam (1993, p. 2) indica es ha “coope a ion in a communi y is mo e success ul when
i al eady has a subs an ial s ock o social capi al.” I use bo h Pu nam’s (1993) and Bou dieu’s
(1986) app oaches o be e unde s and he ex en o which each homeowne elies on social
capi al in he o m o an indi idual ne wo k o o be pa o collec i e ac ion when o ming
communi ies o in en ion in he Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood.
In mig a ion s udies, he p oduc ion and ep oduc ion o social ela ionships in a communi y and
he accumula ion o social capi al is de ined by how a socie y de ines and deals wi h mig a ion
(Buckel, 2014, p. 160). Poli ical go e nance and he inclusiona y and exclusiona y p ac ices o
a dominan social g oup ha e he powe o de e mine he deg ee o which mig a ion can insc ibe
i sel in a ci y (Buckel, 2014). F om he poin o iew o c i ical u ban geog aphy, Buckel (2014,
p. 158) s esses ha mig a ion is a basic s uc u al condi ion o ci ies and no an excep ional
si ua ion o a p oblem o one ma ginalized e hnic g oup in one pa icula neighbo hood. C i ical
mig a ion s udies ecognize he impo ance o acknowledging he ac i e ole o mig an s in he
p oduc ion o space (Buckel, 2014, p. 161). In e ms o he neolibe al es uc u ing o a ci y,
mig an pa icipa ion ends o be educed o hei me e p esence, i.e., ul illing demands o
low-skilled o skilled labo . Al e na i ely, echnology and inno a ion-sa y and well-educa ed
mig an s ha e been iden i ied as a esou ce ha con ibu es o he shaping o c ea i e milieus
(ibid.) and ha become pa o he c ea i e class (Flo ida, 2002).
50
s a o gen i ica ion,18 whe e olde esiden s a e displaced by younge esiden s (Deu sche &
Ryan, 1984, p. 111). Geog aphe Smi h (1979, p. 538) ecognizes gen i ica ion as a back- o-
he-ci y mo emen o economic capi al whe e weal hie esiden s push ou esiden s who canno
a o d he ising en al cos s. Mo eo e , acco ding o Smi h & Williams (1986), gen i ica ion
has become pa o an in eg al p ocess o housing and u ban land ma ke s de i ed by an une en
de elopmen o space based on economic ad an ages. Ryan & Deu sche (1984, p. 111) s ess
ha gen i ica ion is aided by an a is ic p ocess. A is s, because o hei imagina i e and
inspi ing hinking, a e conside ed comme cial ehicles ha a ac o he ci izens and c ea i es
by de eloping milieus o scenes (Land y, 2008; Lloyd, 2006), he e o e making in es men in
u ban space mo e luc a i e o eal es a e de elope s, bu also making eal es a e less a o dable
o people ha al eady li e in he neighbo hoods.
Gen i ica ion as a phenomena o displacemen and u ban e i aliza ion is o en analyzed in
e ms o popula ion g ow h o people mo ing in o an a ea om elsewhe e, o cing olde esiden s
o mo e ou o ha a ea. Howe e , in De oi he “nodes o g ow h occu in he con ex o
widesp ead, p o ound disin es men ” (Dewa e al., 2015, p. 43). Sociologis Ellio (2012) poin s
ou ha gen i ica ion in a sh inking ci y like De oi , does no necessa ily ake place on he le el
o physical displacemen wi hin De oi , bu as a o m o cul u al displacemen o hose esiden s
who eel hey no longe ha e a oice in he de elopmen and shaping o hei neighbo hoods:
By cul u al displacemen , I mean a sense o place and communi y and eeling like you ha e
he igh o c ea ing he ision o ha communi y’s u u e. E en i people a e no o ced om
hei homes due o ising en s, hey may eel like hei communi y is less hei own han i
used o be. (Ellio , 2012)
Ellio connec s he expe ience o gen i ica ion wi h he loss o a sense o place as well as a loss
o powe o con ol o e making spaces. Zukin (1991) desc ibes his sense o owne ship in he
con ex o u ban deindus ializa ion whe e gen i ica ion p oduces “landscapes o powe ”19, in
which spaces o p oduc ion a e abandoned and u ned in o spaces o consump ion. And hese
landscapes o powe , e en i hey a e sub le and gen le, can lead o a eeling o aliena ion o
long- ime esiden s in hei own neighbo hood because hey expe ience a decline o owne ship,
con ol, and belonging in hei own neighbo hood (Tu le, 2022).
18 Fi s coinedbysociologis Glass(1964)gen i ica ion e e s o he ans o ma iono wo kingclassneighbo hoods
h ough esiden ial ehabili a ionbymo inginci izenso highe incomeands a us.Acco ding oRu h,gen i ica ionchanges
he social cha ac e o he neighbo hood. As a consequence, less weal hie esiden s ha e been displaced because hey could no
longe a o d he cos o li ing.
19 Zukin (1991, p. 16) uses he e m “landscape” in a geog aphical con ex ha can be a ep esen a ion o he ma e ial,
social and symbolic space in socie y.

51
The p esence o a is s in o me ly un-down, o en wo king class o indus ial neighbo hoods also
means ha hey in es cul u al as well as social esou ces, which in u n makes i a ac i e o
capi al in es men o weal hie esiden s o mo e in (B own-Sa acino, 2009; Deu sche & Ryan,
1984). A is s a e o en c i icized in his ole o being i s -aid kids who p o-ac i ely sol e “u ban
p oblems in a c ea i e way o u ban de elope s, eal es a e companies and ci y manage s” (Zukin,
1988) in neighbo hoods, mo e like con ac wo ke s o a p i a e de elope , he s a e, o bo h.
Acco ding o sociologis Rich (2019), he a is ’s p esence, cou age, ene gy o hei esou ces spen
in o me ly less weal hy, less secu e neighbo hoods, may lead o “a s hemed de elopmen ”, in
which he s a e, he ci y, o a p i a e de elope ecognizes he posi i e e ec o he a is ’s p esence
and he e o e suppo s hem o ex end hei s ay o engagemen h ough incen i es like g an s
o public p og ams, which can ange om public a p ojec s o pain ing mu als. Fo example,
Rich (2019, p. 719) explains how a is s in Bal imo e ha e become ools o gen i ica ion ia
a s- hemed de elopmen ha helps aise p ope y alues and spu s he e-coloniza ion o la ge
indus ial buildings in he inne ci y o middle and uppe class li ing. Simila ly, in De oi , And ew
He sche (2012, pp. 7-8) no es ha he “c ea i e class” – o en whi e, p i ileged and well-educa ed
a is s – has bo h se i sel up as he ci y’s he oic sa io in he p ocess o sh inking while also gi ing
a ace and class-o ien ed po ai o he membe s o he c ea i e class.
Acco ding o economic geog aphe Peck (2005), who a gues agains c ea i e-ci y policies in
esponse o wha Flo ida (2002) calls he ise o he C ea i e Class, a and cul u e ha e been
discu si ely commodi ied and become a p oduc i e asse o c ea i e capi alism. He a gues ha
he u ge o alue and alo ize wha e e c ea i e asse ci y migh ha e is he basic ecipe o he
c ea i i y ix, a dis inc i e de elopmen ision (Peck, 2007) ha excludes o he s who a e no pa
o he c ea i e class. Flo ida has iden i ied he alen , echnological knowledge, and ole ance o he
o en well-educa ed c ea i e class as d i ing o ces behind he “c ea i e” economy and gua an o s
o sus ainable p ospe i y (Flo ida e al., 2015). This ision is an economic de elopmen p og am ha
pu s c ea i e people in a ci y i s “while aising a a o ed bundle o middle-class li es yles” (Peck,
2007), i.e., h ough ax incen i es o pa icula unding s uc u es ha suppo c ea i e economies
as pa o an u ban de elopmen objec i e. Fo my esea ch, I analyze he ole o he a is as
neighbo in he u ban de elopmen o he ci y o De oi , whe he o no hey ha e been suppo ed
o d i en by an economic de elopmen ision ha connec s o he c ea i e class. I ocus on he ole
o a is s as esiden s in placemaking p ocesses wi h single- amily homes in a neighbo hood.
A his o ian Miwon Kwon (2002b) no es ha he e has been a ans o ma ion o public a s
p ac ices om “aes he ic conce ns o social issues”. She sees he ole o he a is in public space as
shi ing om an indi idual a is ic p ac ice o a mul i-disciplina y collabo a i e app oach (Miwon
Kwon, 2002a/b) ha in ol es c ea ing ne wo ks o connec ions wi h o he u ban ac o s. A is s ha e
become place-make s, ma king si es h ough si e-speci ic a pieces (Kwon, 2002a). She c i icizes
52
wha she sees as si e-speci ic o public a ha has been “pu o he se ice o gene a ing a sense
o au hen ici y and uniqueness o place o quasi-p omo ional agendas” (Kwon, 2002a, p. 4).
U ban sociologis Sha on Zukin has been c i ical abou o e using cul u al s a egies o u ban
ede elopmen . To he , cul u e has economic powe and can p oduce bo h symbols and spaces,
pa icula ly in pos -indus ial ci ies (Zukin, 1995). Zukin (1995) has iden i ied he g ow h
po en ial o cul u e as a symbolic economy, compe ing o e a ci y’s image because cul u e has
become he business o ci ies. Likewise, Ma kusen & Gadwa (2010) iew he implemen a ion
o a s-based c ea i e placemaking p ac ices as a s a egy o s eng hening he global economic
ole o Ame ican cul u al indus ies. Mo eo e , in hei s udy o c ea i e placemaking, hey
demons a e ha a s and cul u al ac i i ies a e powe ul economic and social ca alys s (Ma kusen
& Gadwa, 2010, p. 6) h ough he way in which hey shape he physical and social cha ac e
o a neighbo hood. Acco ding o Ma kusen & Gadwa’s (2010) whi e pape , whe he c ea i e
placemaking is on a mac o o mic o le el, i has he powe o inc ease a place’s li abili y as well
as di e si y. Like Kwon (2002a/b), hey ind ha p ocess-o ien ed communi y p ojec s in ol ing
a can imp o e social and pos -indus ial in as uc u es (Gadwa & Ma kusen, 2010).
C ea i e placemaking can also be unde s ood as a colonial p ac ice, in which c ea i ely made
places a e no pe cei ed as places wi h pa icula physical alue o speci ic cul u al oo s, bu
a he as he esul s o placemaking (S a owi z & Cole, 2015). On he o he hand, Flood &
Redaelli (2016) s ess ha c ea i e placemaking in he US is bo h a ield o knowledge and a
p ac ice combining u ban planning, public a , communi y de elopmen , and social and cul u al
policy. In hei wo k abou cul u al s a egies and communi y e i aliza ion, Flood & Redaelli
(2016) do no ela e c ea i e placemaking o building weal h o al eady p i ileged ci izens, bu
ins ead o building communi y:
The concep o c ea i e placemaking e e s o a a ie y o communi y-based p ac ices ha
d aw on local a s and cul u al asse s o building a s onge communi y (Flood & Redaelli,
2016, p. 258).
My analysis is in o med by Flood & Redaelli’s (2016) unde s anding o c ea i e placemaking
as a ans o ma i e le e age ha builds a s onge communi y, b inging oge he di e en
p ac ices such as u ban planning, public a and social as well as cul u al policy. Un il now,
c ea i e placemaking in sh inking ci ies such as De oi has been analyzed and accoun ed o
as a ool a is s use o engage wi h and inspi e neighbo hood e i aliza ion among membe s o
a communi y and neighbo hood (Ma kusen & Gadwa, 2010). Beyond app oaching a is s “as
ca alys s o posi i e change” (Helicon Collabo a i e, 2017) in placemaking p ocesses, I wan o
discuss he deg ee o which he p esence o a is s as esiden s and use s o single- amily homes
53
in Campau/Bangla own c ea es a sense o belonging h ough in e ac ions wi h he immig an -
ich communi ies.
Using he example o he ci y o Bal imo e, he sociologis Ki chbe g (2016) has analyzed he ole
o a and cul u e as an ins umen o u ban de elopmen and concluded ha i has changed. Wi h
ega ds o u ban de elopmen , a wen om being an educa ional ool and ins umen o s a us o
an economic incen i e o u ban and economic g ow h in a global con ex o wha we ind oday:
a as a socio-poli ical ool o u ban s abiliza ion as an elemen o placemaking (Ki chbe g,
2016). Cul u al scien is Be ge (2018) speci ies he ole o a is s as placemake s, explaining
ha i has changed wi h ega d o a is s’ pa icipa ion in he u ban de elopmen p ocess and hei
own agency due o shi s in hie a chies wi hin he u ban design p ocess. Namely, a is s ha e
become ini ia o s o (local) p ocesses ha can only be de eloped oge he collec i ely (Be ge ,
2018).
The inding ha he p oduc ion and media ion o a is in ol ed in a complex ne wo k o ac o s is
no new, howe e . In his “A Wo lds”, heo is and sociologis Howa d Becke (1982) explains
ha all a is ic wo k equi es a la ge numbe o people and a complex sys em o ne wo ks
h ough which a happens. He iden i ies a as an ac i i y in o med by a is s’ cul u al capi al as
well as hei ne wo k o ela ionships and he social sys em h ough which i de eloped (Becke ,
1982). Becke (1982) ou lines ou di e en ypes o a is s (in eg a ed p o essional, ma e ick,
olk a is , and naï e a is ) wi hin con en ions ha he de ines as “A Wo lds”. In Chap e Fi e,
I will make use o he ypology sugges ed by Becke (1982), iden i ying di e en ypes o a is s
ha wo k wi h single- amily homes, because no e e y a is has in en ionally wo ked wi h a
ne wo k o ac o s o e i alize o imp o e neighbo hoods in De oi .
Kadda , Ki chbe g, Ba ak, Seidl, Wedle and de Shali (2020) build on Becke ’s heo y o ne wo k
ela ions bu discuss he ole o a is s in u ban space h ough hei le el o poli ical engagemen
in he ci y. Th ough in e -u ban ieldwo k, hey look a a is s’ pe cep ions and poli ical oles
in he ci y and hei modes o in e en ion.20 They s ess ha no e e y a is is in e es ed in
wo king in he ield o a and u ban de elopmen , bu a is s ha e been assigned di e en oles
in ci ies acco ding o hei con ex ualiza ion in u ban p ocesses and he h ee dimensions o
a is ic-poli ical engagemen : pa icipa ion, con es a ion, and e icacy (Kadda e al., 2020, p.2).
Like Becke ’s (1982) ypology, hei heo e ical ool iden i ies a is s in e ms o hei li ing
and wo king en i onmen s. Following Kadda , Ki chbe g, Ba ak, Seidl, Wedle and de Shali ’s
(2020) ypology o a is ic ci izenship, I look a he le el o pa icipa ion o a is s in he Campau/
20 Thisin e -u ban ieldwo k ookplacein heci ieso Hambu gandHano e inGe manyaswellas heci ieso 
Je usalemandTelA i -Ja ainIs ael(Kadda ,e al., 2020).
54
Bangla own neighbo hood and discuss whe he and how hei ole as placemake s o and wi h
single- amily homes has changed.
The s a ing poin o my esea ch is he ole esiden s play in social space and how hey make
place h ough e e yday ac i i ies a ound hei home. In my hesis, I build on his o unde s and
he alue dynamics ela ed o placemaking p ojec s o a is s and immig an s using single- amily
homes in Campau/Bangla own. Wi h Bou dieu (1986), I link social space o economic alue
and p ac ices o owne ship. I also discuss homeowne ship as a alue-laden p ac ice. My ocus
is on he social-sys emic alue ela ions o esiden ial eal es a e (Lo enz e . al., 2018; Gals e ,
2019). I poin ou how, in he con ex o a sh inking ci y, social capi al, communi y and sel -
p o isioning ela e and depend on each o he . I a gue how he social space and in as uc u e o
a neighbo hood a ound single- amily homes can c ea e a sense o belonging h ough e e yday
p ac ices. My analysis o e e yday echniques o placemaking h ough, wi h and in single- amily
homes e eals ha a sense o alue is c ea ed by esiden s, which ela es o public amilia i y
(Blokland & Nas , 2014) and a sense o belonging (Fo es & Kea ns, 2001) o hei neighbo hood.
In my analysis, I show how he ole o a is s in his pa icula neighbo hood has changed om
ha o a placemake o ha o a homemake and in some cases o ha o a eal es a e de elope .
Empowe ing o some neighbo s, his de elopmen is posi i e in he con ex o a s a egic
neighbo hood de elopmen p og am in e ms o u ban g ow h and he economic expansion o
alue o eal es a e. A he same ime, i has side e ec s such as he loss o owne ship o social
space ha a e el by hose esiden s who do no pa ake in he alue-adding dynamic c ea ed
h ough mo e ecen placemaking p ojec s in ha neighbo hood. In my inal chap e , I c i ically
discuss he posi i e and nega i e consequences in he neighbo hood h ough placemaking in
ela ion o cul u al he i age and placekeeping, as well as physical and cul u al displacemen .
55
3.0. De oi – A Single-Family Home Me opolis
In e ms o e i o y co e ed, he successi e g ow h o single- amily housing es a es in De oi
c ea ed one o he la ges ci ies in No h Ame ica. As a common a chi ec u al s yle, he single- amily
home became a signi ican iden i ying elemen ha di ided communi ies in o neighbo hoods and
in luenced u ban planning and he economic de elopmen o he ci y o yea s. To unde s and he
ans o ma ion o space since he ci y was i s se led, his chap e shows he p e equisi es o
he di e en s ages o de elopmen , hei possible causes such as p i a iza ion, indus ializa ion,
mig a ion, sh inking, subu baniza ion, u ban ein es men and planning, o eclosu e, specula ion
and hei mu ual en anglemen . He e, his o y is one elemen o unde s anding he eme gence o
he single- amily home, i s ajec o y in he ci y’s u ban economy – om expansion o sh inking
– i s use- alue, as well as i s essen ial ole in neighbo hoods and communi ies h oughou his o y
un il he p esen day.
In his chap e , maps abou and mapping p ojec s in De oi play key oles as ools and mediums
documen ing he ci y’s ans o ma ion as well as a p ojec ion o u u e and s a egic planning in
poli ics and communi y o ganizing. I con as ca og aphic ma e ial wi h his o ical geog aphical
maps as well as mo e ecen maps.
Maps o ci ies ha e speci ic unc ions as ins umen s used o iden i y spa ial and e i o ial issues.
Acco ding o u ban geog aphe Denis Cosg o e, maps and mapping echniques a e “bea e s o
u ban meaning” (2006, p. 148). Fu he mo e, maps se e as media o s o unde s anding and
eading ci ies, ega dless o whe he hey a e used o o ien a ion o as poli ical ools o indica e
ela ionships and e i o ies. Mön mann (2004) a he sees maps as depic ions o ep esen a i e
spaces ha inco po a e an au ho ial s andpoin as poli ical, eligious and cul u al elemen s. On
he one hand, maps a e help ul ools o unde s anding and na iga ing ci ies and iden i ying
speci ic land- ela ed issues such as acancy o neighbo hood de elopmen (Bekke ing & Thomas,
2015). Howe e , Newman & Sa ansky (2014) add ess ha pa icipa o y ac s o “Remapping he
Mo o Ci y” local esiden s using hei e e yday knowledge and how hey make use o hei
li ing en i onmen ha e become help ul ools o eassessing a space. Apa om he usage and
owne ship o he physical space, maps in his pa icipa o y p ocess ha e become ools o powe
o e-imaging and e-mapping “wha a ci y can be as an u ban, ecological, social and cul u al
space” (Newman & Sa ansky, 2014, p. 23). Cosg o e (2006) iden i ies maps as an in e en ion o
p ocess. As a subjec i e echnique, mapping has he powe o p oduce scale, poin s o e e ence,
o ca ego ies, depending on he con ex in which he maps a e p oduced. Howe e , e e y map
p oduces p ope y lines while also omi ing in o ma ion:

56
Ca og aphy ac s no me ely o eco d he a ious ways ha he ci y is ma e ially p esen ,
bu as c ea i e in e en ion in u ban space, shaping bo h he physical ci y and he u ban li e
expe ienced and pe o med he e. (Cosg o e, 2006, p. 148)
Mapping can cla i y, conceal, o con ince. This is why i has always been a complex ool o
powe , aming spa ial ela ions o ma e ial space and hei e e yday use in a wo o h ee
dimensional g id.21 Wildne & Tamayo (2004) desc ibe mapping and maps as ca og aphic
op ion ools o he cul u al and social sciences. They iew maps as po en ial in e p e a i e
ins umen s e lec ing he inhabi ed space wi hin which o en loa ing e e yday social, collec i e,
cul u al, and poli ical p ac ices a e localized (Wildne & Tamayo, 2004). In he case o De oi ,
mapping has a long his o y s e ching back o i s i s o i ica ions, o edlining, o he ci y’s
di ision in o u ban dis ic s and neighbo hoods, i s sh inking, and he poli ics o aus e i y. He e,
maps ha e expanded, shaped, and ans o med he uses o he ci y’s u ban space and i s iden i y,
i.e., as indus ial ci y, sh inking ci y, o as design ci y. Pa o my me hodological app oach is
o analyze De oi ’s a chaeological maps, his o ical a ea maps, pla maps, zoning maps, land
p ice de elopmen maps, u u e ci y maps, and Google Maps o unde s and he eme gence,
p oli e a ion, and impac o single- amily homes on he ci y.
The O igins o he Single-Family Home
This sec ion desc ibes he cou se o De oi ’s his o ical ajec o y om Indian e i o y o a
colonized Fo ha g ew in o a ownship. De oi became he capi al o he Te i o y o Michigan
and e en ually one o he mos well-known indus ial ci ies in he Wes e n Hemisphe e. Mo e
ecen ly, i has become one o he Uni ed S a es’ mos ho ly deba ed pos -indus ial egions. A
e i o y long ough o e o i s na u al esou ces such as he G ea Lakes, we lands, wildli e,
and ish, De oi ’s s a egic loca ion and in as uc u al connec ions allowed i o de elop in o an
in luen ial me opolis.
Be o e he a i al o F ench and B i ish colonize s in he se en een h cen u y, Na i e Ame icans
had al eady se led along he De oi Ri e and on land ha would la e become he ci y o
De oi . Acco ding o he 2010 census, he e a e s ill abou 30,000 Ame ican Indians esiding in
De oi ’s me opoli an a ea (He be g, 2017).
In he six een h cen u y, he colonize s ecognized he p esence o he Ojibwe, Odawa, and
Po awa omi, documen ing hei p esence on e i o y maps and in le e s. Also known as he
21 Fo he mos pa lea ing ou senso y in o ma ion such as sound, smell, and sigh .
3.1.
57
“Th ee Fi es People,” hey a e conside ed he i s inhabi an s o he G ea Lake Region. T ibes
such as he Wyando , I oquois, Fox (Meskwaki), Miami, Anishinaabe, and Sauk used De oi ’s
i e banks o hun and ga he (De oi His o ical Socie y, 2019a).
Figu e 3.0: Na i e Ame ican ails in Michigan, 1931, by Wilbe B. Hinsdale. Cou esy o Uni e si y o Michigan.
His o ian Paul Sewick (2016a) ound a map by W.B. Hinsdale in an a chaeological a las o
Michigan (Figu e 3.0)22 depic ing Na i e Ame ican ails ha ha e been p ese ed as mode n
oads and highways. Published in 1931, he goal o he a las was o documen and analyze
a chaeological ea u es ia aces such as ield no es, na a i es, and olde maps in o de o come
o a be e unde s anding abou wha he e e s o as he “lines o Indian a el and anspo a ion
by bo h wa e and o e land use” (Hinsdale, 1931, p. 5). Mos con empo a y highways un along
ails he ibes ollowed o cen u ies (Hinsdale, 1931, p. 5).
22 Hinsdale, a medical doc o by p o ession, had a li elong in e es in a chaeology and was named he cus odian in cha ge
o he de elopmen o collec ions in Michigan A chaeology in 1922 (deBella, n.d.).
58
Figu e 3.0 documen s wa e ways, majo oads and ails, ownships, and illages. De oi ’s bo de s
a e ma ked in g ey. The bold squa es ep esen he s a e o Michigan wi h i s cu en di ision in o
coun ies: Lenawee, Mon oe, Wash enaw, Wayne, Li ings one, Oakland, and Macomb. The black
bold lines indica e he ails o he Indian popula ion. The mapping sugges s ha di e en Na i e
Ame ican ibes, such as he Saginaws and Po awa omis, inhabi ed wha would la e become
De oi e i o y. The majo i y o hei ails an alongside he i e o om he i e bank in wha
is now De oi ’s ci y cen e ou owa ds he subu bs. Today, hese ails a e majo access oads
such as Woodwa d, G a io , and G and Ri e A enue, and majo highways such as I-94 o I-75.
This map documen s how his o ic ails ha e shaped he landscape in De oi and how i s 300
yea old his o y emains p esen in he ci y oday.23
As was ue o many majo Ame ican ci ies in he six een h cen u y, Na i e ibes and hei
peoples los hei igh o he land h ough ade ag eemen s wi h whi e se le s, ba les o e
esou ces, and e i o ial wa s. In addi ion, hey also los land o hun ing, ga he ing, and passing
on hei cul u al adi ions as Michigan’s “whi e” popula ion inc eased h ough mig a ion –
p ima ily h ough se le s leeing Eu ope o seek a be e u u e.
In 1701, F ench o ice An oine Laumen de la Mo he Cadillac ounded Fo Pon cha ain du
Dé oi 24 as an ou pos o he colony o New F ance (Bekke ing & Liu, 2015). His coloniza ion
blocked English expansion and inc eased he u ade wi h he Na i e Ame ican peoples. This
ini ial se lemen was loca ed on he igh bank o he De oi Ri e connec ing Lake S . Clai
and Lake E ie.
In an essay on ea ly De oi , B ian Leigh Dunnigan, associa e di ec o and cu a o o maps a
he William L. Clemens Lib a y a he Uni e si y o Michigan, a gues ha he eason why he
F ench es ablished a se lemen in he egion was he po en ial i had o ag icul u e, u ading,
and lumbe i o e ed (Dunnigan, 2015). The p e-exis ing wa e ways such as he De oi Ri e ,
Lake E ie, and Lake Michigan se ed as anspo a ion lines o o he se lemen s, colonies, and
Canada, enabling he expansion and g ow h o ade na ionwide.
F om Colonial Fo i ica ion o Fa ming
Al hough Canadian ade s and mili a y ga isons we e al eady wi hd awn om his egion,
Cadillac a gued in a o o es ablishing a se lemen , i.e., a o i ied ou pos , on he De oi Ri e
23 Paul Sewick aces u ban his o y, especially se lemen pa e ns, using maps, his o ical documen s, and his o ical
ma ke s. To sha e his wo k and esea ch, he s a ed he blog De oi U banism (h p://de oi u banism.blogspo .com) (Sewick,
2016a and b).
24 The F ench wo d “le dé oi ” is ansla ed in o English “ he s ai .”
3.1.1.
59
(Dunnigan, 2015). He chose he high i e bank ( om he Belle Isle S e ch o he Ambassado
B idge), he i e ’s na owes pa , as he o ’s posi ion. Acco ding o Dunnigan, he i e ’s
p oximi y in luenced he de elopmen o he land in o plo ed a m lo s (Dunnigan, 2015).
No only did Cadillac exe an in luence on wha la e became he ci y o De oi , he also
in luenced he e hical composi ion o i s ci izens, wha Dunnigan (2015) e e s o cul u al
assimila ion. Namely, he in i ed Na i e Ame ican g oups o es ablish hei own illages unde
he in luence o colonial o icials and missiona ies, while also encou aging F ench Canadian
a me s o cul i a e land in he colony.
La e , he g an ed plo s o land a ound he o o F ench a me s. Known as “ ibbon a ms,” he
g an ed a mland was ee, bu came wi h he equi emen ha se le s pay Cadillac an annual
en and a pe cen age o hei c ops. Ribbon a ms we e na ow in wid h – a ying in size up
o 200 ee , because o he gua an eed access o he De oi Ri e – and up o h ee miles long
(Sewick, 2016b).
Figu e 3.1: De oi Ribbon Fa ms in 1796 by Geo ge Hen i Vic o Collo . Map de ail by Alex B. Hill.
On he 1796 map (Figu e 3.1), Geo ges Hen i Vic o Collo (1796), hen a F ench mili a y
o ice , d ew Fo Dé oi as a black squa e su ounded by unused land symbolized by ees.
Adjacen o i , on he le and igh sho elines o he De oi Ri e and Lake E ie, he d ew
ec angula ibbon a ms adjacen o he o . The numbe s on he a m plo s e e o he names
o he owne s, which we e p ima ily F ench. Some o hese names su i e oday as loca ion
e e ences o plo s and pa cel iden i ica ion numbe s.
66
Ri e , which connec s he G ea Lakes, namely Lake S . Clai o Lake E ie, i connec ed he
booming egional s eel and i on indus ies h ough wa e ways and ailways, helping o expand
hem. This a ea encompassed he s a es o New Yo k, Pennsyl ania, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana,
Wes Vi ginia, and Illinois and was e e ed o al e na ely as he Manu ac u ing Bel , he Fac o y
Bel , and he S eel Bel (Meye , 1989). This in as uc u al connec ion also pa ed he way o he
es ablishmen o a a ie y o p oduc indus ies in he a ea a ound De oi , which we e connec ed
o he la ge in as uc u al ne wo k o he Uppe Peninsula in Michigan and neighbo ing Canada,
and h ough eigh anspo a ion by ship owa ds he Eas Coas and by ail o he Midwes .
As a i e se lemen , De oi had al eady es ablished indus ial ade h ough shipping p io o
indus ializa ion. Rail oad a ic did no only connec he main ading pos s and ha bo s, i also
allowed a ic and ade o sp ead h oughou Michigan and upwa ds in o Canada. Be o e he
e i o y became a s a e in he 1830s, he De oi and Pon iac Railway was ounded, eaching
Pon iac in 1843, ollowed by acks o Chicago, Milwaukee, and o he cen e s in he egion
(De oi His o ical Socie y, 2019d). The ailway no only se ed as a means o anspo a ion o
manu ac u ed goods, bu mos o all o human a ic as well.29
De oi had a di e se manu ac u ing indus y be ween 1860 and 1900. I did no s a o wi h
monocul u al au omobile p oduc ion, bu ins ead had a a ie y o wha we e e e ed o as “Bulk
P oduc Indus ies,” such as i on, s eel, sal , chemicals and wood (Hyde, 2001). F om he 1870s
o 1910s, De oi manu ac u ed la ge numbe s o ail oad eigh ca s and G ea Lake ships. The
ci y also p oduced hea ing and cooking s o es, ciga s and obacco, pha maceu icals, and ound y
and machine shop p oduc s (De oi His o ical Socie y, 2019d). As indus ializa ion ook hold,
De oi ’s e i o ial expansion was cha ac e ized by he g ow h o indus ial p oduc ions si es in
he ci y as well as he need o housing o people who wo ked in hese indus ies and ac o ies.30
The Figu e 3.5 documen s he di ec ions in o which he ci y expanded be ween 1917 and 1921 as
he Michigan Railway Lines we e cons uc ed, i.e., owa ds la ge indus ial p oduce s loca ed
close o ail oad s ops and c ossings, as in he case o Ham amck and Dea bo n, as well as
o ien a ed owa ds he wa e side, and he majo ade ails leading ou side he ci y o he eas
and wes . Rail c ossings and s a ions we e especially help ul o he g ow h and de elopmen
29 Du inganda e  heCi ilWa ,De oi becamepa o  heUnde g oundRailwayope a edbychu chesandnon-
go e nmen al ins i u ions. Fo abou h ee decades, he ci y became a ways a ion en ou e o Canada. Due o his passageway,
he e we e also oppo uni ies and spaces o A ican Ame ican se lemen ea ly on be o e au omo i e manu ac u ing b ough
mo e A ican Ame icans om he Sou h o li e and wo k in De oi .
30 In 1880, De oi ’s had a popula ion o 116,342. In 1890, he popula ion had almos doubled, eaching 205,876 (Hyde,
2001).
3.2.2

67
o ce ain a eas o he ci y whe e ci izens li ed and wo ked. The a ea ha is now Campau/
Bangla own was su ounded by h ee di e en ail oad lines wi h majo junc ions (Fo d Junc ion,
Bel Line Junc ion, and No h De oi ).
Figu e 3.5: E olu ion o Michigan Rail oads – De oi – 1917 o 1919 by Ba y Dale.
Indus ializa ion shaped De oi ’s p e-exis ing landscape, including i s illages, e hnic
neighbo hoods, and mo e u al a eas, in o a wo king class en i onmen . P e-exis ing u ban
s uc u es suppo ed he in lux o mig an s and he expansion o in as uc u al connec ions o
o he s a es and Canada by ship and ail (Ma in, 1993; Zunz, 1982; Hyde, 2001)
The Au o Indus y
I was no long be o e De oi had ans o med om a Midwes e n comme cial and indus ial
cen e p oducing s o es, ciga s, and o he i ems, in o a p edominan ly monocul u al indus ial
landscape. The expansion o he ci y’s ailway lines no only enabled (sup a-) egional eigh
and passenge anspo , i also de e mined which a eas o De oi would become esiden ial
and comme cial. The au omobile indus y made use o he p e-exis ing wa e and ailways,
s a ing wi h Hen y Fo d’s a emp s in 1898 o es ablish au omobile companies in De oi 31 and
31 A e se e al unsuccess ul a emp s o es ablish an au omobile company in De oi , Hen y Fo d mo ed Fo d Mo o
3.2.2
68
he simul aneous de elopmen o ca manu ac u ing plan s by Cadillac (1902), Dodge (1915),
Ch ysle (1925), and GM (1908 in Flin , Michigan). Analyzing he e ec o he ising au omobile
indus y on de elopmen , Bekke ing & Liu (2015) s a e ha wi h i s beginning (1910), many
small p i a ely owned wo kshops dispe sed all o e he ci y, supplying he la ge ac o ies as
subcon ac o .
Howe e , echnological ad ances al e ed he o m o indus ial p oduc ion and land use in De oi .
A e he Fi s Wo ld Wa , Hen y Fo d in oduced Fo dism o he au omo i e indus y as bo h
a spa ial model and cos and ime e ec i e p oduc ion o m, enabling he mass p oduc ion o
au omobiles in la ge indus ial plan s. P oduc ion was di ided in o se e al s eps, each pe o med
by a di e en wo ke 32. The di e en au o pa s we e combined on an assembly line, allowing o
as e p oduc ion, bu also demanding la ge spaces because he p ocess inco po a ed indi idual
wo kspaces. As a esul , he g owing au omo i e indus y igge ed an indus ial cons uc ion
boom o la ge ac o ies wi hin he ci y limi s, some o which we e designed by Ge man-bo n
a chi ec Albe Kahn (Bekke ing & Liu, 2015). Acco ding o his o ian Elizabe h Anne Ma in
(1993, p. 4), 3,000 manu ac u ing plan s, 37 au omobile plan s, and 250 au omobile accesso y
plan s we e dispe sed ac oss he ci y in 1925. This spa ial dis ibu ion – especially he spa ial
ela ionship be ween esiden ial and indus ial neighbo hoods – was al e ed by how he la ge
au omobile ac o ies o ganized wo k (Hyde, 2001). Inne -ci y indus ial manu ac u ing plan s
mo ed close o whe e p oduc ion wo ke s had al eady se led o es ablished neighbo hoods
we e eloca ed. Consequen ly, he loca ion and p oduc ion cycles o he assembly plan s and
he supply indus y in luenced he spa ial de elopmen o De oi ’s neighbo hoods. A his ime,
people chose o li e close o whe e hey wo ked and De oi became e en mo e a ac i e o li e
in. The ci y’s popula ion g ew om 116,340 inhabi an s in 1880 o 993,678 inhabi an s in 1920
(Zunz, 1982, p. 3).
The loca ion o he o me main au omo i e manu ac u ing plan s and supplie s on he map in
Figu e 3.6 show ha he indus ial p oduc ion si es we e loca ed nex o and wi hin p e-es ablished
neighbo hoods in he cen e o he ci y. Campau/Bangla own and Ham amck, o example, we e
loca ed close o he Ch ysle and Dodge plan .
Company o he De oi subu b o Dea bo n in 1910.
32 Wo ke sonanau omobileassemblylinedidno needex ensi e aining.Mos jobscouldbepe o medbyunskilled
labo e s.
69
Figu e 3.6: Map o De oi Au o Indus y, 1960. Map de ail by Alex B. Hill.
By 1924, he “Big Th ee” au omake s (Gene al Mo o s, Ch ysle and Fo d) we e all headqua e ed
in De oi . Du ing he G ea Dep ession, De oi ´s employmen landscape was cha ac e ized by
layo s and he au omobile indus y´s slow g ow h. Jus a ew yea s la e , du ing he Second
Wo ld Wa , he ci y’s au omobile manu ac u ing si es we e con e ed in o he coun y’s la ges
p oduc ion si e o anks, jeeps, and bombe s, seizing he oppo uni y o s ay in business. Ca
p oduc ion was pu on hold and De oi ’s indus ial in as uc u e became known as “The A senal
o Democ acy” because i p oduced mos o he weapons suppo ing he Eu opean Allies a wa
wi h Ge many (Sug ue, 1996).
Despi e he d a , he ci y’s indus ies s ill had o accommoda e newly a i ed wo ke s as well
as o ganize wa shipmen s o Eu ope. Du ing his ime, A ican Ame icans con inued o mig a e
70
om he Sou h o he Uni ed S a es o De oi . Abou 350,000 people a i ed in he ci y, a ac ed
by wages ha would allow hem o buy homes. This second wa e o “in-mig a ion” o A ican
Ame icans was ueled by economic ha dships and ongoing acism in he Sou h (Sug ue, 1996).
Li ing in a ci y ha dedica ed i s land use o he p oduc ion o au omobiles mean ha many
people who wo ked in he indus y could soon buy ca s, making i possible o each he sp awling
mul i ude o single- amily homes in neighbo hoods a om he cen e . The au omobile indus y
shaped wha u ban his o ian Clemens Zimme mann (2013) calls he “U ban Ges al ”. In a Mo o
Ci y like De oi , he indus y was no only in e connec ed o ques ions o u ban mobili y, i
in luenced ci y´s de elopmen and design o he ci y. T a ic inc eased as he popula ion g ew
and he old main ou es became conges ed wi h ca s on a daily basis. Popula ion g ow h and
he demands o anspo ing goods om manu ac u e s di ec ly ou side he ci y accele a ed he
building o an inne -ci y highway.
Figu e 3.7: De oi Comme ical T a ic Su ey, 1936. Cou esy o Uni e si y o Wisconsin.
The Comme cial T a ic su ey in Figu e 3.7 shows how conges ed he s ee s in he di e en
neighbo hoods we e in 1936. Indus y- ela ed a ic looded neighbo hoods. The a ea be ween
Conan , Da ison, and Cani ( oday’s Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood) was enced o on all
sides by comme cial a ic. Compa ing Figu e 3.7 wi h Figu e 3.6, i is clea ha he au omobile
.
3.3
71
manu ac u ing plan s did no ha e much space o expand, loca ed as hey we e wi hin a s ee
g id wi h di e en neighbo hoods on all sides.
In 1942, one o he i s inne -ci y oads, Da ison A enue, connec ing Highland Pa k wi h De oi ,
was con e ed o M-8, o he six-lane Da ison Coun y Road, and la e enamed Da ison F eeway
(De oi His o ical Socie y, 2019 ). This eeway was one o he ea lies eeways buil in o he
u ban ab ic o a US ci y. Oakland A enue was he las exi on Da ison, only 1.5 miles away om
wha is now Campau/Bangla own. Connec ed o he new In e s a e (I-75) and Ch ysle Highway
(M-10), he Da ison F eeway was ex ended in 1968 o Conan S ee (Bess e , 2022). The co ne
o Da ison and Conan S ee now ep esen s he no hwes bo de o Campau/Bangla own and
is s ill a e y impo an ga eway o he ci y cen e and no he n subu bs oday.
De oi was a o able o he se lemen o se e al ca manu ac u ing plan s and hei supply
indus ies in i s ci y cen e hanks o i s excellen ailway connec ions and wa e way access.
Fo dism es ablished au omobiles as a mass p oduc wo ldwide. The g ow h o mass p oduc ion
wi hin he ci y impac ed he ci y as a whole. When he wo king class, whose labo spu ed
he indus y, could a o d single- amily homes, homeowne ship became he dominan economic
model o ci y li e. Becoming a homeowne was a side e ec o he economic boom and
imp o ed wo ke ’s mobili y, which esul ed in a las ing change in he ci y’s land use. Ini ially,
li ing and wo king dis ic s loca ed nex o each o he esul ed om ea lie se lemen pa e ns
and he loca ion o he ca ac o ies. The ci y’s popula ion g ew apidly in numbe s and sp awled
ou wa ds, expanding e hnic neighbo hoods wi hin ci y limi s and beyond hanks o he inc eased
mobili y. Howe e , he cul u al di e si y (o socie y) in De oi con inued o g ow a he same
ime because o mig a ion spu ed on by he pu sui o a ailable (indus ial) labo and he chances
o upwa d mobili y in he wen ie h cen u y.
Single-Family Homes in a Mul i-E hnic Ci y
Mig a ion o di e en e hnic g oups o De oi has aken place in a ious o ms, whe he unde
he umb ella o colonializa ion, seg ega ion, global wa s o economic ailu e in o he egions o
he wo ld o in he US. The e hnic in luence on ci y li e, whe he h ough o eign ood cul u es,
adi ions, o homeowne ship s uc u es and communi y li e s yles, has con ibu ed o he
o ma ion o e hnic g oup iden i ies and is s ill isible in di e en neighbo hoods a ound De oi .
Acco ding o Buckel (2014) mig a ion is a basic s uc u al condi ion o ci y li e.
In his sec ion I show how mig a ion as a esou ce (Buckel, 2014) and mig an s as mul iscala
pa icipan s (Çagla & Glick Schille , 2018) in ci y-making ha e in luenced neighbo hoods and
housing in De oi . In he la e eigh een h cen u y, De oi had al eady become a mul i-e hnic
3.3

72
ci y shaped by a majo i y o Eu opean se le s who li ed wi hin hei e hnic communi ies and
o med di e en neighbo hoods such as Co k own, G eek own, Ge man own, and Pole own. The
Homes ead Ac s33 also bene i ed newly a i ed mig an s, allowing hem o claim land o li ing
and wo king. The neighbo hoods we e o en named acco ding o he o igin o hei inhabi an s.
Be o e and du ing indus ializa ion, he neighbo hoods di e ed om each o he in dis inc land
uses such as a ming, esiden ial, manu ac u ing, and comme cial use. These dis inc ions mus
be seen in ela ion o he e hnic composi ions o he neighbo hood communi ies and he ex en o
which he ci y chose o in es in de eloping in as uc u e. This was especially ue o De oi ’s
Eas Side, whose i s se lemen s we e o med by immig an g oups, and which de eloped om
a ming in o wo king class neighbo hoods du ing indus ializa ion.
In his sec ion he ocus is on he se lemen p ac ices o h ee in luen ial immig an g oups, he
Ge man in No is/ No h De oi ; he Polish in Ham amck and he A ican Ame ican in Black
Bo om / Pa adise Valley. Thei se lemen has shaped De oi ’s eas side neighbo hoods be o e
and du ing indus ializa ion. I shows how hei placemaking p ac ices in ega ds o single-
amily housing has in luenced hese neighbo hoods in he con ex o hei e hnic communi ies.
In e e ence o Flood & Raedelli (2016) and Zunz (1982), I conside place making an ac i i y ha
d aws on local cul u al and social asse s o build a s onge communi y.
The Ge man Se lemen
Ge man immig an s we e one wes wa d expanding e hnic g oup ha con ibu ed la gely o
he de elopmen o eigh een h cen u y Michigan cul u e. The d i ing o ces behind Ge man
mig a ion owa ds Michigan depend on whe e hey we e coming om as well as he economic
and poli ical condi ions o hose places, including eligion, clima e, c op ailu es, o e popula ion,
and land sca ci y (Kila , 2002).34 Today, Ge mans make up he la ges ances al g oup in Michigan
(Kila , 2002). Mos Ge man immig an s we e p obably skilled labo e s, c a smen, o a me s,
bu hey also ound wo k as unskilled labo e s in he ac o ies (Kila , 2002). They esided in la ge
communi ies on he ci y’s Eas Side (eas o Woodwa d) along G a io A enue a ound he 1880s,
whe e hey buil small ame houses.
To sa e up o o build a house, Ge man immig an s, like all newcome s, wo ked wi h bo h
amily and he e hnic communi y. Homeowne ship led o wha social his o ian Oli e Zunz
calls a “cul u al a i ude” abou o ganizing and pe pe ua ing g oup iden i y, which was usually
33 The ac s made i possible o any ci izen o se le on an unse led piece o land in he US.
34 In 1834, oll ee bo de s be ween Ge man p o inces allowed la ge numbe s o Ge mans o emba k on boa s o
Ame ica ommajo po ci iessuchasHambu gandB emen oAme ica.Theywould hena i einNewYo kbe o e ypically
making hei waybyboa  owa ds hewes on heG ea Lakes(Kila ,2002).
3.3.1.
73
o ganized a ound he neighbo hood and he chu ch (Zunz, 1982, p. 5). Mos wo king class
immig an s, including 55% o Ge mans, owned hei own homes (Zunz, 1982, p. 5). Kila adds
ha nex o Saginaw, De oi had he highes pe cen age o Ge man-owned single- amily houses
na ionwide, mo e han any o he e hnic g oup (Kila , 2002):
Home owne ship was a way o o ganizing and pe pe ua ing g oup iden i y a ound he
neighbo hood and he chu ch. (Kila , 2002, p. 26)
No only was homeowne ship mani es ing an e hnic communi ies’ iden i y in space, bu also as
way o hem o a ain secu i y and s abili y (Kila , 2002).
One example o a Ge man se lemen was No is ( enamed No h De oi in 1890), which was
loca ed eas o wha is now Ham amck be ween 6 and 7 Mile Road, Mound Road, and Van Dyk
Road (S oboda, 2008). I was ounded in 1873 by p ominen eal es a e businessman Colonel
Phile us W. No is, who bough he a ea in 1865. A e he Ci il Wa , as pa o a ede al con ac ,
he was appoin ed land us ee and cha ged wi h managing he unse led land and de eloping i
a i s wi h building a plank oad o De oi ´s ci y cen e and la e by ec ui ing o he ail oad
(Sewick, 2021). No is, he a ming own could p ospe because o he De oi -Bay Ci y Rail Road
S a ion illages, which No is dona ed as pa o a eal es a e deal (Sco , 2001). This impo an
in as uc u al connec ion a ac ed business such as a blacksmi h and a sawmill. No is was once
known as a buzzing cen e o comme ce and con ibu ed o he spa ial de elopmen o he en i e
a ea, including Ham amck o he eas and Highland Pa k o he wes .
The yellow a ea in he no h o he 1894 map o Ham amck Township (Figu e 3.8) ma ks he
loca ion o No h De oi . The illage de ini ely had a concen a ion o Ge mans. In Figu e
3.8, Ge man su names such as O man and Wa e man appea as owne s o a mland and o he
p ope ies. The map a ea also shows he agmen a ion o he a mland in o li ing qua e s
di ided in o block g ids o single- amily homes and indus ial si es.
74
Figu e 3.8: Dea il o Ham amck Township, 1893. Cou esy o Lib a y o Cong ess.
In he 1920s, he Ge man communi y became mo e geog aphically dispe sed. Zunz (1982)
conside s indus ializa ion as ha ing unde mined he possibili y o upwa d mobili y wi hin
e hnic communi ies as social class became mo e impo an : o him, space o me ly used by sel -
su icien e hnic communi ies was ealloca ed o specialized uses such as o indus y (Zunz,
1982). These designa ed spaces – such as indus ial co ido s alongside li ing qua e s and
comme cial a eas – shaped he u he de elopmen o he adjacen neighbo hoods. Bu a he
same ime, he p ocess o u baniza ion h ough he ci y’s g ow h agmen ed he Ge man e hnic
communi y and encou aged assimila ion (Kila , 2002). Some people we e able o ake ad an age
3.3.2.
75
o he lou ishing economy and lea e hei o iginal communi ies, escaping he indus ial qua e s
o he sp awling subu bs o o he pa s o he ci y.
This p ocess o agmen a ion can be compa ed o Polish and Polish Ame ican immig an s in
he 1980s and 1990s and, mo e ecen ly, he Bangladeshi immig an communi y. The inc ease
o social and economic capi al (Bou dieu, 1984,1986) o e ime c ea es upwa d mobili y and,
consequen ly, immig an s begin mo ing o mo e p es igious subu ban neighbo hoods. The
Ge mans mo ed no h ou side he ci y dis ic s o blend in wi h o he immig an s. This dynamic
o spa ial and social mo emen o en i e communi ies esul ed om wha Zunz (1982) calls
socio-spa ial ans o ma ion. This caused s uc u al changes in he landscapes o indus ial and
pos -indus ial De oi .
The Polish Se lemen
Ge man a me s, he wa e o immig an s a i ing in he 1820s, i s se led in he ownship o
Ham amck, jus ou side De oi (Sco , 2001). Ham amck was named a e Canadian o ice
John F ancis Ham amck, who o ced he B i ish oops o su ende he land o De oi . Founded
in 1798 as he Township o Ham amck, i is one o Michigan’s oldes communi ies. Compa ed o
he size o much smalle con empo a y Ham amck, i ini ially s e ched om he De oi Ri e o
8 Mile and om Woodwa d A enue o G osse Poin . Ham amck was o iginally known as K a
and consis ed p ima ily o a mland. The illage o Ham amck was o icially ounded in 1901
(Kowalski, 2010). Acco ding o his o ical sou ces, some Ge man shopkeepe s and saloon owne s
saw po en ial in he illage ha ing wo c ossing ail oads o he sou h. A his ime, he ownships
a ound De oi we e slowly being ea en up by annexa ion o he ci y o De oi , howe e , a change
o Michigan’s cons i u ion in 1908 c ea ed he Home Rule Ci ies Ac , p e en ing Ham amck and
he neighbo ing ownship Highland Pa k om being annexed (WDET, 2014).
Wayne Coun y was di ided in o 21 ownships du ing he p ocess o annexa ion (Sco , 2001, p.
7). De oi annexed a ew o hese illages un il he pe iod o annexa ion ended in 1926:
Wha emained o Ham amck Township was abso bed piece by piece by he ci y o De oi ,
which e en ually comple ely su ounded Ham amck, lea ing i a li le independen island.
(Kowalski, 2010, p. 9)
Desc ibed as a peace ul Ge man Ame ican a ming communi y in he 1900s wi h a popula ion
o abou 500, Ham amck soon g ew in o a manu ac u ing own o he au o indus y (Ci y o
Ham amck, 2021a). In 1910, he Dodge b o he s opened hei au o ac o y he e, helping o
ans o m he bu geoning ci y by eplacing pas u es wi h pa ed s ee s and necessa y in as uc u e
3.3.2.
82
Figu e 3.12: De oi Redlining Map Mash Up 1940 by Paul Szewczyk.
The Hea ne B o he s p oduced he map o De oi in Figu e 3.12, which was commissioned by
he ede al Home Owne s’ Loan Co po a ion in 1933. One o De oi ’s la ge eal es a e i ms, i
sold houses, de elopmen s, lo s, and mo gages o highe income De oi e s. These Residen ial
Secu i y Maps p e ailed and enhanced eal es a e alues in se e al o De oi ’s “whi e”
neighbo hoods while de aluing o he neighbo hoods such as ones ha we e p edominan ly
A ican Ame ican (Sug ue, 1996).
Newly a i ing mig an s we e unable o se le eely and mo e o neighbo hoods in he ci y whe e
hey desi ed o li e (Zunz, 1982) and ede al and local u ban de elopmen p og ams in pos wa
De oi con inued o disc imina e agains ce ain communi ies such as low-income A ican
Ame ican esiden s (Thomas, 2015). The mash up map (Figu e 3.12) documen s how De oi ’s
3.4.

83
A ican Ame ican neighbo hoods (Pa adise Valley, Wes Side, and e en Conan Ga dens) we e
usually pa o he highe isk ed zones. Campau/Bangla own and Ham amck we e highe isk
as well as lowe isk zones.
Ul ima ely, mos A ican Ame icans in De oi did no p o i om he gene al end in upwa d
mobili y like he “whi e” mig an s who mo ed up No h du ing indus ializa ion. They we e
also p e en ed om mo ing in o ce ain neighbo hoods despi e hei weal h, because hey
we e e used mo gages o did no ecei e homeowne s insu ance. Thei own h i ing e hnic
neighbo hoods, such as Pa adise Valley, we e des oyed by he ci y’s u ban planning agenda.
The A ican Ame ican se lemen his o y in De oi was ma ked by seg ega ion, edlining, and
he occupa ion o a eas ha we e less a ac i e, because o hei loca ion o commu ing dis ance
o wo k. Mo e impo an ly A ican Ame icans we e o en hinde ed om becoming homeowne s
o o ming communi ies o become homeowne s by e using loans and mo gages o no selling
o hem a all. In con as , Polish and Ge man se le s we e able o inc ease and expand hei
homeowne ship h ough hei own e o s and on he basis o he cohesion o he communi y.
These a e examples o h ee di e en e hnic g oups in De oi , ha con ibu ed o he u ban
de elopmen in he ci y be o e and du ing indus ializa ion, especially in Campau/Bangla own.
The e we e many o he e hnic g oups whose se lemen , placemaking p ac ices and ways o li ing
ha e in luenced he shape o he ci y as a me opolis o single- amily homes. In he pos indus ial
age, he in low o new immig an s o he ci y has no been in e up ed despi e di e en c ises,
such as he sh inking o he ci y, he o eclosu e c ises, and De oi ’s bank up cy. Howe e , he
condi ions unde which hey ha e been able o se le and o m communi ies o engage as ci izens
ha e changed cons an ly, depending on poli ical, economic, acial, and cul u al cons ain s.
Single-Family Homes in a Sh inking Ci y
De oi ’s apid and as popula ion g ow h du ing he ime o indus ializa ion peaked in he
1950s om a o al popula ion o 465,765 esiden s in 1910 o 1,849,568 million people in 1950.
A e wa ds, he inne -ci y space began o sh ink o 1,511,482 esiden s in he 1970s (Sug ue,
1996, p. 23). The as inc ease in popula ion c ea ed dense li ing condi ions, pa icula ly in olde
neighbo hoods down own, o he newly a i ed immig an popula ions. The apid g ow h o
wo king-class neighbo hoods allowed highe income esiden s o mo e o De oi ’s Me opoli an
a ea o build newe and bigge homes:
By he 1950s De oi had un ou o oom. The e we e no new subdi ision o de elop and
decline, ampli ied by whi e ligh and he a ac ion o bigge homes on bigge lo s in he
subu bs, se in o he es o he cen u y. (Sco , 2001, p. 8)
3.4.
84
As he ci y indus ialized, De oi could no keep up wi h he speed o p i a e land g ow h o
de elop and main ain a cohesi e u ban de elopmen plan o all i s ci izens, who desi ed o li e
in hei own homes. Ins ead, p i a e u ban de elopmen con ibu ed o u ban expansion and led
o he expansion o he ci y in o subu ban a eas.
Subu baniza ion
In he 1950s, wha came o be known as “whi e ligh ”40 had al eady decima ed he Caucasian
popula ion in he ci y cen e and con ibu ed o he g ow h o he subu bs (Sug ue, 1996).
Pa icula ly a e he Race Rio s in 1943 and 1967, whi e people mo ed ou o De oi ’s subu bs
in la ge numbe s, lea ing he inne -ci y popula ion p edominan ly A ican Ame ican. The
expansion o he ci y and he ac ha au o manu ac u e s s a ed o build hei ac o ies ou side
he ci y limi s also caused supplie s and o he esiden s o lea e he ci y ollowing hei jobs
(Heßle , 2013).
People who could a o d o mo e o whe e he jobs we e did so, accele a ing he subu baniza ion
p ocess and spu ing sh inking as well as lea ing emp y houses behind. De oi ’s sh inking can
be a ibu ed o subu baniza ion caused by he inc ease o indi idual mobili y, g owing demands
o ce ain li ing condi ions, and new employmen possibili ies ou side he ci y cen e (Pallags
& Wiechmann, 2005). De oi ’s deindus ializa ion coincided wi h subu baniza ion and he
beginning o globaliza ion.41 The manu ac u ing indus ies inc eased au oma ion p ocesses and
he numbe o p oduc ion jobs dec eased. Unemploymen esul ed, pa icula ly a manu ac u ing
si es in he ci y cen e . The mo emen o au omobile ac o ies o he subu bs and e en u he
away shaped wha has been desc ibed as he “The Ci y o Holes” (Bekke ing & Liu, 2015, p.
32). This e e s o he shape ollowing he depopula ion o he ci y cen e , lea ing single- amily
homes, en i e neighbo hoods, and manu ac u ing buildings unoccupied and emp y. The loss o
indus ial jobs, popula ion decline, and he dec ease in occupied housing uni s posed a massi e
challenge o De oi (Bekke ing & Thomas, 2015). Decen aliza ion and subu baniza ion we e
ends, which p o ided new esiden ial and comme cial space on he pe iphe y o he ci y and
he e o e made he subu bs e en mo e a ac i e (Oswal & Rienie s, 2006). F om hen on,
egula incomes we e o en spen in he subu bs, leading o ewe comme cial a eas in De oi .
Land in he ci y s opped being used o indus ial p oduc ion o indi idual housing, and was
subsequen ly abandoned. Fu he mo e, he ci y’s (in a)s uc u es d ama ically changed om
hose o a densely popula ed me opoli an a ea o a median-size US ci y:
40 Whi e ligh  e e s o hemig a ion o  whi epeople,mos ly o Eu opeanances y, omu ban egions and olde 
neighbo hoodsinci ycen e s onewe homesinsubu bs,which ended obe aciallyhomogenous(Sug ue,1996;Heßle ,2013).
41 Fo coun ies and ci ies in ol ed in ading mass consume p oduc s wi h o he ci ies and coun ies, “ he decline o
mo ing goods” spu ed global ade (Glaese , 2011, p. 2).
3.4.1.
85
So while in 1900, i was e y aluable o loca e a ac o y in De oi because o hose wa e ways
and because o hose ail ya ds, [ ha ] became la gely i ele an by he la e hal o he 20 h
cen u y. (Glaese , 2011, p. 2)
De oi was no he only Ame ican ci y ha su e ed om sh inking beginning in he 1950s,
economic mig a ion mo emen s caused sh inking p ocesses in indus ial a eas ac oss he US
(Heßle , 2013). The “Manu ac u ing Bel ”, o which De oi belonged, u ned in o he “Rus
Bel ”42, a e m ha has become synonymous wi h Midwes e n and No heas e n ci ies acing
plan closu es, widesp ead unemploymen , and sh inking.
The diag am in Figu e 3.13 indica es how he a luen subu bs s ood apa om he inne ci y
h ough social and economic inequali ies. Mo e and mo e incomes, and money in gene al, was
spen in he me opoli an egion, c ea ing disad an ages o he inne ci y. I also led o a speci ic
land use o m in he De oi ’s me opoli an a ea e e ed o as a “donu ”. This was cha ac e ized
by he g owing economically independen subu bs sp eading a ou in o he u al a eas o
Michigan and he ex ensi e popula ion sh inkage in he inne ci y.
Figu e 3.13: Di ec ion o Money T ans e s in Me opoli an De oi , 1971, by William Bunge.
42 “Rus ” because o he i on indus ies in ol ed in p oducing manu ac u ed goods in hese egions.
86
This diag am map (Figu e 3.13) showing he ci y’s economic decline is pa o a ca og aphic
mapping p ojec ini ia ed by William Bunge in 1971 as a way o collec empi ical da a and
analyze who and wha caused inequali y and d o e De oi ’s u ban c isis and sh inking (Bunge,
1971). The so called “De oi Geog aphical Expedi ion” has been conduc ed wi h esea che s
and De oi esiden s, one o he i s mapping p ojec s in De oi engaging he communi y
and hei e e yday expe ise – in his case, using geog aphy o social jus ice and add essing
acial injus ice and inequali y in he ci y.43 Howe e , he map ocuses on Money T ans e s in
Me opoli an De oi . I shows how De oi ’s ci y cen e los i s ax base and all o i s e enue
sou ces, i.e., income h ough en als, as axpaye s spen hei money in he subu bs.
U ban Rein es men
To sol e unequal in as uc u al and li ing condi ions in he ci y’s di e en neighbo hoods, he
Ci y o De oi launched he Housing Ac o 1949 and 1954 as pa o P esiden T uman’s domes ic
legisla u e o ocus on u ban land use. I p o ided ede al money o wha we e called “u ban
enewal” p ojec s, which included pe mission o u ban es uc u ing and he a ge ing o bligh
as well as p o iding public housing (Thomas, 2015). The Ci y Plan Commission hen published
he De oi Mas e Plan in 1951. This mas e plan44 ocused on imp o ing and de eloping pos -
indus ial De oi . I p o ided a eas o indus ial co ido s ying o keep sca e ed manu ac u ing
ou o esiden ial a eas (Ci y o De oi , 1951). In con as o an indus ial planning model whe e
people li e and wo k in he same space as hey had done up un il hen, he new plan sepa a ed
indus ial wo kplaces and amily homes. Thomas (2013, p. 4) who has e alua ed he ela ionship
be ween poli ical and economic o ces in he ci y, desc ibes he ede elopmen plan o he 1950s
and 1960s as “g ow h coali ion domina ed land-use decisions,” which unneled ede elopmen
owa ds down own and in o he subu bs and le ou o he neighbo hoods.
In he 1970s and 1980s – he yea s in which he e ec s o he loss o De oi ’s ax base, he lack o
social se ices, and he imp o emen o public in as uc u es became isible in he u ban ab ic
– he ede al go e nmen made cu s o u ban spending (Sug ue,1996). Du ing ha ime, u ban
go e nmen s also s a ed o change hei policies. De oi ’s “en ep eneu ial” ci y go e nmen
inc easingly mobilized local poli ics in suppo o economic de elopmen and opened local
nego ia ing o p i a e and semi-public ac o s (Meye , 1994). Poli ical scien is Ma gi Meye
43 The De oi Geog aphic Expedi ion’s mapping goal was o connec academic geog aphe s and “ olk geog aphe s”
(Bunge, 1971). Bunge uses his e m o people who do no ha e o mal aining in geog aphic me hods, bu li e in he inne
ci y. He aimed o use geog aphy o c ea e maps o how hings a e and maps o how hings ough o be, o e eal sys emic spli s
be ween weal h and po e y (Mo is & Voyce, 2020).
44 Thiswasbe he i s o  ou mas e plans,wi hsubsequen plansin1973,1990,and2009(Douce ,2017).Wi h he
excep ion o he Fu u e Ci y Plan (De oi Fu u e Ci y, 2013), none o he mas e plans in ol ed he esiden s o he cul u al needs
o localcommuni iesin heu banplanningp ocess(Williams,2017).
3.4.2.
87
(1994, p. 317) desc ibes his shi in policy as he in oduc ion o “new ba gaining sys ems”
and “new o ms o public-p i a e collabo a ion”. She sees he in luence and ole o eal es a e
de elopmen as ha ing been ede ined by he in e es s o he olun a y sec o and communi y
g oups in espec o business in e es s (Meye , 1994). Mo eo e , u ban planning e o s o change
he u ban c isis we e la gely concen a ed on down own De oi , neglec ing a ci ywide app oach
ha would include ma ginalized neighbo hoods. Rein es men was again es ic ed o he cen al
dis ic close o down own, such as Cobo Hall (opened 1960)45 on he i e on , he la ges
con en ion cen e in he US a he ime. Wha was new, howe e , was ha he ci y s a ed o wo k
wi h p i a e in es o s o secu e inancing o hese majo cons uc ion p ojec s. The Renaissance
Cen e (opened in 1977)46, which Gene al Mo o s made i s headqua e s, became a massi e
public-p i a e in es men p ojec mean o e i e he inne ci y as a comme cial cen e and ac
as a sign o p og ess. I was ollowed by he idea o u ning De oi in o a ou is des ina ion
o Casino Reso Ho els in he 1990s, allowing p i a e in es o s o build he h ee casino ho el
complexes down own.
Ne e heless, hese la ge public-p i a e pa ne ship p ojec s such as Gene al Mo o ’s Pole own
plan and he Renaissance Cen e did no enla ge he ci y’s employmen base and ins ead
diminished ci y unds (Sug ue, 1996, p. 271). Down on enewal p ojec s did no mee he
expec a ions o he ci y’s d eam o u ban g ow h. One eason was ha co po a e ac o s wi h he
po en ial o c ea e jobs, such as he “Big Th ee” au omobile companies47, only showed “a modes
commi men o De oi and he human-capi al s a egy,” p e e ing o in es in he subu bs (O
& S oke , 1994, p. 64).
In he 2000s, he e was a d ama ically high exodus o educa ed young people ou o Michigan.
Fo his eason, s a e go e no Jenni e G anholm launched he Cool Ci ies Ini ia i e o e i alize
Michigan’s u ban egions h ough cul u al and a is ic p ojec s and make hem mo e a ac i e o
en ep eneu s and he c ea i e class as well as s imula e job g ow h and economic e i aliza ion
(O ice o he Go e no , 2003). The unding once again ocused on he inne ci y. Th ee million
dolla s “using exis ing esou ces c ea i ely” we e in es ed h oughou he en i e s a e (O ice o
he Go e no , 2003). De oi ’s Eas e n Ma ke ecei ed a small po ion o he money. Howe e ,
none o he money was in es ed in homes o imp o ing neighbo hood in as uc u es besides
down own un il bank up cy hi he ci y.
45 Cobo Hall is now called Cobo Cen e and has been ex ended and eno a ed, and pu o di e en uses o e ime.
46 TheRenaissanceCen e iss ill he alles buildinginDown ownDe oi .The i e- owe buildingconsis so aluxu y
ho el,shoppingmall,ando icespace.TheCen e was heideao au omanu ac u e Hen yFo d.La e ,in1981,Gene alMo o s
ook i o e and opened i s main headqua e s in wo addi ional owe s.
47 The Big Th ee e e s o he bigges au omobile manu ac u e s in De oi , Ch ysle , Fo d, and GM, which s ill ha e
hei headqua e s in he me o a ea o De oi .

88
The subu baniza ion o housing in he me opoli an a ea led o he sh inking numbe o esiden s
and comme cial businesses in De oi . Wha has ha dly changed has been he esiden ial housing
s ock in neighbo hoods. Those esiden s who could no a o d o mo e ou o he ci y o wan ed
o s ay whe e hei communi y was, con inued o li e in single o wo- amily homes and main ain
he houses and communi ies as much as hei means allowed. The e was no need o and ha dly
any in es men made in o new housing while sh inking occu ed. Howe e , he decay o
abandoned homes and indus ial in as uc u es caused dis essed condi ions in neighbo hoods
and o hose who s ayed. This included he decline and closing o social in as uc u es such
as schools, medical acili ies, and mo e. This gene ally con ibu ed o a dec ease in quali y o
li e and shaped he ci y’s nega i e epu a ion and image as a Sh inking Ci y among o he s. The
emp y, de e io a ed, un down single- amily home became an icon o decay, a pos e child o
uina ion and economic ailu e nex o emp y wa ehouses and indus ial si es in he inne -ci y
(Apel, 2015, p. 3).
Single Family Homes in a Fo eclosed Ci y
The global inancial c isis as well as he bu s ing o he US housing bubble led o eal es a e
alues in De oi d opping d ama ically be ween 2006 and 2009. A modes single- amily home
on S ansbu y S ee ha sold o $88,000 in 2001, sold again in 2006 o $33,500, and a e
o eclosu e in 2008, he bank sold i o $1,250 (Cla k, 2008). The assessed alue48 o esiden ial
p ope y d opped by almos 50% (Fa ley, 2015). Like a i al in ec ion, o eclosed p ope ies
a ec ed neighbo ing p ope ies and houses wi h dec easing alues.
In a housing ma ke al eady on he decline due o sh inking, he isk o apid de alua ion in
De oi was highe han in o he pos -indus ial ci ies. As a esul , du ing he 2007 US ecession,
homeowne s in he ci y we e s uck wi h hei subp ime mo gage paymen s:
Homeowne s we e upside down – hey owed mo e on hei mo gages han hei homes we e
wo h – and could no longe jus lip hei way ou o hei homes i hey couldn’ make he
new, highe paymen s (Kosakowski, 2019).
On he one hand, homeowne s we e no able o sell hei houses because hey we e wo h less
han was needed o pay back he mo gage. On he o he hand, hey we e o ced o pay highe
mo gage ees o keep hei houses because o subp ime mo gage specula ion. A subp ime
mo gage is a loan on a house o p ope y usually gi en o people wi h a bad o nega i e c edi
48 Assessed alue is he p ope y’s ma ke alue and he assessmen a e de e mined by he bank o mo gage company.
A p ope y’s ma ke alue depends on he local eal es a e ma ke and wha he p ope y would sell o , and i akes in o accoun
he p ope y’s loca ion, size, and condi ion (a chi ec u al s yle, ma e ials, age, and accesso ies).
3.5.
3.5.1.
89
his o y.49 The in e es a e o a subp ime mo gage is highe han he usual mo gage o a house,
compensa ing he lende o accep ing he iskie c edi (Kopp, 2021). A mo gage loan is always
dependen on he alue o he house o land, which means ha his scheme depended on ising
housing alues. Loans we e o en made wi hou a ma ke and specula o s and in es o s s a ed
o bid agains subp ime mo gages. Howe e , when he US economy slowed down, mo gage
de aul a es inc eased massi ely. Wha ollowed we e highe mo gage paymen s and hose who
couldn’ a o d he mo gage any longe would go in o o eclosu e wi h hei homes (Kosakowski,
2019).
Fo eclosu e C isis
The collapse o he subp ime housing ma ke is ci ed as he sou ce o De oi ’s o eclosu e c isis
(Alsup, 2015). Du ing he inancial c isis, unemploymen was high and in es men in eal es a e
low. Consequen ly, esiden ial homeowne s we e unable o se ice hei mo gages50 and ell
behind on hei p ope y ax paymen s51, leading o massi e o eclosu es. De oi has he highes
epossession a e in he coun y, i.e., homes epossessed by banks o mo gage holde s (Moo e
& Wa son, 2008). Resea che s o he Mo o Ci y Mapping Su ey52 (Alsup, 2015) es ima e ha
in 2015 abou 62,000 p ope ies we e headed o ax o eclosu e in De oi . In con as , 5,090
mo gage loans we e in o eclosu e in 2009 ollowing he housing c isis.
49 In 1999, he Fede al Na ional Mo gage Associa ion made hese loans in he o m o mo e accessible mo gages
despi elowc edi andsa ings a es.This o mo loanwasin oduceddu inganup- endinghousingma ke (Kopp,2021).
50 Wo king o  i e-yea s(2011-2016)askeyaccoun an  o anindependen  esiden ial eales a e inancingcompany
(Hü ig&Romp AGinHambu g),Ilea ned ha  heag eedin e es  a e o amo gageis he inanciallinchpin ha mus 
wi hs and,changessuchasasho - e m e enuesho all.Whenincomelossoccu sandin e es  a esinc easedue oas agge ing
o m o in e es (a ypical case o sub-p ime mo gages), i is ha d o homeowne s o se ice hei mo gages in he long- e m
and hey will no ha e money o imp o e hei o en cheaply acqui ed p ope ies.
51 I hey do no pay hei p ope y axes o mo e han wo yea s in a ow, De oi esiden s o ei hei home o he
coun y easu e . The coun y o o he go e nmen en i ies will hen s a he p ocess o o eclosing he home. A e o eclosu e,
a delinquen p ope y owne is s ill able o ge back he o eclosed p ope y, bu is o ced o compe e in a public (online) coun y
auc ionwi ho he peopleandlea eadeposi (WayneCoun y,2022).
52 Mo o Ci yMappingisamappingini ia i eo  h eegeoda a i msinDe oi  ha collec da aabou e e yp ope yin
he ci y o assess hei condi ion (Da a D i en De oi & Reg id, n.d.).
3.5.1.
90
Table: 3.0: De oi Fo eclosu es in Numbe s om 2002 un il 2015, 2015. Cou esy o Lo eland Technologies.
Fo eclosu es in 2015 (24,994) we e six imes highe han in 2008 (4,100) when he c isis began
(Table 3.0). As a consequence, he abundance o esiden ial eal es a e has led o an o e low
in esiden ial p ope ies going up o auc ion, pa icula ly as an a e e ec o he subp ime
mo gage c isis in 2008 (Gallaghe , 2013). U ban geog aphe Joshua Ake s (2017) concludes
ha o e he las decade, one hi d o all esiden ial p ope ies we e in o eclosu e.
Acco ding o u ban esea che s, he housing o so-called “ o eclosu e c isis” in De oi was a
long ime in he making (Sug ue,1996 ; Da den & Thomas, 2013; Gals e , 2012; Thomas &
Bekke ing, 2015). Risky subp ime53 mo gage b oke s encou aged homeowne ship among
mino i ies and people wi h poo e c edi sco es, especially in De oi (Maye & Pence, 2008). A
he same ime, inancial ga ekeepe s like c edi a ing agencies (Peck & Whi eside, 2016, p. 235)
became sys ema ic in in luencing ( e-) inancializa ion and in es men s in De oi . In an in e iew
wi h a local newspape , local u ban geog aphe Robin Boyle s a ed ha “ he sub-p ime mo gage
indus y was in ull lag in De oi ” (Cla k, 2008). Calling he issuing o mo gages an “indus y”
be ays he ac ha he housing ma ke was al eady specula i e be o e he inancial c isis began.
The o eclosu e c isis is o en e e ed o as a housing c isis. O he s link he o eclosu e c isis o he
neolibe al eo ganiza ion o De oi du ing i s Eme gency Managemen and S a e o Bank up cy
in 2013 (Peck, 2012; Ki kpa ick & Bol on, 2018). This o ced he ci y go e nmen o ac like
53 Subp imemo gagesa emo gagesgi enou byb oke swhowo k o  inancialins i u ions.Theya e a ge eda 
bo owe swi hless- han-pe ec c edi andless- han-adequa esa ings(Kosakowski,2019).Thesemo gagesa emeasu edby
he alueo  hehouse,bu a eo eno e a edwi h ega ds o hehouse’sac ualma ke  alue.Amajo i yo subp imemo gages
ha e in e es a es ha inc ease o e ime (Zandi, 2009). I a homeowne is unable o pay he mo gage, he house is o eclosed.
Subp ime mo gages a e also known as mo gage-backed secu i ies.
3.5.2.
91
a business unde eme gency managemen , p ac icing “municipal igh sizing” (Ki kpa ick &
Bol on, 2018, p. 28). The neolibe al go e ning o Ame ican ci ies, which Peck calls “aus e i y
u banism” (Peck, 2012), has had a huge impac on he ci y’s social and spa ial ans o ma ions.
The neolibe al na a i e ansla es he 2008 Banking C isis “ i s in o a s a e c isis and hen
in o an u ban c isis” (Peck, 2014). The sh inking o he ci y and he o eclosu e c isis we e wo
con ibu ing ac o s o he inancial b eakdown o he Ci y o De oi . On July 18, 2013, he Ci y
o De oi iled o Chap e 9 bank up cy, he la ges municipal bank up cy iling in US his o y,
es ima ed a $18 o 20 billion. Fa ley (2015) blames Michigan’s sys em o suppo ing local
go e nmen s, missing ou on oppo uni ies o annex subu bs o De oi .54 Mo eo e , some a gue
ha De oi ’s bank up cy was also caused by an en ep eneu ial app oach o u ban go e nmen in
which “ he ou inized game o g ow h-machine policy” allowed new gene a ions o indeb edness
jus i ied by sys emically inancialized managemen s uc u es (Peck & Whi eside, 2016).
Auc ions and Specula ion
The o eclosu e c isis in he ci y o De oi (Sug ue, 1996; Da den & Thomas, 2013; Peck &
Whi eside, 2016), he neolibe al eo ganiza ion o he ci y (Ki kpa ick & Bol on, 2018) pai ed
wi h he na ional inancial c isis c ea ed space o p i a e specula o s and in es o s o ob ain bulk
p ope ies and homes, pa icula ly esiden ial homes h ough public auc ions o in he o eclosu e
ma ke s (Ake s, 2017).
Auc ioning acan esiden ial p ope ies and abandoned homes ha ha e been ax- o eclosed
in De oi has become common p ac ice. Mo gage in es men banks, he S a e o Michigan,
Wayne Coun y, and he Ci y o De oi egula ly auc ion o acan esiden ial p ope ies ha
ha e no been claimed by any go e nmen en i ies. Howe e , he e was no coo dina ed p ocess
o auc ioning ax o eclosed esiden ial eal es a e in he ci y un il he De oi Land Bank was
ounded in 2008.
Ake s (2013, p. 3) hinks ha he auc ion sys em o he Wayne Coun y Auc ion in he ea ly
2000s ga e way o p ope y owne ship ha was used by specula i e in es men en e p ises o
a oid axes and specula e on o dump p ope ies. Specula o s esold auc ioned p ope ies a a
p o i and did no pay p ope y axes o he ci y o in es in he p ope y (Dewa e al., 2014).
The Wayne Coun y Public Auc ion p o ided space o land specula ion and isky in es men
ansac ions ha helped con ibu e o he subp ime mo gage ma ke . This was caused by he
lack o local egula ions o egula ions secu ing neighbo hood needs, c i icisms o he coun y’s
54 Michigan’s Home Rule Law p e en ed he me ging and annexa ion o subu ban neighbo hoods o De oi . Acco ding
o Fa ley (2015, pp. 95-96), he ci y missed ou on he emendous popula ion and economic g ow h ha occu ed in sou heas
Michigan be ween he 1940s and 1970s because De oi did no annex any land a e 1926.
3.5.2.
98
Mo eo e , in 2014, De oi became a “Welcoming Ci y” and launched The De oi Ci y Council
Immig a ion Task Fo ce (Global De oi , 2022). Due o i s his o y o immig a ion, he ci y al eady
o e s in as uc u es (in e na ional cuisine, eligious acili ies, and cul u al adi ions) and hos s
a a ie y o communi ies, making i easie o newly-a i ed immig an s o es ablish hemsel es
in he ci y. Fo me s a e ep esen a i e S e e Tobocman (2014) published a epo on he ole o
immig a ion in De oi . He ecommends suppo ing immig an -inclusi e ini ia i es and businesses
o help e i alize De oi (Tobocman, 2014). Since 2010, non-p o i s like Global De oi ha e
se up nume ous ini ia i es and p og ams, including ones o immig an en ep eneu ship and
neighbo hood e i aliza ion, o iden i y oppo uni ies and display ins i u ional s abili y in he
egion o immig an s.
In sho , he ci y’s excellen educa ional and cul u al ins i u ions make De oi an a ac i e
des ina ion o global business and a global wo k o ce. I is also a ac i e o people wo king in
he ields o echnology, ca manu ac u ing, medicine, and he c ea i e indus ies. Finally, i is
known o being immig an inclusi e. These egional loca ion ac o s no only in luence whe e
local, na ional, and in e na ional companies and ins i u ions in es , bu also whe e an educa ed
and non-educa ed global wo k o ce seeks employmen and eal es a e oppo uni ies. Howe e ,
hese egional ac o s a e p ima ily a ac i e o newcome s a ce ain income le els o pa icula
educa ional backg ounds. Local o egional esiden s who do no ha e access o inancial o
educa ional esou ces do no necessa ily bene i om hese esou ces.
Public-P i a e In es men in Mid own and Down own
P i a e in es men and public-p i a e pa ne ships (PPPs) in pa icula ha e pa ed he way
o la ge-scale e i aliza ion p ojec s o acan buildings and lo s in inne ci y De oi o e he
pas decade. PPPs a e usually an a angemen a ci y o go e nmen al body makes as a public
en i y oge he wi h a p i a e in es o wi h he common goal o p o iding some so o public
in as uc u e om which he ci y can p o i .
An example o a op-down PPP is he cons uc ion o he Li le Caesa s A ena, an ice hockey
a ena buil by he Ili ch Family in Mid own. The amily ecei ed $400 million in di ec axpaye
dolla s o build he a ena and de elop a neighbo hood a ound i wi h es au an s, ba s, and e ail
and esiden ial buildings whose e enues would inc ease hei own p o i s (Pe kins, 2019).
.
4.1.2

99
Figu e 4.0.: A home o sale nea Li le Caesa s A ena a 2712 Cass A enue, De oi , 2021. Pho o by Co dula Di z.
The a ena was buil bu he su ounding a ea emains a was eland o “bligh ed buildings, pa king
ga ages, and su ace pa king lo s” (Pe kins, 2019). The communi y s uc u es in he neighbo hood,
now known as “The Dis ic ”,61 ha e been a ec ed. Figu e 4.0 shows a duplex home nex o he
a ena ha has been up o sale o a long ime and ha he in es o s did no imp o e o include
in he neighbo hood e i aliza ion plan.62 I is su ounded by comme cial buildings and su e s
om bligh . This is an example o how PPPs can enhance he p ope y alue o p i a e in es o s
bu e ec he p ope y o adjacen esiden s. In ac , i has he capaci y o de alue he p ope y o
local esiden s who may no ha e he inancial means o imp o e hei building s uc u es in ha
neighbo hood no he money o acqui e a new house somewhe e else.
Ano he example is Dan Gilbe , who has pu sued ano he kind o “colonial” ede elopmen 63
61 TheDis ic De oi wasa  i s announcedasabold ision o public-p i a ein es men designed ob ingspo s,
en e ainmen , economic i ali y and a new, wo ld-class a ena o he a ea be ween down own and Mid own (The Dis ic De oi ,
2018).
62 Nei he he Ci y o De oi no anyone else ha e p essed cha ges o sanc ion he Illi ch’s in es men scheme o no
de eloping he pu chased and go e nmen - unded eal es a e as p omised.
63 I e e o he in es o ’s ede elopmen plans as “colonial” because such plans o en do no allow cu en esiden s
o pa icipa e in ede elopmen . They do no engage in a long- e m u ban planning p ocess oge he wi h he Ci y o De oi .
Ins ead, hey y o c ea e cases o p i a ized u ban de elopmen o which o he u ban ins i u ions a e supposed o be o ien ed.
Thei goalis op o i  om eales a eapp ecia ion,bu no  owo kcollabo a i ely ode elopci ieso neighbo hoodssus ainably
o imp o e he li ing condi ions o local esiden s.
100
in ol ing down own space h ough wha has been e e ed o as “ eal es a e and echnology
in es men ” (Ra ael & I win, 2017, p. 9). The ounde o Quicken Loan and a eal es a e mogul,
Gilbe 64 began his p i a e in es men s by mo ing he headqua e s o his mo gage lending
company om he subu bs o Down own De oi in 2010. In 2011, he ounded his eal es a e
i m Bed ock, which began buying emp y o ice spaces, ho els, and comme cial buildings,
accumula ing a ound 100 p ope ies down own, o en wi h he ci y’s suppo (Ra ael & I win,
2017).
One o Gilbe ’s mos well-known in es men s is he Z, a pa king ga age ha , along wi h he
adjacen alley, The Bel , is deco a ed wi h 27 mu als by in e na ional s ee and g a i i a is s
(Ra ael & I win, 2017, p. 9). Today, The Bel looks public and in i es pedes ians o s oll along
i , as pa o a comme cial s ip hos ing es au an s, shops, and a galle y space.65 Howe e , he
beau i ied buildings a e no public p ope y o public commissions. They belong o he po olio
o Bed ock De oi (Bed ock, 2021).
In Down own De oi , Gilbe has used a o b and p ope ies and spaces ha he owns bu ha
appea o be public.66 No only does he use a o ma ke his own eal es a e po olio, bu by
suppo ing he a s, he has been able o d aw posi i e a en ion o his down own eal es a e. By
c ea ing isual (land)ma ks in Down own De oi , he has used a o de elop his placemen and
de elopmen s a egies. These p ojec s ha e also p o ided space o a is s, including membe s o
he local g a i i scene,67 o p esen hei wo k, gi ing local alen mo e exposu e and connec ing
i o na ional and in e na ional a is s.
Many en ep eneu s ha e imi a ed Gilbe ’s use o a , design, and De oi ’s cul u al his o y,
i s music and a chi ec u e, no only o deco a e hei eal es a e bu o spa k o e i e ela ed
64 Gilbe ’s commi men o in es in he ci y and c ea e employmen oppo uni ies has gained him us o e he pas
decade (Pe kins, 2017). Consequen ly, he Ci y o De oi has engaged in se e al PPPs wi h him, such as he Down own S ee
Ca and heQLineunde whose acksGilbe hasins alledRocke Fibe ,ahighspeed ibe op icin e ne cable.Gilbe has
bough abou 95% o he p ope ies, ci y-land owned, along he Q Line (Ra ael & I win, 2017, p. 9).
65 The d i ing o ce behind he ans o ma ion o he o me ly “unde -u ilized space” is Lib a y S ee Collec i e, a
comme ciala galle y.Inano icials a emen ,Lib a yS ee Collec i eclaims ocu a ewha i  e e s oas“PublicA ”in
“publicspace”(Lib a yS ee Collec i e,n.d.).Thegalle y’smainp ojec sandincomesou cesin ol ecommissioninga is s
who wo k wi h building s uc u es in Down own De oi , i.e., h ough la ge scale ins alla ions o mu als ha a e owned by o
aded h oughBed ockDe oi ,Gilbe ’scomme cial eales a e i m.TheBel and heZwe ecollabo a i ep ojec sbe ween
he galle y and Bed ock De oi (Lib a y S ee Collec i e, 2022).
66 In2013,RockVen u e,Gilbe ’s eales a ein es men  i m,p o ideda“ isiona yplacemakingand e ailplan”.
Toge he wi h Down own De oi Pa ne ship (DDP) and De oi Economic G ow h Co po a ion, hey b anded i “Oppo uni y
De oi .”I spu posewas ode elop e ails o es,apa men s,ando icesalongWoodwa dA enue(Ra ael&I win,2017,p.9),
and “ o encou age people o li e, wo k, play and in es in he Ci y o De oi ” (Quicken Loans, 2013).
67 WhileGilbe hasusedmu alis sandg a i ia is s omakehisp ope iesmo e isuallya ac i e,hehas ied o
punish a is s who ha e made a on his emp y p ope ies and buildings down own wi hou his in i a ion, e en aking legal
ac ions agains hem (Nea ling, 2014).
101
business ac i i y. A se ies o weal hy subu ban De oi businessmen ha e also, h ough hei
high concen a ion o land acquisi ion in cen ally loca ed dis ic s, c ea ed hei own “co po a e
ie dom” (Pe kins, 2019:1).68 I is no he Ci y o De oi ha is p ima ily known o ein es ing
in o esiden ial o comme cial eal es a e in he inne ci y, bu a he he names o he p ojec s,
isions, o ideas o p i a e in es o s ha can be ound in in o ma ion abou mo e ecen inne
ci y u ban de elopmen .
Ve y o en, hese in es o s’ de elopmen s a egies do no conside he exis ing esiden ial needs
o spa ial con lic s in neighbo hoods. They a e only in e es ed in imp o ing a neighbo hood
acco ding o he alue s anda ds o a eal es a e ma ke d i en by economic g ow h ac o s.
Mo eo e , hese p i a ely-owned and e i alized spaces a e p i a e comme cial in es men s ha
o en de elop comme cial spaces o habi a s o highe income classes ins ead o sus aining
esiden ial li ing s uc u es in low-income neighbo hoods o o low-income esiden s.
Gilbe does ne e heless seem o be awa e o his monocul u al ac ions, namely ha concen a ing
on e i alizing inne -ci y neighbo hoods alone lea es he bligh ed neighbo hoods un ouched. In
an opening s a emen abou public-p i a e owne ship in De oi , he add essed he ac ha he e
is no way ha his Down own o Mid own momen um can con inue o o g ea hings o keep
happening i he as majo i y o De oi ’s neighbo hoods con inue o die (Pya i, 2014).69
Comme cial and esiden ial eal es a e in es men and public-p i a e imp o emen s in he
down own a ea h ough a s and cul u e ha e a posi i e impac on p ope y alues in he a ea
because hese inne -ci y imp o emen s bo h a ac people o wo k and li e he e and make
hem appea sa e and con enien in e ms o e e yday in as uc u es. They also a ac o he
in es o s o in es in eal es a e in he a ea. Residen ial and comme cial en s and ma ke p ices in
Down on De oi ha e climbed (Aguila , 2016). Bu has he ising p ice spi al o eal es a e alue
in he inne ci y posi i ely in luenced he esiden ial eal es a e ma ke in Campau/Bangla own?
Acco ding o local esou ces, De oi ’s e i al, spea headed by ich and p i a e in es o s like
Gilbe , is “sp eading beyond i s down own spine and he eal es a e empi e” because ounda ions
and banks ha e ollowed sui and a e helping o secu e inancing in he ci y on di e en le els
such as communi y engaged p ojec s in o he neighbo hoods (Howes, 2019).
68 TheseincludeDanGilbe ,Ma yMo oun,PhilipKa ka,and heIli ch amily, onameonlya ew.
69 Gilbe a endedacon e ence ha explo edhow hepublicandp i a esec o scanjoin o ceswi hphilan h opic
ins i u ionsandnonp o i o ganiza ions o e i eu banco es ha ha esu e edpopula ionloss,disin es men ,andash inking
ax base (Pya i, 2014).
102
U ban Digi al Da a
Acco ding o one esea ch epo on De oi ’s housing ma ke , a heal hy housing ma ke is an
impo an componen o a heal hy ci y (U ban Ins i u e, 2017). The epo , by he U ban Ins i u e
– a nonp o i esea ch o ganiza ion ha p o ides da a and e idence o p omo ing inclusi e
economic g ow h (U ban Ins i u e, n.d.) – compiled ins uc ions using a numbe o s udies,
including he Neighbo hood Change Da abase and census da a. By collec ing and isualizing
his da a, he U ban Ins i u e has been able o gi e ad ice on he bes ways o op imize a heal hy
housing ma ke in De oi . S a egies include using landbank p og ams o lease-pu chase
ag eemen s and appealing o local s akeholde s and leade s. This is, howe e , a op-down epo ,
done in collabo a ion wi h JPMo gan Chase, one o he la ges banks in he US. Bu i is pa o a
g owing se ies o da a epo s and su eys ha ans o m da a, be i digi al o analog, in o use ul
ools ha possibly indica e u ban de elopmen and g ow h in he ci y.
O e he pas ew decades, a se ies o epo s ocused on esiden ial eal es a e. These included
“The De oi Housing Ma ke ” (U ban Ins i u e, 2017), esea ch s udies, pa cel su ey analyses
such as “Mo o Ci y Mapping” (De oi Bligh Remo al Task Fo ce, 2013), “P ope y P axis”
(Ake s e al., n.d.), and “De oi Residen ial Pa cel Su ey” (De oi Da a Collabo a i e, 2010).
The epo s we e conduc ed by non-p o i o ganiza ions, p i a e ounda ions, communi y
o ganize s, banks, u ban esea che s, and geo da a se ices. Land pa cel and loca ion con ex
da a was also collec ed by Da a D i en De oi 70 and LOVELAND Technologies (now known
as Reg id).71 Some o hese epo s documen he cu en s a us quo o esiden ial sh inkage,
some analyze he cu en housing ma ke , and o he s ha e become guidebooks o how and
whe e o in es in he ci y. These da a analy ic ac i i ies ha e con ibu ed o be e assessmen s
o De oi ’s esiden ial eal es a e ma ke , i.e., by mapping he condi ions o homes and lo s
h ough pa icipa o y mapping ca ied ou by local esiden s. These all deli e da a ha se e as
a basis o homeowne s, p i a e in es o s, and public and inancial ins i u ions, such as banks.
Fo example, as he 2010 census was app oaching, he Ci y o De oi and p i a e ounda ions
in es ed in a “De oi Residen ial Pa cel Su ey” (De oi Da a Collabo a i e, 2010). O ganized
by Da a D i en De oi ,72 he su ey ca ego ized he condi ions o he ci y’s housing and acan
lo s om good o in need o demoli ion. I also ied o gi e a ci ywide o e iew o he deg ee
70 Da aD i enDe oi isoneo  he i s non-p o i da acollec ionandanalysis i mswo kingwi hdigi alu banda ain
De oi . Fo mo e in o ma ion see: h ps://da ad i ende oi .o g
71 Reg id s a ed as Lo eland Technologies in De oi and expanded in o a na ionwide, u ban da a analysis se ice. Fo
mo e in o ma ion see: h ps:// eg id.com
72 Gene a ing hei da a ia on-si e mapping complemen ed by p e-exis ing digi al da a, Da a D i en De oi has
expe imen ed wi h public and p i a e da a mining and con ibu ed o building up an u ban digi al win o he Ci y o De oi .
Mos o all, hey ha e inspi ed and engaged local esiden s o pa icipa e in collec ing da a, i.e., o he 2010 and 2020 censuses.
Because con ibu ing o sha ing da a o e sma phones and social media has become echnologically possible, i is now easible
o in ol e a di e se and b oade use g oup ( om homemake s and ac i is s o in es men banke s) (Da a D i en De oi , 2022).
4.1.3.
103
o s uc u al damage su e ed by esiden ial homes, i.e., h ough i e o dis essed condi ions.
The su ey ca ego ized esiden ial homes and adjacen lo s and he e o e quali ied hem as a eas
wi h po en ial o a eas o loss. By mapping he acancy a e in neighbo hoods, i also deli e ed a
cohe en a gumen ega ding he houses in need o demoli ion and he a eas ha a e less secu e.
Ano he example is he 2012 De oi S a egic F amewo k Plan, ini ia ed by local ounda ions
and he ci y o De oi (De oi Fu u e Ci y, 2013). The ini ia i e used con ibu ions om
pa icipa ing communi ies, a ge ed De oi ’s o e all u ban de elopmen , and wi h he collec ion
and discussion o local eal es a e da a, quali ied p ope ies and land and ad ised on how o
imp o e and s abilize neighbo hoods wi h acan houses (De oi Fu u e Ci y, 2013).
All o hese esea ch p ojec s ha e wo ked wi h geo da a sys ems o geo spa ial mapping ini ia i es
collec ing and/o mining u ban digi al da a o hei own analyses. Whe he o no hey ha e a
comme cial o ien a ion o a e non-p o i o one- ime ini ia i es, hey wo k a he in e sec ion o
digi iza ion and u ban planning while p o iding ma e ial and da a o ci izens and s akeholde s
o a gue o o agains u ban planning p ojec s (Schwegmann e al., 2021). I is a gued ha as
a o m o echnology, u ban digi al da a u ns single- amily housing in o an ins i u ional asse
(Poleg, 2020, p. 157), a o m o digi al in es men and a good ha is manageable because i is
digi al and has been quan i ied and can he e o e be aded. Fo example, Global De oi and
goodgood (2017), an in e disciplina y design s udio,73 de eloped a Vision + Ac ion Plan o
Campau/Bangla own in 2016. They collec ed quali a i e da a on housing and expe iences in he
neighbo hood h ough pa icipa o y obse a ion, mapping, wo kshops, and o he ools such as
ocus g oups wi h esiden s. The esul s o he plan we e made a ailable o he public, bu also
became pa o he S a egic Neighbo hood Planning De elopmen , a public-p i a e pa ne ship
wi h he Ci y o De oi and o he in es o s. I discuss he impac o he S a egic Neighbo hood
Plan in mo e de ail in Chap e 4.2.4.
The digi iza ion and isualiza ion o da a based on mapping and su eys is hus a powe ul
ool o de ining, con ibu ing o, and in luencing he de elopmen o alues o esiden ial eal
es a e. Some o hese da a collec ion ini ia i es ha e been ca ied ou in co espondence o in
collabo a ion wi h neighbo hood o ganiza ions o as pa o a neighbo hood ini ia i e by local
esiden s, hough only a ew ha e add essed communi y-based solu ions o ha e in eg a ed he
collec ed quali a i e da a in o hei da a se . On a posi i e no e, mapping and da a collec ion and
hei esul ing documen s ha e made displacemen , o eclosu e, specula ion, and abandonmen
mo e isible (Ake s, 2017, p. 4). As al eady shown in Chap e 3, mapping in and maps abou De oi
73  goodgood is Ka en S ein, a Bos on based designe , a is , and educa o , and Benjamin Gaydos, a De oi -based
designe ,a is ,and ilmmake ,whoconside economic,socialequi y,andecological ac o sin eg alpa so  hedesignp ocess
(goodgood, n.d.).

104
ha e become powe ul ools poli ically as well as economically, de e mining u ban de elopmen
agendas and ul ima ely how o clus e and go e n people and hei neighbo hoods in he ci y. And
ye , digi al da a collec ion is mo e han jus a quan i ied ool o powe o deli e ing a gumen s
in he con ex o u ban de elopmen , be i o poli ical, economic, o communal easons. Some
digi al da a analysis p og ams also implemen in o hei da a collec ion se quali ied da a, i.e.,
abou he li ing quali y o a loca ion o o a ce ain age g oup. Those esiden s, ini ia i es,
o comme cial en i ies ha ha e he esou ces and abili ies o p oduce da a on hei own can
in luence da a collec ion by collec ing and manipula ing hei own da a. The use o digi al da a
se s in u ban planning p ocesses also shows ha a ci y like De oi no only elies on quan i ied
da a selec ed in he pas , bu also p ojec s scena ios ha wo k wi h da a (including quali ied
da a) o simula e he ci y’s u u e de elopmen s. The isualiza ion o digi al da a, i.e., h ough
g aphs o o he g aphic design modes ( o ei he quali a i e o quan i a i e da a), makes eal
es a e da a compa able and easie o in e p e . Cap u ing digi al da a is also use ul o quali ying
eal es a e in De oi , ei he by including social da a, upda ed sales p ices, o pa icipa o y da a
by homeowne s. Mo eo e , i has become an in luencing ac o on he eal es a e ma ke , o
example by using he da a o suppo a gumen s o o agains neighbo hood ede elopmen .
Regional ac o s such as educa ion, cul u al ins i u ions, an openness o immig an labo , and
public-p i a e in es men all in luence De oi ’s eal es a e ma ke . Bu he abo e examples also
show ha he way eal es a e da a is collec ed and p esen ed, i.e., h ough collec ing quan i a i e
and quali a i e digi al da a, deli e s a gumen s and c ea es a powe dynamic o inc ease he
image o he ci y o s imula e i s u u e planning. Fu he mo e, i indica es ha a eal es a e
ma ke like De oi ’s, which has been cha ac e ized by sh inking and low demand among buye s
due o a su plus o esiden ial and comme cial eal es a e, can be in luenced by s eng hening
i s non-economic alues, such as educa ional and cul u al ins i u ions, and i s u ban his o y o
e i ing i s inne -ci y in as uc u es h ough a and cul u e as well as by bols e ing p ospe ous
u u e de elopmen by simula ing which exis ing da a and speci ica ions a e needed o a posi i e
ou come in a speci ic loca ion o neighbo hood.
Value-in-Use Fac o s o Single-Family Homes in Campau/Bangla own
In his sec ion, I analyze he alue-in-use ac o s o single- amily homes ha play an impo an
ole on he esiden ial eal es a e ma ke in Campau/Bangla own and ha a e locally speci ic
and may a y om neighbo hood o neighbo hood in De oi . Pa o he economic alue o eal
es a e, alue-in-use is cha ac e ized in e ms o esiden s, ci y planne s, and business owne s in
Campau/Bangla own. Value is explained in social-sys emic e ms (Gals e , 2019). I is de ined
by he use s and homeowne s o single- amily homes and hei p e e ences and needs (Lo enz,
e al., 2018, pp. 47-48).
4.2.
105
O e he pas en yea s, he ma ke alue o eal es a e in Campau/Bangla own has g own
mode a ely in compa ison o he apid g ow h o inne -ci y esiden ial eal es a e (Census
Repo e , 2020). Acco ding o he Ame ican Housing Su ey, he esiden ial ma ke alues and
sales p ices o esiden ial homes buil be o e 1939 imp o ed in De oi ’s u ban a eas be ween
2013 and 2019 (Table 4.0).
Yea o Su ey 2013 2015 2019
To al o Me opoli an A ea
Median (US Dolla s) 67,000 75,000 125,000
Mean (US Dolla s) x X 166,200
Me o: Cen al Ci y
Median (US Dolla s) 32,000 60,000 70,000
Mean (US Dolla s) x x 118,100
Table 4.0: Values and pu chase p ices, homes buil in 1939 o ea lie in Me o De oi , Ame ican Housing Su ey 2013,2015
and 2019.
As shown in Table 4.0, he median74 ma ke alue o esiden ial homes buil be o e 1939 has
inc eased in De oi ’s me opoli an a ea and in he inne -ci y dis ic om $32,000 o $70,000.
The mean, which ep esen s he a e age o all sales in he ci y o De oi , was $118,100 in 2019.
These numbe s ce ainly do no ep esen he eali y o a ypically dis essed u ban neighbo hood
in De oi , bu hey do indica e esiden ial eal es a e’s g ow h endency. The numbe s include he
pu chase p ices o single- amily houses wi h smalle lo s compa able o he ones in he Campau/
Bangla own neighbo hood as well as la ge amily dwellings in weal hie neighbo hoods in he
ci y o De oi .
De oi ’s Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood has he same zip code, 48212, as he ci y o
Ham amck. They a e loca ed nex o each o he . In he census epo s a ailable online, da a is
o en p o ided unde he zip code and he e o e placed unde “Ham amck.” A compa ison o
census housing da a be ween 2010 and 2020 a i ms ha he median alue o owne -occupied
housing uni s in he 48212 zip code a ea inc eased om $3,628 in 2010 o $72,600 in 2020
(Uni ed S a es Census Bu eau (2020). O e all, he median alue o owne -occupied housing
uni s in he ci y o De oi is $52,700 (Uni ed S a es Census Bu eau, 2021). The la ges inc ease
is o houses unde $100,000 and be ween $100,000 and $200,000, which ep esen s he p ice
ange o houses in Campau/Bangla own compa ed o eal es a e p ices on pla o ms like Zillow
o Real o .
74 The median amoun is he middle poin o eal es a e p ices, hal o he houses a e p iced o less and hal p iced o
mo e. The pu chase p ice, some imes e e ed o as he “mean” o “a e age,” is he sum o all sales p ices o houses di ided by
he numbe s o houses sold (The Balance Edi o s, 2022).
106
Fo example, he p ope y alue o my FILTER De oi house has inc eased as well. I bough he
single- amily home a an auc ion o $3,500, bu had o edo he plumbing and some elec ical
wi ing, ins all a used o ced ai hea e , build a ki chen, eplace hal o he windows and do some
loo ing. La e in 2014, I buil a s udio wi h a ull ba h and ki chen in he a ic. Acco ding o
he eal es a e pla o m Zillow, he FILTER De oi single- amily home – es ima ed as ha ing
1 ba h, 2 bed ooms, and no including he s udio space – had an es ima ed alue o $69,500 in
2019 and $81,500 in 2022 (Zillow, 2022). The eal es a e pla o m indica es ising sales p ices
o esiden ial homes in he 48212 zip code a ea. Acco ding o local eal es a e agen Nazmul
Islam,75 p ope y p ices ha e mo e han doubled o e he pas decade:
And p ope y, alue-wise om, I would say, 2010 o 2017, is mo e han doubled. Mo e han
double he p ice. The single- amily house was selling e en un il 2014 [ o ] abou $32,000 o
$50,000. Now hese houses [a e] selling [ o ] $82,000 o $120,000. Two- amily uni s. Single-
amily [a e] selling up o… Some o hem up o $100,000. […] Which was in 2010, 2011. E en
in 2012, you [could] buy be ween $25,000 o $30,000. (N. Islam, pe sonal communica ion,
Oc obe 3, 2017)
Alexa Bush, he u ban design di ec o o he Eas Region in he Ci y o De oi Planning
Depa men , explains ha he Campau/Bangla own a ea has seen a g ow h in popula ion (A.
Bush, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 15, 2019). Wi h his ecen g ow h, he demand o
esiden ial eal es a e and he neighbo hood’s a ac i eness ha e inc eased. Bush poin s ou ha
demand is high and i is a selle ’s ma ke , because he de elopmen o new single- amily homes
in he a ea is no possible – he e a e ha dly any emp y lo s o building new houses (A. Bush,
pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 15, 2019). The al eady de eloped a eas a e densely popula ed
due o he closely a anged esiden ial homes.
Nazmul Islam con i ms ha he single- amily home ma ke has become mo e compe i i e.
Mo e people [a e] coming in. And mo e people [a e] coming in because o jobs a ailable and
housing is s ill a o dable. ( N. Islam, pe sonal communica ion, Oc obe 3, 2017)
The eal es a e agen explains ha due o he ela i ely low cos o housing, demand has been
high in Campau/Bangla own. Likewise, he indica es ha he e is no a la ge supply o his kind
o low-cos housing.
Bo h he pe spec i e o he ci y planne and he eal es a e agen as well as he empi ical da a
75 Islam has been he insu ance agen o FILTER De oi ’s p ope y insu ance since No embe 2012. My hen-neighbo
Ali e e edme ohimwhenIwaslooking o aninsu anceagen .Hiso iceisonlyasho , woblockwalkaway.I was
impo an  ome o indaninsu anceagen whoIcould alk oinpe sonandwhois amilia wi hCampau/Bangla ownasa
neighbo hood.
4.2.1.
107
abou he ise o economic eal es a e alue show ha wi hin a decade, Campau/Bangla own
has de eloped om a buye ’s ma ke o a selle ’s ma ke o esiden ial eal es a e om 2010
o 2020. In he ollowing subsec ions o his chap e , I show which alue-in-use ac o s ha e
in o med he demand o eal es a e in his a ea o e he pas decade.
Job A ailabili y, A o dabili y, & Access o E e yday In as uc u es
Nazmul Islam explained why Ham amck76 and Campau/Bangla own a e so a ac i e o li e in.
When asked how he desc ibes his a ea o po en ial cus ome s, he eplied:
This a ea [has] po en ial o low-skilled and skilled and semi-skilled people, jobs [a e]
a ailable. Jobs and housing. Housing is s ill e y cheap compa ed o anywhe e in he Uni ed
S a es. Anyway, you can en any apa men he e [ o ] $500 o $600. I mean, nowhe e in he
US I would say you ind ha ype o housing. […] People, new immig an people, easily
ind jobs in his a ea and hey li e in Ham amck. They like o li e in Ham amck. […]
And e e y hing is con enien he e. And he communica ion, he eeways, [i s] close o
he down own and also [ he] ew uni e si ies and hospi als and medical cen e s. (N. Islam,
pe sonal communica ion, Oc obe 3, 2017)
The a o dabili y o his ype o housing in compa ison o o he De oi neighbo hoods is
an impo an loca ion ac o . W i e and Ham amck-na i e Wal e Wasacz, whose amily
backg ound is Polish, adds ha he houses buil in he Ham amck and Campau/Bangla own
a ea a e unc ional “no in e ms o a chi ec u e. [They a e] unc ional, well-buil houses o
a o dabili y o li e in” (W. Wasacz, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 12, 2018). In addi ion, he
eal es a e agen poin s ou ha he a ailabili y o jobs in he immedia e icini y o semi-skilled,
skilled, and non-skilled labo makes he neighbo hood a ac i e, especially o immig an s.
Acco ding o he De oi Fu u e Ci y S a egic F amewo k Plan, job g ow h has al eady occu ed
nea he Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood, which u ban planning expe s desc ibe as an
indus ial and in e na ional ade a ea, and is expec ed o con inue o g ow in he u u e (De oi
Fu u e Ci y, 2013, p. 8). Islam also add esses he con enience o p e-exis ing in as uc u es
such as egional oad access o cen al loca ions and he subu bs and he walking dis ance o
in as uc u es p o iding e e yday ca e, including esh ood, g oce y s o es, and pha macies.
By De oi s anda ds and acco ding o he De oi Depa men o T anspo a ion Map, Campau/
Bangla own is al eady well connec ed on a public anspo a ion ne wo k. The e a e seconda y
bus ou es down own and o he neighbo hoods o he eas and wes (Ci y o De oi , 2021).77
76 Du ing he imeo  hein e iewwi hNazmulIslamin2017, heo icialneighbo hoodnameCampau/Bangla own
did no ye exis . This is why Nazmul e e s o Ham amck o Bangla own when alking abou Campau/Bangla own. This also
indica es ha he neighbo hood bounda ies be ween De oi (Campau/Bangla own) and Ham amck (Ham amck) a e po ous.
77 A he same ime, I ha e obse ed o e he yea s ha no one I ha e in e iewed o ha e been in con ac wi h akes
4.2.1.
114
Acco ding o Global De oi & goodgood (2017), “ he communi y de elopmen e o s in
he a ea ha e lacked he c oss-cul u al cohesion and common ision needed o ans o m he
neighbo hood,” which is why hey p oduced a communi y plan wi h a join ision, in ol ing
di e en s akeholde s and ac o s in he neighbo hood, such as he a ini ia i e Powe House
P oduc ions and he Bangladeshi Ame ican Public A ai s Commi ee.82 Th ough hei esea ch,
hey ound ha he neighbo hood al eady has many s eng hs, s essing, howe e , ha c oss-
cul u al cohesion be ween immig an and non-immig an esiden s is necessa y o u u e
communi y de elopmen and in es men in he neighbo hood (Global De oi & goodgood,
2017). The e o e, hey ha e ad ised he ci y o imp o e pa ks and na u e, neighbo hood cohesion,
anspo a ion, sa e y and housing and homeowne ship. The doo - o-doo su ey e ealed ha
immig an s ace addi ional ba ie s, including a lack o bank accoun s and di e en c edi sco es
(Global De oi , 2018). Global De oi iden i ied Campau/Bangla own as an “Oppo uni y
Neighbo hood”. This allows immig an amilies and business owne s o ecei e adminis a i e
suppo om Global De oi , which connec s hem o homeowne ship p og ams.83 As a esul ,
Global De oi suppo s hem by ini ia ing p og ams o hings such as home epai as well as
o eclosu e p e en ion (Global De oi , 2022a). In addi ion, hey p o ide possibili ies h ough
communi y engagemen as well as unding small business oppo uni ies (Global De oi , 2022a).
A he same ime, Global De oi pushes he na a i e o a s ong immig an communi y while
ma ke ing and b anding he neighbo hood as an u ban de elopmen hub wi h g ow h po en ial
o immig an s (Global De oi , 2018).
Sho ly a e he publishing o he Vision + Ac ion Plan in 2019, he ci y announced ha
Campau/Bangla own, including he Eas Da ison Neighbo hood, had been selec ed as one o
eigh “S a egic Neighbo hoods”. Alexa Bush explains ha he S a egic Neighbo hood Fund, a
public-p i a e und adminis e ed by he Ci y o De oi , was implemen ed o di ec neighbo hood
in es men s owa ds speci ic causes. In Campau/Bangla own, o example, he S a egic
Neighbo hood Fund ocuses on “sa e s ee s, new pa k ac i i ies, and a o dable housing”
(A. Bush, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 15, 2019). The ocus could be di e en in ano he
neighbo hood. Acco ding o he plan, De oi ’s s a egic goals o he neighbo hood include he
con inua ion and expansion o i s exis ing and eme ging cul u al communi y, he s eng hening
o i s economic and social i ali y, he comme cial co ido s and inc ease o housing en als and
homeowne ship oppo uni ies o cu en and incoming popula ions, and he ans o ma ion o
acan landscapes in o p oduc i e, sus ainable, and beau i ul spaces (Ci y o De oi 2019a).
82 Th ough doo - o-doo can assing, a ending communi y e en s, o ganizing neighbo hood in e ac ions and communi y
picnics, hey ecei ed heinpu o abou 350 esiden s,whichled owha  heini ia o scalleda“join  ision”wi hinasix-mon h
pe iod o hei Vision + Ac ion Plan (Global De oi & goodgood, 2017).
83 Fo example, Global De oi helps immig an s o whom English is o en a second language wi h he auc ion p ocess
o  heDe oi LandBanko WayneCoun yauc ionandi p o idesandassis swi h o eclosu ep e en ionin o ma ion(Global
De oi , 2022a).

115
Thei in en ions see he ci y o De oi as no only suppo ing he economic i ali y o he
neighbo hood, bu i s cul u al and social in as uc u es and ies as well. The ealiza ion o he
s a egic neighbo hood plan, which is also e e ed o as an ac ion-based, pa icipa i e p ocess,84
s a ed in 2019 in he neighbo hood (Noble, 2019).
One o hese is he Conan S ee Scape P ojec , which seeks o p o ide basic oad imp o emen s
on Conan S ee by educing he d i eways o business owne s and delinea ing s ee pa king
while a he same ime making i sa e o c oss he s ee by ins alling c osswalks, signs, and lowe
beds o ac as speed bumps (Ci y o De oi , 2022d). Ano he p ojec is he imp o emen o Jayne
Play ield and he adjacen pa k and ec ea ion a ea, making i mo e a ac i e o ec ea ional use
by imp o ing play a eas o ball games and e u bishing he child en’s playg ound.
The De oi Land Bank Au ho i y (DLBA) has become ano he impo an pa ne in helping o
s eng hen he communi y and e i e he neighbo hood by building “new oppo uni ies” (K.
Niemann, memo y log, Oc obe 5, 2019). They p omo e and suppo he sale o acan lo s in
he sou he n pa o Campau/Bangla own h ough Communi y Pa ne P og ams.85 Fo example,
Hope Cen e , a mosque wi h a communi y-cen e ed p og am has been able o expand i s ac i i ies
and p ope ies by making use o mul iple emp y lo s and u ning hem in o he Sylhe u ban
communi y ga den (K. Niemann, memo y log, Oc obe 5, 2019).
O e all, he Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood has s a ed o become pa o an u ban
de elopmen na a i e o g ow h and imp o emen . I has de eloped om an oppo uni y
neighbo hood ha was suppo ed la gely by p i a e ini ia i es and an in lux o esiden s, such
as immig an s om Bangladesh, Yemen, and o he pa s o he wo ld as well as a is s, o a
s a egic neighbo hood whose in as uc u al in es men s ha e o en been suppo ed h ough
public-p i a e pa ne ship in es men s.
Rega dless o he ca ie – DLBA, Global De oi , o he Ci y o De oi – all o hese ac o s,
implemen incen i es ha a e placemaking s a egies which no only suppo and sus ain he
s a us quo o p e-exis ing communi y-based e o s by a is s and newly a i ed immig an s, bu
also aim o he neighbo hood’s po en ial economic g ow h. The e o e, he quali y seal “s a egic
neighbo hood” has become pa o a alue-in-use ac o because i means ha esiden s, banks,
84  To ealize he i s  ac ionable p ojec s o  he Campau/Da ison/Bangla own Neighbo hood F amewo k Plan,
De oi ’s Planning and De elopmen Depa men (PDD), Housing and Re i aliza ion Depa men (HRD), and Depa men o
Neighbo hoods (DON) collabo a ed wi h a eam o esiden consul an s om he neighbo hoods. In e bo o, an independen
a chi ec u e,u bandesign,andplanning i m,helped owo kou  he amewo kplan oge he wi h heselec ed esiden sand
neighbo hood g oups (In e bo o, 2019).
85 Du ing he“Wo king heLand”wo kshopwi hcommuni ys akeholde sand esiden so Campau/Bangla ownin
Oc obe 2019, Da y Ea l, he DLBA’s Manage o Communi y Rela ions, p omo ed he Communi y Pa ne s P og am. In his
p esen a ion, he spoke o esiden s abou ideas o using mul iple emp y lo s a he same ime while also s eng hening communi y
ac i i ies(K.Niemann,memo ylog,Oc obe 5,2019).
116
he Ci y o De oi , and p i a e in es o s specula e on imp o emen s o he neighbo hood and
hus i s eal es a e.
Mo eo e , he a o emen ioned ac o s abou he high demand o eal es a e in Campau/Bangla own
can be explained by he p ope y’s loca ion wi hin an olde , al eady es ablished neighbo hood
ha bene i s om he al eady in eg a ed public, p i a e, and communi y in as uc u es as
well as he cons an in lux o immig an s and hei e hnic o ne wo k communi y connec ions.
The mos signi ican di e ence be ween Campau/Bangla own and De oi ’s o he immig an
neighbo hoods is ha i no only p o ides accessible li ing and business oppo uni ies o newly
a i ed immig an s, i is also one o he ew communi ies whe e di e en immig an popula ions
and cul u al g oups li e nex doo o each o he .
O e all, homeowne ship in Campau/Bangla own is a alue-laden p ac ice (Bou dieu, 2005). The
economic alue o single- amily homes in his neighbo hood has no only inc eased because o
he high demand o esiden ial eal es a e in he a ea. The analysis abo e shows ha esiden s
alue ac o s such as job a ailabili y, a o dabili y o homes, access o e e yday in as uc u es,
sa e y and secu i y, a high homeowne ship a e, and ecogni ion as a s a egic neighbo hood by
p i a e and public ins i u ions. These alues ep esen use alues which make he single- amily
homes unc ionable acco ding o he needs and wan s o he neighbo hood esiden s and use s
independen om he eal es a e ma ke . These alue-in-use ac o s do no always belong o an
economic alue sys em om he pe spec i e o homeowne s o in es o s, i.e., a sense o sa e y
is associa ed wi h belonging o a communi y, which is ela ed o social in e ac ions (Lo enz e
al., 2018, pp. 44) and wha I would de ine as social and cul u al alues. The mo gage- ee high
owne ship a e is ela ed o he eligious a ilia ion o a ce ain communi y o esiden s and belongs
o a cul u al alue sys em as well as he do-i -you sel men ali y o a is s who buy houses and
g adually de elop hem in o li ing, wo king and communi y spaces. The ac ha social cohesion
be ween immig an and non-immig an communi ies is s eng hened by p i a e in es o s and
he Ci y o De oi in a s a egic pa ne ship unde lines how such social in e ac ions coun as
alues in his neighbo hood. The designa ed i le o “S a egic Neighbo hood” also enhances he
neighbo hood’s image in compa ison o o he neighbo hoods. No e e y neighbo hood is pa o
his suppo p og am and he i le hus ca ies a symbolic alue ha can also be ca ego ized as a
sign o alue (Lo enz e al., 2018, p. 47).
Single-Family Homes and Social Space
A mo e ecen s udy o s ong neighbo hoods by esea che s om he Uni e si y o Michigan has
shown ha sa ing neighbo hoods om he de alua ion o esiden ial eal es a e la gely depends
on he e ec i eness o communi y-based e o s (Deng e . al., 2017). Independen om e hnici y
4.3
117
and social s a us, hese communi ies ake ca e o each o he ’s p ope ies (lo s and esiden ial
buildings) as well as public acili ies. They o m communi ies o pu pose, whose ac ions and
ne wo ks can coun e ac he acancy and de e io a ion o single- amily homes and land. The
in ensi y o hese ac ions can be e y di e en , depending on he communi ies’ ou look, wha hey
hink hey need o s abilize, o how hey imp o e hei neighbo hood: om s ewa dship o land
and communi y ga dens o neighbo hood wa ch g oups, encing and d y walling acan homes
o es ablishing housing coope a i es. These social p ac ices a e ac ions ha ela e o he social
space in a neighbo hood (Bou dieu, 1985). Fu he mo e, all hese sugges ed ac ions equi e a
sense o communi y (Blokland & Nas , 2014) ha inspi es he esiden s o ca e collec i ely abou
he social space in he neighbo hood and i s longe i y.
The long- e m acancy o houses and lo s in De oi has allowed o un egula ed and unplanned
e-pla ing, bo om-up ac ions by indi idual homeowne s and neighbo s who ans o m emp y
lo s in o li ing o wo king spaces o si es o communal ac i i ies, o en including mixed uses
o play, leisu e, and o he ac i i ies. Acco ding o Kinde (2016), who has esea ched DIY
ini ia i es in De oi ’s neighbo hoods, social p ac ices in a physical space a e aluable ac ions
ha in o m ha space. Sa ansky (2018, p. 500) explains ha he alue o acan land is dispu ed
by people who li e on he land, ca e o i , and imagine di e en u u es o i . Thus, alue and
social space a e c ea ed by people who occupy he land. Kinde (2014) in e s ha he esiden s’
o en imes “gue illa-s yle spa ial in e en ions”, such as deco a ing emp y houses wi h kids oys
o u ni u e o make homes appea inhabi ed, a e ini ia ed by nex doo neighbo s o keep hei
li ing en i onmen sa e and well-main ained.
These echniques, which can also include mowing he lawn o he acan neighbo ing p ope y o
eshaping domes ic a chi ec u e o es ic access o emp y homes by boa ding up windows and
doo s, c ea e communal ac i i ies among he neighbo s (Kinde , 2014). Simul aneously, hese
echniques and social o ganizing, in o m social capi al (Pu nam, 1993; Bou dieu, 1986).
A esea ch, a chi ec u e, and design g oup o spa ial planning ha uses pa icipa o y place-
speci ic app oaches, In e bo o, desc ibes one o hese spa ial p ac ices as “blo ing” (A mbo s
e . al., 2008). This occu s when local esiden s adop , use, squa , o s ewa d emp y lo s o
homes nex o hei own homes. As an ongoing p ocess, i a ec s la ge-scale land owne ship
as well as he densi y and he e-pla ing o ci y lo s (A mbo s e . al., 2008). Mo eo e , hese
social p ac ices allow esiden s o imp o e hei li ing condi ions, i.e., h ough a chi ec u al
ans o ma ions o domes ic spaces, sel -sus aining ga dens, communal spaces o people li ing
in he neighbo hood, wo k spaces and mo e.
118
To be e unde s and how an indi idual’s sense o communi y a ec s he alue o eal es a e in an
in eg a ed neighbo hood such as Campau/Bangla own, I will analyze which alue ac o s in o m
o c ea e social space. I will now look a he ela ionships esiden s ha e wi h single- amily
homes.
Visual Main enance and Ca e
Compa ed wi h o he De oi neighbo hoods and he ci y o Ham amck as a whole, he ex e io
acades o esiden ial homes in Campau/Bangla own s and ou isually because o hei colo ul
o namen al de ails on hei on ya ds and po ches. Colo ed pain is o en applied o b ick pa s
o he houses’ en ances o po ches. In some cases, he houses a e pain ed o e en i ely (Figu e
4.2).
Figu e 4.2: G een pain ed house nex o Ride I Sculp u e Pa k, Klinge S ee , Campau/Bangla own, 2018. Pho o by Ke s in
Niemann.
.4.3.1
119
This b igh g een pain ed house wi h i s lilac s ai case s ands ou in s a k con as o he g ey
conc e e o he sidewalk and he neighbo hood Ska e Pa k, Ride I Sculp u e Pa k, o i s igh .
Indi idually landscaped on ya ds o designed en anceways as well as c ea i e uses o
backya ds as u ban ga dens u he con ibu e o he neighbo hoods’ isually di e se appea ance.
Figu es 4.3: Colo ul pain ed house en ance on Klinge S ee , Campau/Bangla own, 2019. Pho o by Ke s in Niemann.
The isual aes he ics o he houses in his neighbo hood (Figu es 4.2 o 4.5) a e unique and ull
o de ails. Fo me FILTER De oi esiden Luke Niewandomski commen s:
E e y single house you look a has an in e es ing hing going on. People like o cos ume
he abili y o he a chi ec u e. This communi y is he opposi e o a his o ic dis ic . (L.
Niewandomski, pe sonal communica ion, Augus 8, 2017)
Niewandomski sees a connec ion be ween he a chi ec u e o he houses and people’s ini ia i e
o deco a e and main ain hem despi e hei seemingly simple designs, using, o example, simple
ma e ials such as conc e e and used ca pe s o deco a e hei on lawns and p o ec hem om
g owing weeds (Figu e 4.4 and Figu e 4.5). The philosophe and egula isi o o he neighbo hood,
Vince Ca ducci, s esses ha he DIY cul u e o i s occupan s allows his o y and he people in
he neighbo hood o be isible. The houses ep esen a “palimpses o p e ious occupan s” (V.
Ca ducci, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 19, 2018). A is and esiden Liza Bielby eels ha
he houses a e colo ul because hey a e “shi y” (L. Bielby, pe sonal communica ion, Augus
8, 2017). She is e e ing o he decay e ec ing he 100-yea -old homes whose owne s may no
ha e he inancial means o ully main ain hem o ha e access o p ope in o ma ion on how o
ebuild o ein o ce he old a chi ec u al s uc u es and he e o e pain hem.86
86 Many houses in he neighbo hood su e om p oblems such as mold and decaying ounda ions, condi ions caused
.

120
Figu e 4.4: Typical single- amily home wi h conc e e on ya d and ca pe in Campau/Bangla own, 2019. Pho o by Ke s in
Niemann.
Figu e 4.5: Ca pe design in on ya ds on Klinge S ee , Campau/Bangla own, 2018. Pho o by Ke s in Niemann.
bydilapida ed oo s,insu icien insula ion,o b okenwindowso whicha ea ibu able o helacko in es men inDe oi ’s
plumbing in as uc u e.
4.3.2.
121
Fo Shoshanna U chenik, ano he Campau/Bangla own esiden and a eache , he colo ul
aes he ics sugges p og ess o e he homes’ decayed s ages:
On all he houses you can see p ocess. On all o he houses coming and going, makeshi ,
sal aged. I some hing needs o ge done, hen in an unaes he ic way. (S. U schenik, pe sonal
communica ion, Ma ch 17, 2018)
Compa ing he di e en images o he on ya ds, one can see ha he pain ed s ai cases and
e aces a e no uni o m. Each house has a di e en colo scheme ha o en employs b igh
colo s o colo s ha s and in s a k con as wi h each o he . This is simila o how di e en ly-
pa e ned ca pe ing o di e en ime pe iods is designed in o he ga dens, indica ing ha he
isual on ya d designs on he house we e ca ied ou g adually, i.e., depending on whe he
he e was money o pain o esou ces such as ca pe . These colo s and con as s also indica e
ha he isual changes o he house a e mean o be isible. The isual appea ance o he on
ya ds and po ches does no ollow a pa icula pa e n. They look homemade and DIY and e lec
an indi idual homeowne ’s pe sonal s yle while also sugges ing ha someone is main aining
hei house o aking ca e o hei on ya d. Ca ing o a space adds alue o i . In his case,
isual ca e and main enance p oduces a posi i e image. The home appea s occupied. This is
simila o wha Kinde (2014) e e s o as spa ial in e en ions, excep ha hese in e en ions a e
ex e nal and isual, making he neighbo hood o home appea sa e and li able.
DIY Cul u e and Neighbo ly Ini ia i e
To a oid b eak-ins, li e ing, squa ing, and o he c iminal ac i i ies on hei p ope y, he a is
couple Gina Reiche and Mi ch Cope, who also ha e wo ked unde he design g oup name
Design 99, in en ed “Sculp u e Secu i y Sys ems” (Ragheb, 2017). They boa d up side alleys
and b oken windows and doo s wi h deco a i e plywood panels ha a e shaped like sculp u es
(Figu e 4.6). These sculp u es (Figu e 4.6 and Figu e 4.7) ha e become pa o he a is s’
signa u e in he neighbo hood. A he same ime, hey ha e become pa o a se ies o objec s
in a exhibi ions, which hey concep ualized a ound objec s ha use ound ma e ials and o he
u ili a ian objec s o p opose c ea i e solu ions in he neighbo hood in galle y spaces such as he
Museum o Con empo a y A De oi (Museum o Con empo a y A , 2010).
4.3.2.
122
Figu e 4.6: Sculp u e Secu i y Sys ems in Campau/Bangal own by Design 99.
Figu e 4.7: Too Much o a Good Thing, ins alla ion iew, Museum o Con empo a y A De oi by Design 99.
Kimbe ly Kinde (2014) desc ibes he DIY a i ude and measu emen s87 aken by De oi ci izens
as a phenomenon ha has become ou ine in many de e io a ing ci ies. Acco ding o he , sel -
p o isioning echniques ha e eme ged “as c i ically impo an esponse s a egies helping
esiden s educe hei ulne abili y and s abilize hei blocks” (Kinde , 2014, p. 1770). She a gues
ha homeowne s ha e begun pe o ming hese gue illa-s yle spa ial in e en ions because
go e nmen s and ci ies ha e no longe been able o e ec i ely en o ce laws o help esiden s.
As is he case elsewhe e in De oi , social con ol o e lo s and houses, e en acan ones, s a e
87 These include using child en’s oys on on lawns and window deco a ions o make a house look occupied.
123
wi h locals who wan ed o p o ec he neighbo hood and make i mo e a ac i e o li e in.
Powe House P oduc ions ounde s Gina Reiche and Mi ch Cope s a ed o conduc hese
gue illa-s yle spa ial in e en ions soon a e mo ing o Campau/Bangla own. Wi h hei a
a ound and using single- amily homes, hey d ew a en ion o he acan houses and lo s on
Mo an S ee and adjacen s ee s (see also Chap e 5.3). Thei sculp u e secu i y sys ems, which
a e ega ded in he neighbo hood as design and cons uc ion objec s, a e also a objec s. The
a is s’ design and cons uc ion o sculp u al objec s has ac i ely p e en ed emp y homes in he
neighbo hood om being squa ed o bu ned down, while also d awing a en ion in he a wo ld
o how u ili a ian objec s as a connec o communi y and neighbo ly ini ia i e.
Imam and communi y liaison Mika’il S ewa Saadiq ook he ini ia i e o o ming an independen
neighbo hood wa ch g oup a e he Masjid and i s communi y cen e , which he bough and
ounded, was b oken in o se e al imes:
You know, and we ode a ound a nigh . And on he side o ou ca s, i would ha e AICC
Neighbo hood Wa ch. We e en se up poles ou side o school. You know, and helped kids
ge o school sa ely in he mo nings and in he a e noon. So, we ook he ini ia i e. (Imam
Mika’il S ewa Saadiq, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 14, 2018)
Saadiq also explains how all-inclusi e a neighbo hood wa ch g oup can be and how i adjus s
o he needs o he communi y, om p o ec ing he neighbo hood du ing he nigh o b inging
child en sa ely o and om school. He unde s ands communi y in Campau/Bangla own as a
ecip ocal collec i e ha is o ganic, in e ac i e, and always e ol ing (Imam Mika’il S ewa
Saadiq, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 14, 2018). Campau/Bangla own’s esiden s y o keep
child en playing ou side sa e, p o ec people walking a ound du ing he day and a nigh , p o ide
measu es agains c ime and a son, and main ain an o e all eeling o neighbo hood sa e y.
Fa me Ka e Daughd ill (pe sonal communica ion, Augus 7, 2018) speci ies ha in his
neighbo hood ce ain in as uc u es ha e been bo n ou o necessi y, such as u ban ga dening
which esponded o a need o ce ain oods ha we e o he wise una ailable. Fo example,
Daughd ill used ga dening o occupy acan lo s wi h he suppo o he adjacen Bengali
Ame ican neighbo s.
On my block a ound Mo an S ee , neighbo s including a is s, Bangladeshi Ame icans, and
Caucasians o med a neighbo hood wa ch g oup and ex message ale sys em. In his way, a
di e se communi y in e ac s o p o ec he neighbo hood om a son and bu gla y, ex ing when
some hing has happened o when unusual ac i i y o people ha e been seen.
In Campau/Bangla own, he e a e di e en mo i a ions ha de e mine why and how a
communi y o ms. The neighbo hood’s u ban design (densi y o houses, cu bside pa king)
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I ound ou ha walking in as uc u es such as sidewalks, alleyways, and pa ks –wha a is
Co ine Ve meulen calls “pedes ian li e ou side” (C. Ve meulen, pe sonal communica ion,
Augus 1, 2017) – ha e mos ly been app ecia ed by he esiden s, ega dless o whe he hey a e
a is s o newly a i ed mig an om Bangladesh:
When you a e on oo , you a e looking people in he eye. You a e connec ing in a human
way wi h indi iduals. I ne e el sca ed o do ha . I el mo e sca ed o d i e wi h my
windows olled up hen I would be walking down he same s ee . (K. Majewski, pe sonal
communica ion, Oc obe 4, 2018)
Majewski conside s he ac i i y o walking and mee ing people a eye le el as a sa e y measu e
o mo ing a ound in he a ea, bu also as a way o socially in e ac and connec . She indica es
ha he walking oppo uni ies a e wha a ac he o he neighbo hood.
Campau/Bangla own’s esiden w i e Anne Elizabe h Moo e pa icipa ed in egula walks wi h
wo Bengali eenage gi ls jus be o e sundown on he sidewalk alongside he po ches o neighbo ly
iends. Acco ding o he obse a ions, his has become a i ual o gi ls p esen ing hemsel es
o male esiden s om hei communi y (A.E. Moo e, pe sonal communica ion, Augus 3, 2018):
Toge he wi h wo Bengali eenage neighbo s du ing wha hey call “e ening cons i u ion,”
usually be ween 7-9 pm, whe e hey walk alongside he po ch o neighbo ly iends and
some imes i becomes a wa ch ly si ua ion spying o showing o in on o po en ial “male”
candida es. (A.E. Moo e, pe sonal communica ion, Augus 3, 2018)
He e, walking down he s ee a a speci ic ime o day is a i ual in o med by cul u al adi ions
and he way speci ic communi ies in e ac wi h each o he . Ka e Daughd ill alues he alleys and
cul-de-sacs ha ep esen and o m he ga dens. As a local u ban a me , she explains ha hese
“aes he ic, cozy, g een walkways be ween he houses ep esen he g een salad bowls be ween
he houses” (K. Daughd ill, pe sonal communica ion, Augus 7, 2018).
Fo esiden s, walking – ei he ou o necessi y o go somewhe e o o he ca , o social easons,
o as a ec ea ional ac i i y – is an e e yday ac i i y. Walking is unde s ood as a way o each a
des ina ion such as he neighbo hood’s co ne s o es o he main shopping a eas on Conan S ee
in Campau/Bangla own and Cani S ee and Joseph Campeau A enue in Ham amck.
People also app ecia e he heal h bene i s o walking and as a way o obse e, engage, and in e ac
wi h o he people li ing in he neighbo hood. Fu he mo e, he elemen o walking and mo ing
a ound on sidewalks and alleyways is connec ed o he elemen o sel -ca e and socializing and
i is pa o a cul u al adi ion and a sense o secu i y. Walking is an e e yday p ac ice. Walking
c ea es communi y, i connec s esiden s o hei neighbo hood and beyond.
4.3.5.

131
Cul u al Familia i y
Sukanya K ishnamu hy, who came o FILTER De oi in 2010 o a esea ch isi oge he wi h
a g oup o U ban He i age PhD S uden s om Bauhaus Uni e si y in Weima , Ge many, showed
ha he high concen a ion o mig an amilies om Bangladesh in he a ea can be explained
due o he ac ha amily and communi y ne wo ks and cul u ally amilia in as uc u es, such
as cuisine and speci ic kinds o Bengali- un businesses, ha e d awn pa icula a en ion o his
neighbo hood, o en ia wo d o mou h (K ishnamu hy, 2011, p. 76):
Mos people who li e he e can ace he ou e hey a eled om Sylhe in No h Eas e n
Bangladesh o As o ia, Queens in New Yo k o inally se ling in Ham amck and i s
neighbo ing a eas. (K ishnamu hy, 2011, p. 75)
Talking o some o FILTER’s Bangladeshi Ame ican neighbo s, she ound ha a majo i y o he
Bangladeshi communi y in Campau/Bangla own comes om he same egion. In he la e 1990s,
Bangladeshi Ame icans began o mo e o Sou h Eas Michigan, d i en by cheape cos s o li ing,
job oppo uni ies, and wo d o mou h wi hin hei communi ies (K ishnamu hy, 2011, p. 75).
K ishnamu hy desc ibes his speci ic o m o communi y building as a close-kni communi y,
one ha has de eloped, “becoming an encla e o people coming om simila backg ounds,
encou aged by ela i es who make his jou ney in sea ch o a be e li e” (K ishnamu hy, 2011,
p. 75).
My o me nex -doo neighbo o FILTER De oi , Ali, ollowed his pa h oo: mo ing om
As o ia whe e he wo ked in a es au an , o Campau/Bangla own, whe e he wo ks o Magna, a
o me au o supplie o GM, while suppo ing his pa en s and sis e . He is a good example o
he expansion o amily and space in his a ea. No only has he become he a he o i e child en
since 2010, he has also inc eased his eal es a e in Campau/Bangla own by buying wo o he
single- amily houses on he same block. He has placed his pa en s, his sis e , and o he people
om his communi y in hese houses. Ren ing ou homes o his ex ended amily, he ep esen s a
communi y model ha ci cum en s a dense a angemen o amily homes by sha ing hem wi h
ela i es and communi y in a mul i-gene a ional manne ha emains close o one’s own cul u e
(see P ologue).
Mo eo e , Ali Lape ina (Founde o Women o Bangla own) explained o me ha Bangladeshi
amilies in Bangla own p e e o li e nex o o he amily membe s, o sha e ga dens and g ow
ood and ege ables oge he . Acco ding o Lape ina, who has isi ed Bangladesh, geog aphic
p oximi y is e y impo an o amilies because in Bangladesh, amilies li e on la ge p ope ies
4.3.5.
132
wi h ex ended amily90 (A. Lape ina, pe sonal communica ion, Augus 1, 2018). Acco ding o
he and Fa hana Islam, middle-class Bangladeshi amilies usually ha e la ge p ope ies o li e
on in Bangladesh. As an a chi ec u e s uden a he Uni e si y o De oi Me ce , Fa hana alues
he ad an ages o li ing in his pa o he ci y, such as access o esh p oduce. Bu Islam
also poin s ou ha he a chi ec u e o he houses only se es a ce ain ype o amily, one ha
is no ex ended and mul i-gene a ional (F. Islam, pe sonal communica ion, Oc obe 3, 2018).
Fa hana li es wi h he pa en s and siblings a 11400 Klinge S ee in Ham amck, only h ee
blocks away om Campau/Bangla own. This a ea is dense because e e y house on he s ee is
occupied and he e a e no emp y lo s be ween hem.
This con as s wi h Abdul Mo in’s li ing si ua ion. Mo in mo ed om Ham amck o he
eas side o Campau/Bangla own (McDougal S ee and Lawley S ee ). Because o he
size o space a his disposal, he is able o g ow and p ese e almos all o he ood ha his
amily enjoys h oughou he yea and sells o wha emains o supplemen his income
(Powe House P oduc ions, 2015). Mo in con i ms ha he enjoys he amoun o space
ha he occupies and wo ks on as an u ban a me , maple sy up p oduce , and beekeepe :
I do no wan o mo e o he subu bs. I own land and I ha e no immedia e neighbo s. (A.
Mo in, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 19, 2018)
In ou in e iew, he con i med ha i you need help om neighbo s, hey a e a ound. He uses
he close-kni communi y ne wo k i needed bu enjoys he amoun o space he has o his wo k
and pe sonal li e.
Demog aphic numbe s ha e shown ha his a ea, which had been p edomina ely se led by
Polish immig an s in he pas cen u y, has slowly become domina ed by incoming Bangladeshi
and Middle Eas e n mig an s. Today, o example, he majo i y ci y council o Ham amck is
Muslim. Bangla own is a “newcome communi y” acco ding o Imam Mika’il S ewa Saadiq
(pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 14, 2018). As a o me esiden , communi y membe , and
poli ician, he sees an ac i e communi y un by a p oduc i e mix u e o newly a i ed immig an s
and long- e m esiden s ha akes ini ia i e in managing i s own a ai s.
The Vision and Ac ion Plan o Bangla own desc ibes i as a “welcoming neighbo hood whe e
people om di e en cul u es, backg ounds, and gene a ions can lea n abou one ano he and
90 Fa hana Islam, a young a chi ec u e s uden a De oi Me cy Uni e si y o Bengali decen explains o me ha being
middle class in he US is no he same as being middle class in Bangladesh. I is a s ep down. In Bangladesh, amilies ha e bigge
homes and se an s. “He e, e e y hing is smalle , he li es yle is a downg ade.” (F. Islam, pe sonal communica ion, Oc obe 3,
2018)
133
con ibu e o he quali y o li e in he neighbo hood.” (Global De oi & googgood, 2017).
Local eal es a e agen Nazmul Islam iden i ies newly a i ed immig an s om Bangladesh
and Yemen as a “majo i y g oup” and Eas e n Eu opeans and people o A ican decen as a
“mino i y g oup” ha a e in e es ed in buying eal es a e in he neighbo hood (N. Islam, pe sonal
communica ion, Oc obe 3, 2017). Alexa Bush, De oi ’s u ban design di ec o o he U ban
Planning and De elopmen Depa men , a gues “ ha his neighbo hood al eady has s eng hs,
hidden sec e asse s, ha need o be li ed up” (Noble, 2019). To he , he “hidden asse s” ha e o
be di e en ia ed be ween social, cul u al, and physical asse s.91 The cul u al aspec s include he
a is communi y, he di e se Yemini, Bangladeshi and A ican Ame ican communi y as well as
he a eas and communi ies ha a e ac i e in u ban a ming, g owing o cha ds, e hnic es au an s,
and mo e (A. Bush, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 15, 2019).
Global De oi iden i ies di e si y h ough mig a ion as an asse s imula ing economic g ow h
in he egion, i.e., by helping mig an s become homeowne s o mic o- unding hem o es ablish
hei own businesses in hei neighbo hoods such as es au an s, and clo hing and g oce y s o es.
Since i has adi ionally been a communi y o newly a i ed mig an s ha suppo and sus ain
each o he , adi ional ood and clo hing s o es al eady exis ed in Campau/Bangla own wi hou
ad ocacy g oups such as Global De oi o go e nmen unded p og ams. Fo he Ci y o De oi ,
Campau/Bangla own ep esen s many “o he alues ha a di e se, immig an - ich communi y
can o e ” (Ci y o De oi , 2020). Acco ding o he line s a emen o he Campau/Bangla own
neighbo hood websi e, “ alues” a e associa ed wi h he communi y and he di e si y which ha e
in luenced his unique neighbo hood.92
Imam Mikai’l S ewa Saadiq s esses he impo ance o he eligious in as uc u es such as
mosques, Ko anic schools o child en, and Halal ood o newly a i ing immig an s wi h a
Muslim backg ound. He has ad ised A ican Ame ican Muslims om o he a eas in De oi o
mo e o Campau/Bangla own:
You know, I was elling a lo o he A ican Ame ican Muslims ha , you know, you a e
looking o an a ea ha is sa e o you child en, ha is sensi i e o you eligious p e e ences
and you die . You know, you eligious die . You know, Halal es au an s. (Imam Mikai’l
S ewa Saadiq, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 14, 2018)
91 Physicalasse sinCampau/Bangla ownincludeJaynePlay ield,apa kwi ha ec ea ioncen e aswellas heal eady
exis ing b anch o he public lib a y. A a ie y o ac i e neighbo hood and communi y ini ia i es ep esen he social asse s.
92 O e hal o  he5,000 esiden sha eiden i iedasAsian,30%asA icanAme ican,andnea ly10%as woo mo e
aceswi hamajo i yspeakingalanguageo he  hanEnglish(TheCi yo De oi ,2020).
134
Like-minded people wi h simila cul u al backg ounds sha e a s ong sense o communi y. They
ca e pa icula ly abou he upb inging o hei child en and being able o con inue hei adi ions.
Du ing my in e iew walks and pe sonal con e sa ions wi h esiden s, e hnic ood es au an s,
g oce y s o es wi h esh p oduce as well as co ne s o es o daily needs ha a e wi hin
walking dis ance a e o en men ioned as impo an alue ac o s o li ing and wo king in he
neighbo hood. Saadiq e e s o Campau/Bangla own as a ood oasis93 wi h a lo o esh p oduce:
You can walk no h, sou h, eas o wes and ge a mango, a ocado, Romaine le uce, spinach,
B ussels sp ou s. (Imam Mikai’l S ewa Saadiq, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 14, 2018)
F esh ood is he opposi e o a ood dese o Saadiq who, as an A ican Ame ican bo n and aised
in De oi , can ela e o he di icul ies o inding esh p oduce in inne ci y De oi wi hou
d i ing o he subu bs.
FILTER De oi ’s neighbo , he a eache Shoshanna U chenik, alues he local ood cul u e
because i is a way o connec wi h o he s by selec ing and ea ing oge he (S. U chenik, pe sonal
communica ion, Ma ch 17, 2018):
Co ne s o es ha e po en ial o communica ion. The e is an oppo uni y o egula ly
bumping in o each o he . (L. Bielby, pe sonal communica ion, Augus 8, 2017)
Pe o mance a is and communi y o ganize Liza Bielby alues co ne s o es oo because hey
a e o en owne -occupied and “ hey a e a communal esou ce, no necessa ily o ood bu as
knowledge o wha is going on he neighbo hood” (L. Bielby, pe sonal communica ion, Augus
8, 2017).
93 F esh ood and e hnically di e se es au an s ha e become a unique selling poin o isi ing o li ing in his
neighbo hood.
135
Figu e 4.13: Co ne S o e a he in e sec ion o Mo an and Halleck S ee , Campau/Bangla own, 2018. Pho o by Ke s in
Niemann..
Figu e 4.13 shows he co ne s o e a he in e sec ion o Mo an and Halleck S ee . I is igh
nex o o he single- amily homes. Hal o he g ound loo space is aken up by he g oce y s o e
and he o he hal is esiden ial and con inues on o he second loo . The signage o he s o e is
in A abic. Food s o es, pa icula ly co ne s o es, which we e o iginally designed o supply he
neighbo hood, a e buil a in e sec ions. Some imes hey ac as spaces o li ing and wo king,
connec ing he s o e on wi h he owne ’s pe sonal li ing space. Residen s and ac o s in he
neighbo hood conside hem a le e ha can se in mo ion communi y and cul u al exchanges, a
space ha c ea es a sense o c oss-cul u al cohesion and a space o exchange in he neighbo hood.
Ham amck’s mayo Ka en Majewski ecoun s how he smell o homemade ood94 and he
sounds95 s and ou and uniquely shape his neighbo hood, desc ibing he sense o communi y as
a eeling o in e connec edness among a communi y o pu pose ha li es in one pa icula a ea
o he ci y and is linked h ough he main senses:
94 In a adi ional Bangladesh Ame ican amily se ing, he mo he is a homemake and ca es o he amily h ough
childca e, cooking, e c. Bangladesh cuisine consis s o cu ies o slow-cooked s ews, especially dishes wi h o ien al spices ha
can be smelled when passing by he houses on he sidewalks a lunch and dinne ime.
95 In Campau/Bangla own and Ham amck, he Islamic call o p aye is made h ough loudspeake s. Mosques a e ound
h oughou  heseneighbo hoodsanda eno iceablee e yday.Howe e ,Majewskiexplains ha due o hedensi yo  hehouses,
onecanhea  heneighbo splayingmusico child enge ingyelleda o playingou side(K.Majewski,pe sonalin e iew,
Oc obe 4, 2018).

136
The o e all eeling is “in e connec edness,” whe he i is isual, sound, smell. Tha is so
wa m. I is so indi idual, bu i eeds communi y. (K. Majewski, pe sonal communica ion,
Oc obe 4, 2018)
The di e si y o he communi y is also isible h ough public e en s such as he na ionally known
Ham amck Music Fes i al o he Neighbo hoods A s Fes i al, bo h popula s ee es i als
in he Campau/Bangla own and Ham amck neighbo hoods. These e en s we e sel -o ganized
by local esiden s, as is he Bangladesh S ee Fes i al on Conan S ee in Bangla own. Thei
success and acknowledgemen depend on he goodwill, espec , and sha ing o neighbo hood
in as uc u es and esou ces as a whole and as a communi y despi e peoples’ di e se backg ounds
and app oaches. These es i als, he local ba cul u e wi h i s li e music enues, and he di e si y
o e hnic es au an s and g oce y s o es om Indian cuisine o Polish ood ha e al eady been
easons o inspi ing non- esiden s o make egula isi s o Ham amck and Campau/Bangla own.
Alexa Bush e e s o hese s uc u es as “cul u al asse s” because hey a e a ac i e o bo h
newcome s and ou side s (A. Bush, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 15, 2019). The newcome
communi ies in Campau/Bangla own cons an ly shape he di e se esiden ial s uc u es based
on hei daily needs, including e hnic ood es au an s, eligious ins i u ions, communi y and
cul u al cen e s, g oce y s o es wi h esh p oduce, and sel -o ganized neighbo hood ini ia i es
such as communi y ga dens o cul u al o ganiza ions.
These di e se communi y s uc u es ha e been inc easingly ecognized as loca ion ac o s and
alues because hey mee he daily li e equi emen s o he newly a i ed mig an s (a is s and
immig an s). This mix o s uc u es o cul u al as well as social li es yles ha e been main ained
ou o necessi y and due o cul u al adi ions, such as special ood die s (Halal), e hnic es au an s,
and speci ic o ms o schooling due o eligious demands ( he high densi y o child en wi h
Muslim upb ingings); he need o wo k in ne wo k s uc u es (mig an -owned s o es, s udio
spaces); he need o exchange and ga he ( es i als, mosques, pa ks, li e music enues, hea e -
homes, exhibi ion spaces) and o s ay connec ed o he “homeland” o place o o igin as exp essed
h ough ga dening, sounds, and smells.
Visual main enance and upkeep, do-i -you sel cul u e and neighbo ly ini ia i es, popula ion
densi y, on ya ds and s ee pa king, sidewalks and walkways, and cul u al amilia i y ha e
become alues o Campau/Bangla own homeowne s and esiden s because hey p o ide o
e e yday needs and hey help hem o main ain social and cul u al cus oms. These in as uc u es
and cus oms in o m he e e yday p oduc ion o social space.
In Campau/Bangla own, social space is e lec ed in physical space (Bou dieu, 1991), as esiden s’
e e yday p ac ices ( he use o ou doo spaces adjacen o single- amily homes, on ya d po ches
o sidewalks and alleys) and lead o exchanges and ela ionships be ween neighbo s. I is also
137
associa ed wi h emo ional and social cons uc s such as neighbo hood ela ionships h ough ca e
and p o ec ion o communi y building h ough DIY and neighbo ly ini ia i es. Eas hope (2004)
sugges s his also gene a es alue-added ac o s. Fu he mo e, acco ding o Löw (2016), social
space is e lec ed in e e yday ac i i ies o epe i i e ac ions such as mowing he lawn o using
local shopping in as uc u es. The e a e di e en mo i a ions behind communi y o ma ion and
main enance.
The u ban design o he neighbo hood (densi y o houses, cu bside pa king) and he a chi ec u e
o he single- amily houses ( on po ches) c ea e communi y li e because esiden s canno a oid
each o he . On he one hand, communi y building consis s o neighbo ly ela ions ha build up
o e ime h ough exchanges and helping each o he wi h e e yday su i al ( ash emo al, lawn
and home main enance). On he o he hand, communi y is c ea ed h ough cul u al, social, and
amilial adi ions (communi y mee ing places such as mosques, chu ches, sidewalks, communi y
cen e s, e c.).
Job a ailabili y, a o dabili y, and access o e e yday in as uc u es, sa e y h ough a sense o
secu i y, a high homeowne ship a e, and he image o a s a egic neighbo hood ep esen alue-
in-use ac o s (Lo enz e . al., 2018) in Campau/Bangla own, which a e pa o he economic
alue sys em o he local eal es a e ma ke . A he same ime, hey e lec pa s o esiden s’
and he neighbo hood’s social and cul u al alue sys em h ough social in e ac ions, p ospe i y,
cul u al adi ions, and li es yles.
Fu he mo e, he e e yday ac i i ies o he esiden s, o med and in luenced h ough he design,
layou , and p e-exis ing in as uc u es o hei single- amily homes, p oduce social space in
e ms o a sense o belonging esul ing om ca e, main enance, DIY cul u e, popula ion densi y,
walking in as uc u es, and cul u al amilia i y. All o hese alues a e a ac i e o esiden s wi h
di e se backg ounds, om newcome communi ies (newly a i ed mig an s om Bangladesh o
Yemen) o academically educa ed a is s and long- e m, wo king class and middle-class esiden s
( he A ican Ame ican o Caucasian Ame ican popula ion).
All hese ac o s c ea e a sense o belonging (Blokland & Nas , 2014) wi hin he di e en
communi ies. No only do hese ac o s a ec and d i e one’s own communi y o wa d, be i
p o essional, cul u al, o social, hey c ea e a sense o place and iden i y o each communi y
membe . This sense o belonging o a communi y in o ms he esiden ial eal es a e ma ke in
his neighbo hood as well. The alue ac o s analyzed in his chap e o igina e in he s uc u al
and his o ic a angemen s o houses. They a e also in o med by he esiden s’ cul u al and social
con ibu ions and needs, and hey p oduce a demand o li e and wo k in his neighbo hood. A
he same ime, hey also shape a posi i e image, ha o an oppo uni y neighbo hood. These
social and cul u al asse s ep esen a alue-adding ac o o in es o s and he Ci y o De oi . In
138
his case, he cul u al, social, and image alue is di ec ly inco po a ed as an economic alue in
eal es a e (Lo enz e . al., 2018).
Ne e heless, hese kinds o alue ac o s ha play a ole in he local eal es a e ma ke in he
Campau/Bangla own neighbo hood di e om he ma ke -speci ic loca ion ac o s – access o
cul u al and educa ional ins i u ions, public-p i a e in es men in Mid own and Down own as
well as u ban digi al da a – ha in luence he o e all alue o De oi ’s eal es a e ma ke . They
ep esen he pe spec i es o indi idual homeowne s who li e, socialize, and wo k in and wi h
hei homes a he han hose o bulk in es o s o eal es a e de elope s.
5.0.
5.1.
139
A and Single-Family Homes in De oi
In his chap e , I discuss he ole o a and placemaking in u ban de elopmen and he p esence
o a is s in u ban space. I conside placemaking wi h a as a o m o economic de elopmen
and as an elemen o social engagemen and eal es a e in es men in he Ci y o De oi . Fi s ,
I look a h ee a is s, whose p ac ices in ol e u ning single- amily homes in o wo ks o a
in De oi . Then, I ocus on socially engaged a in ol ing single- amily homes in Campau/
Bangla own. In his con ex , I analyze how a is s, as esiden s and single- amily homeowne s,
li e and wo k in Campau/Bangla own, pa aking in an engaged and communal p ac ice in which
hei homes expand hei a p ac ices om placemaking o homemaking.
Placemaking wi h A
A and a making in u ban space a e o en c i icized as ha binge s o gen i ica ion (Deu sche
& Ryan, 1984; He sche , 2012) and igge s o capi al ans o ma ion, using cul u al capi al o
upda e speci ic p ocesses in u ban space (Ki chbe g, 1998; Holm, 2010; Zukin, 1995) o causing
displacemen in he name o neolibe al ci y poli ics (Holm, 2010; Peck, 2005). In he li e a u e
on u ban sociology, u ban s udies, con empo a y a , and public a , a is s and hei ne wo ks
a e o en desc ibed as op-down ins umen s o ools o u ban de elopmen (Lloyd, 2016;
Zukin, 1988). Kwon (2002a, p. 2) iden i ies a pa adigm shi in con empo a y a making away
om objec -based and owa ds p ocess-based public a wo ks. She sees a is s as “placemake s”
who ma k loca ions h ough si e-speci ic p ojec s. While he “unea hing o ep essed his o y”
o he suppo o ma ginalized g oups can lead places o be edisco e ed, a is ic app op ia ion
o he bene i o u ban iden i ies can shi he e-hie a chiza ion o space in imes o economic
eo ganiza ion (Kwon, 2002b). Fo Kwon, a in e ms o placemaking is a he unc ional
(2002a/b) and should be measu ed aes he ically by i s use alue. Zukin (1995) explains ha
a in speci ic loca ions, pa icula ly public space, can help de elop a ci y’s economy, which
is why i is impo an o dis inguish be ween he cul i a ion o a and he app op ia ion o
space o p omo e ci ies as cul u al commodi ies. Acco ding o Zukin (ibid.), he meaning ul
ep esen a ion o a is s in pa icula spaces is pa o a symbolic economy wi h he powe o
impac o he ields h ough communi y building and ne wo ks.
Howe e , Zilbe s ein (2019) a gues ha a has he po en ial o se e as a g ass oo s o ce in
ela ion o u ban de elopmen . As in Bou dieu’s (1985) social space heo y, g ass oo s mo emen s
– o which a is ne wo ks o en belong – can imagine “al e na i e ci ies” using a is ic p ac ices
and neighbo hood coali ions o communica e hei goals and in en ions (Zilbe s ein, 2019, p.
1159). All hese heo ies sha e a concep ion o he p esence o a and ac ions by a is s in u ban
space. This p esence is ecognized as a bene icial alue o hese places o unde s ood as a igge
o spa ial ans o ma ion.
5.0.
5.1.
146
making a ha “ ake[s] place in o bene i [s] he local communi y (Knigh Founda ion, 2022b).
They belie e a is he co e o communi y and ha i a aches people o place and each o he
(Knigh Founda ion, 2022c). Unlike K esge A s De oi , he Knigh Founda ion empowe s no
only a is s, bu all local esiden s wi h c ea i e ideas bene i ing he communi y a la ge.
I was no un il 2019 ha De oi es ablished i s own cul u al o ganiza ion. In May 2019, Mayo
Mike Duggan appoin ed Rochelle Riley o a newly c ea ed posi ion, he Ci y o De oi ’s
Di ec o o A s and Cul u e (Ci y o De oi , 2020a). Riley has es ablished he O ice o A s,
Cul u e & En ep eneu ship h ough which she c ea ed he De oi A Fund, which ocuses on
h ee missions o use a and cul u e as ca alys s o neighbo hood g ow h, hono exis ing a
easu es, and suppo hem h ough b anding and p omo ion as well as pa ne ships wi h a is s,
long- unning a s p og ams, and esiden s o inc ease en ep eneu ship (Ci y o De oi , 2020a).
Implemen ing hese ne wo ks and s uc u es, he Ci y o De oi as well as p i a e a ounda ions
make use o a as pa o an en ep eneu ial s a egy ha , among o he hings, can be a ca alys
o neighbo hood g ow h.
A and Social Engagemen
I would a gue ha De oi ’s local a p oduc ion is in o med by ound ma e ials and e e yday
inke s, “b inging in he e use o li e in o he e uge o a ” (Ca ducci, 2014, p. 132). A is s
and o he cul u al c ea i es do no only use ma e ials hey ind in he ci y o ha e lec “ he
un a eling o he Fo dis sys em” in which hese ma e ials o igina ed (Ca ducci, 2014). Fo hese
a is s and make s, p oducing a is no only a p ocess o e lec ing on o con empla ing he ci y’s
cu en social, poli ical, and economic condi ions. I is also a way o use he condi ion o he ci y
as ma e ial and o engage ac i ely wi h o he ac o s in he ci y: a is s as esiden s collabo a ing
wi h o he esiden s, municipal au ho i ies o communi y membe s in he u ban en i onmen . In
his ega d, esiden s and a is s ha e ended o be e y g ass oo s and DIY-o ien a ed, making
sel -p o isioning a s ong componen whe e a has he capaci y o c ea e change (Kinde , 2016)
and add ess u ban p oblems (Kinde , 2014).
One eason why a is s in De oi began o wo k wi h hei immedia e su oundings was he
necessi y o p o ide, c ea e, and main ain space o hei daily needs (Ca ducci, 2014) while
also collabo a ing wi h and lis ening o he speci ic needs o communi ies (goodgood, 2017).
Applied, e e yday u banism is a eac ion o p o essionalized u banism and is shaped by i s
audience and use s in he way hey claim au ho ship o e u ban space (He sche , 2012, p. 11).
Liza Bielby s esses ha i is necessa y o “ hink beyond he bounda ies o he indi idual” as
an a is by de eloping e e yday me hods and p ac ices ha suppo he collec i e well-being
(Niemann e al., 2016). Wha Helicon Collabo a i e (2017, p. 11) desc ibes as socially-engaged
5.1.2.
5.1.3.

147
a -as-ecosys em o wo ks add essing social, poli ical, o economic issues, could also be seen
as a bo om-up social mo emen ha ede ines he goals and uses o u ban space h ough sel -
o ganized, local a s ini ia i es (Zilbe s ein, 2019, p. 1142).
In he case o De oi , Benjamin Gaydos and Julia Yezbick desc ibe he esonance o a is s
wo king wi h space and place in he ci y as “inno a i e c ea i e p ac ices a he in e sec ion
o social jus ice and c ea i e wo k” (goodgood, 2017, p. 6). In hei epo o C ea i e Many,
hey analyzed how public and p i a e unding s uc u es impac he a is s’ wo k, inding ha , in
De oi , socially engaged a is s o en ha e, i s , poli ically-engaged, conc e e agendas o ac ion
o policy change, and, secondly, ha hese a is s o en wo k wi hin and agains he o ces o
neolibe al capi alism such as gen i ica ion and widesp ead inequali y (goodgood, 2017, pp. 111-
112). A and a is ic p ac ices in De oi in he con ex o neighbo hoods o communi y wo k a e
he e o e o en linked o social engagemen .
A and Real Es a e
Apa om he g ass oo s mo emen s and DIY-o ien a ed a p ojec s, making a in De oi has
mos ly no been possible wi hou inancial incen i es om p i a e ounda ions, sponso s, and,
mos o all, eal es a e de elope s. De oi ’s low p ope y p ices make his kind o a s- hemed
de elopmen a ac i e (Rich, 2019).
Well-known eal es a e de elope s in De oi who use a when placing hei new de elopmen s
include Dan Gilbe and he Illi ch amily. Gilbe has suppo ed he ci y’s c ea i e indus ies by
o e ing inexpensi e en als on s udio spaces, commissioning mu al a is s o beau i y his own
p ope ies, and suppo ing a comme cial a galle y, Lib a y S ee Collec i e, ha has ins alled
la ge-scale a wo ks in emp y comme cial wa ehouses and o ice buildings ha he owns.
Ano he o he ci y’s a s- hemed de elope s is o me New Yo k ashion model Phillip Cooley,
who ansi ioned om a backg ound in a s educa ion o he ede elopmen o comme cial and
esiden ial p ope y in De oi as a gene al con ac o o O’Conno De elopmen G oup L.L.C.
(C ain’s De oi Business, 2007). A e a ca ee ou side o De oi , he wan ed o in es in his
home own and became co-owne o Slows Ba becue on Michigan A enue nex o Michigan
Cen al S a ion in Co k own. This h i ing es au an a ac s di e en gene a ions o people
h ough i s c ea i e in e io design, which uses sal aged ma e ials in a eno a ed his o ical
building looking ou on o an iconic De oi uin, he Michigan Cen al S a ion. The es au an ’s
popula i y in his loca ion (which is also a ou is si e), pa icula ly among subu bani es, led
Cooley o expand i . He opened a b anch down own and in G and Rapids. Cooley desc ibes he
ac o u ning emp y, inexpensi e eal es a e in o h i ing business des ina ions as a ma e o
inclusi i y and pa o gi ing back o he communi y:
5.1.3.
148
When you ha e he in as uc u e ha we ha e in he ci y and you look a he people ha
we ha e in he ci y — olks ha design hings, build hings, enginee hings — we ha e he
capabili y o sa e ou sel es and c ea e ou own economy. (Bea ens, 2015)
The in as uc u e e e s o De oi ’s iconic a chi ec u al buildings as well he a s and c a s o
how o design and inco po a e hem in o he na a i e o a c ea i e ci y. Ano he o Cooley’s
economic g ow h success s o ies is he 33,000 squa e oo Pony ide building, which he bough
o $100,000. Toge he wi h his wi e and pa ne , he eno a ed i in o a ib an space o c ea i es
and cul u al p oduc ion as well as business incuba ion, o e ing a o dable wo kspaces along
wi h educa ional and ma e ial esou ces. In 2019, Cooley sold he building o $3.3 million
(F ank & Phino, 2019).
In a lo o success ul eal es a e p ojec s ha ha e unde gone eno a ion in he name o a s, c a s,
o design, he p omo ion o he a s is ea ma ked o a speci ic pu pose. He e, a in combina ion
wi h eal es a e and i s de elopmen is linked o a g ow h na a i e (Logan & Molo ch, 1987)
unde he umb ella o communi y de elopmen .
In sho , a s and eal es a e de elopmen in De oi ha e become pa o he ci y’s u ban
de elopmen s a egy. Mo eo e , placemaking h ough he a s is suppo ed by public-p i a e
pa ne ships o p i a e ounda ions as well as bo om up mo emen s. These ha e become
s a egies o suppo ing a is s and a making in neighbo hoods while also engaging hem wi h
local communi ies (Rich, 2019).
I is clea ha placemaking wi h a in De oi ’s pos -indus ial condi ions has e ol ed in di e en
di ec ions o e he pas ew decades. A has become a ool o he ci y’s u ban and economic
de elopmen : by suppo ing he e i aliza ion o inne ci y neighbo hoods like Mid own and
Down own and o he a eas h oughou he ci y. Fu he mo e, a is s ha e become ca alys s o
social engagemen in and wi h communi ies, helping o inc ease neighbo hood g ow h and
communi y engagemen . P i a e ounda ions such as K esge A s and he Knigh Founda ion o
public na ional g an s like he Na ional Endowmen s o he A s ha e also encou aged a is s o
engage in and wi h communi ies and neighbo hoods, he e o e s imula ing ci ic pa icipa ion,
which a ac s o he a is s and c ea i es o mo e o he ci y. In u n, his s imula es business
in es men and eal es a e de elopmen in a eas o he ci y whe e p o i is expec ed.
A making wi h Homes
In his sec ion I concen a e on a is s who ha e made a wi h single- amily homes in di e en
neighbo hoods a ound De oi in he pas h ee decades. The p ojec s p esen ed he e a e exempla y
o nume ous a wo ks ha ha e aken o s ill ake place on si e in De oi and p ima ily add ess
5.2.
149
houses as pa o a neighbo hood, communi y, cul u al adi ion, and o m o economic ac i i y
and social space. I shows how a is s wi h di e en mo i a ions and backg ounds ha e used
houses o hei a making.
Figu e 5.0: Kyong Pa k, 24260 Fugi i e House. Cou esy o Ma ina Dolesjso a.
One example o his (Figu e 5.0), and one ha is a less g ass oo s and mo e objec -o ien a ed
a piece is Kyong Pa k’s 24260: The Fugi i e House (2001-2008). This single- amily home,
a ypical ac o y wo ke ’s house, which Pa k, an a chi ec and a is , li ed in o h ee yea s in
De oi , has a eled o a ious museums and des ina ions a ound Eu ope looking o a new home
(Dolejso a, 2014). Pa k cu he house up, so ha i could be mo ed and eassembled in di e en
u ban con ex s. I s aw bone-s yle s uc u e exposes i s in e io . As bo h an a and a chi ec u e
piece, i has become a wo ldwide symbol o he consequences o “whi e ligh ” in De oi as
well as a symbol o he loss o homeowne ship and oppo uni ies o li e and wo k he e.
Using Howa d Becke ’s (1982) di e en ca ego ies o a is s, I y o explain each o he ollowing
a is s’ ole in ela ion o he a wo ld wi h which hey may o may no iden i y as well as in ela ion
o placemaking in De oi . In his analysis o di e en a wo lds, Becke 105 ocuses on he ne wo k
o ela ions among a is s in compa ison o hei ca ee p og ess as a is s in di e en A Wo lds
as well as hei p oduc ion ne wo ks. He de ines di e en ypes o a is s who a e dis inguished
by hei ela ionship o a communi y o people, hei adi ional oo s, and hei p o iciency in
he a wo ld, se ling on ou ca ego ies o how ac o s s and in ela ion o he o ganized a
wo ld: In eg a ed P o essionals, who belong o he con en ional a wo ld; Ma e icks, who we e
pa o i bu ha e chosen o con inue wi hou i s suppo and c ea e hei own ins i u ions; Folk
A is s, who wo k wi hin a well-o ganized communi y ou side he a wo ld ollowing ce ain
105 Becke ’s (1982) wo k on A Wo lds is cons uc ed a ound a ield o a ha he desc ibes as a ne wo k.
150
adi ions; and Naï e A is s, o g ass oo s a is s, who ha e no connec ion o he a wo ld and
whose wo k is made wi hou e e ence o i (Becke ,1982).106 A is s connec ed o an a wo ld
ely on he collec i e suppo o people inding c ea i e solu ions (Becke , 1982). Depending on
he ini ia i e and asks in ol ed in collabo a ion, a is s can b ing di e en abili ies and ne wo ks
in o hese ela ionships o es ablish hem.
In his sec ion, I will i s look a Heidelbe g P ojec , a ou is des ina ion known a ound he
wo ld, hen Ham amck Disneyland, an ou side a enue, and inally Dabls MBAD A ican
Bead Museum, an A ican-cen e ed sculp u al a ac ion.
Heidelbe g P ojec
Figu e 5.1: Heidelbe g A P ojec , 2013. Pho o by Ke s in Niemann.
De oi na i e Ty ee Guy on could be called a Ma e ick A is (Becke , 1982). Righ a e g adua ing
om he College o C ea i e S udies, Guy on began o pain colo ul do s on abandoned houses
in he neighbo hood whe e he g ew up in De oi . He s a ed wi h his g andpa en ’s house and
mo ed on o o he acan houses and lo s ha he did no own. Tha was in 1986. O e ime,
Guy on ook o e mo e abandoned houses on Heidelbe g S ee , pain ed hem wi h colo ul do s
and s a ed o a ach abandoned ma e ials o buildings and ees. He has used junk and le -o e
106 Becke is a Chicago na i e. A la ge pa o he ac o s he ci es as examples in his heo ies o he sociology o he a s
come om Chicago. Chicago and De oi a e s ongly ela ed. The e is a ib an exchange be ween he a is and ac i is scenes
in bo h ci ies, which ha e common his o ies, pa icula ly in e ms o mig a ion, deindus ializa ion, and geog aphic loca ion.
Fu he mo e, Becke is conside ed pa o he Second Chicago School o Sociology, which is known o specializing in u ban
sociologyande hnog aphic ield esea ch.
5.2.1.
151
ma e ials such as acuum cleane s, ca hoods, s u ed animals and unused o ice desks ound in
emp y houses o abandoned inne -ci y ac o y buildings, schools, and o he si es (Figu e 5.1).
His p ac ice is in o med “ om he deb is o he neighbo hood.” His neighbo hood is his ma e ial.
He e e s o i as he “Heidelbe g P ojec Landscape” (Guy on, 2007), which he wo ks on bu
does no li e in. He has c ea ed wha can be desc ibed as an ou doo museum – because esiden s
o he ci y and ou side s can expe ience he a wo ks by walking down he block alongside
Heidelbe g S ee o wa ch om hei ca window. O e i s yea s o exis ence, he ou doo a
p ojec has become inc easingly amous wo ldwide:
The u h is ha Heidelbe g’s popula i y seems o inc ease he a he you li e om i .
(Hodges, 2007, p. 50)
Guy on’s a ins alla ions ha e c ea ed a di ide be ween suppo e s and opponen s. Those who
lo e and emb ace he p ojec a e o en ou side s o he immedia e neighbo hood o ou is s om
ou o own. Those who do no a e di ec ly a ec ed by i , such as immedia e neighbo s, who ha e
o li e in and nex o he collec ed deb is and deal wi h daily isi o s ea ing he ins alla ions
like a public pa k (Hodges, 2007, pp. 52-53). Wi h his junk ins alla ion, Guy on has d awn isual
a en ion o mass consume p oduc s like ca s, De oi ’s landscape o de e io a ing houses, and
he speci ic neighbo hood whe e he wo ks. Fu he mo e, in e ms o De oi ’s his o y, pain ing
abandoned houses and occupying unused lo s is a poli ical s a emen .
Heidelbe g P ojec is a long- e m a p ojec ha can be desc ibed as an indi idual ac o
app op ia ion. I did no eme ge h ough a bo om-up p ocess, g owing in acco dance wi h
communi y membe s in he neighbo hood. O e he yea s, in esponse o he c i ical eac ions,
Guy on has en e ed in o an ongoing dialogue wi h locals bo h in he neighbo hood and he en i e
ci y. As a esul , he a is and his wi e ounded hei own communi y o ganiza ion, whose mission
is o imp o e people’s li es h ough a while o e ing wo kshops and educa ional aining in
he Heidelbe g P ojec ’s neighbo hood (The Heidelbe g P ojec , n.d.). The o ganiza ion iews
he p ojec as an ou doo a en i onmen . As a as Ty ee Guy on’s ca ee in he a wo ld is
conce ned, he has been ea ed as a Ma e ick o a long ime, wi h no exposu e in galle ies o
museums locally o egionally. In he 2000s, he ecei ed ecogni ion o his wo k in he o m o
g an s, galle y exhibi ions, and acquisi ions by museums and p i a e con empo a y a collec o s.
He also ecei ed he K esge A s in De oi Visual A s Fellowship in 2009, which labelled him
as an u ban en i onmen al a is (K esge A s in De oi , 2009).
No ma e how nega i ely he consequences o he a ins alla ion a e o he neighbo hood’s
esidences, i emains o ou side s, almos i onically, one o De oi ’s lagship p ojec s e e encing
he decline o he ci y’s g ow h na a i e du ing i s indus ial heyday. The way he a is has

152
lea ned o e ime how o e e ence and make use o acan lo s and homes ce ainly has s a ed a
discou se abou how single- amily homes ha e become a objec s belonging o he ci y’s his o y.
Ham amck Disneyland
Figu e 5.2: Ham amck Disneyland, 2017. Pho o by Da id Lewinski.
Ham amck Disneyland is ano he o De oi ’s si e-speci ic a ins alla ions, buil be ween wo
ga ages in he backya d o a is Dmy o Szyla’s o me single- amily home in Ham amck
(Figu e 5.2). Soon a e his e i emen om Gene al Mo o s in 1992, he se o wo k on his
ins alla ion, which can only be seen om he back alley o he house: Szyla has c ea ed his own
Disneyland on op o and be ween wo ga ages. The ins alla ion consis s p ima ily o kine ic
s uc u es and igu es made om wood and ound ma e ials, colo ully pain ed b igh s ipes, and
a backya d illed wi h ound pho og aphs, pos e s, and classic Ame icana image y mixed wi h
hose o he Eu ope o M . Szylak’s pas (he mig a ed om Uk aine in he 1950s) (Ha ch A ,
n.d.). The ins alla ion became a ou is a ac ion o o he a is s and people in e es ed in ou side
a , while emaining lesse known han Heidelbe g and Dabls A ican Bead Museum.
The a is cons an ly upda ed and modi ied he p ojec un il his dea h in 2015. In 2016, a e
esiden s and neighbo s s a ed a pe i ion o sa e he ins alla ion, he local a ini ia i e Ha ch
A acqui ed he building o main ain and epai i . The ini ia i e u ned he esiden ial home
in o an a is esidency, in i ing a is s om he a ea o ou side o De oi o wo k and li e
nex o he ins alla ion while also main aining i . E en hough Ham amck Disneyland has been
pos humously e e ed o as Folk A , I would a gue ha Szylak i s Becke ’s (1982) ca ego y
5.2.2.
5.2.3.
153
o he Naï e A is . He was no connec ed o a ne wo k o a is s du ing his li e ime and did
no con ol how o he a is s iden i ied and ecognized his wo k, bu he was collec ed by an
in luen ial collec o o olk a (Wasacz, 2006) and ecognized by local and na ional a s uden s.
Unlike Heidelbe g P ojec o Dabls A ican Bead Museum, i is loca ed in a dense single- amily
home neighbo hood in Ham amck.
Dabls MBAD A ican Bead Museum
Figu e 5.3: N’kisi House. Cou esy o Dabls Mbad A ican Bead Museum.
The Dabls Mbad A ican Bead Museum was ounded by Olayami Dabls. The a is s a ed his
ca ee in De oi ’s au omobile indus y. He ne e had an a s educa ion, bu a se e e ca acciden
led him o ake up pain ing. He hen became in ol ed in De oi ’s A ican Ame ican His o y
Museum as a is -in- esidence and cu a o , a posi ion he le in o de o c ea e his own museum
as a space o he communal unde s anding o A ican Ame ican his o y (Dabls Mbad A ican
Bead Museum, n.d.).
Founded in 1998, he museum (Figu e 5.3) is a se o eigh een ou doo ins alla ions made o i on,
wood, ock, beads, and mi o s on emp y lo s adjacen o h ee ownhouses, which a e used as
galle y spaces exhibi ing A ican beads and Dabls’ collec ion o A ican a , as well as his own
s udio. The museum’s loca ion a he in e sec ion o G and Ri e A enue and G and Boule a d is
“an a ea whe e you a e leas likely o expec o ind a ”, Dabls no es (Repo , 2016) – igh nex
5.2.3.
154
o In e s a e 96. The a ea is no e y popula ed and is su ounded by emp y buildings and acan
lo s. The cen e o he ou doo museum is a e ail space in a o me esiden ial building wi h a
s o e on ha Dabls ope a es himsel , selling he beads and elling s o ies abou hem o cu ious
isi o s (The K esge Founda ion, 2022).
Like Heidelbe g P ojec , he A ican Bead Museum has g own in o an iconic si e o bo h ou side s
and locals alike. The museum’s p ima y suppo , howe e , is om he local communi y. Locals
iden i y wi h Dabls’ ins alla ion because i is in he adi ion o A ican cul u e, p o iding access
o he oo s and adi ions o con inen al A ica and he eby e lec ing he his o y o mos o
he people li ing in he neighbo hood. His museum is iewed as an A ican-cen e ed cul u al
a ac ion using A ican ma e ial cul u e and symbols, which isi o s can expe ience as pa o he
ou side ins alla ion while walking h ough he sculp u e pa k (Repo , 2016). The neighbo hood’s
and he A ican Ame ican communi y’s iden i ica ion wi h he p ojec is a key eason why he e
has been no con lic abou making use o he space, he esiden ial houses, and he emp y lo s.
Dabls can be conside ed a sel - augh Folk A is wo king in he adi ion o A ican Ame ican
cul u e and his o y. I is only in ecen yea s ha his accep ance in he con empo a y a wo ld has
g own and his wo k has been con ex ualized as u ban a o as pa o he ci y’s cul u al he i age.
He has been in i ed o c ea e mu als in a ious neighbo hoods a ound De oi and pa icipa e
in he C anb ook A Museum’s 2019 exhibi ion “Landlo d Colo s,” in which he museum was
he loca ion o pa o he pe o mance and public a se ies “Ma e ial De oi ” (C anb ook A
Museum, 2019).107
These ins ances o u ning homes and adjacen acan lo s in o a show he changing oles o
a is s in he ci y and how he way hey wo k in he ci y has ans o med o e ime. In he case
o Pa k’s Fugi i e House, o ins ance, he p ocess o how a is made wi h single- amily homes
exceeds he ealm o he ins i u ional a wo ld and con ibu es o o aises awa eness o he
home bo h as a esiden ial and poli ical space ha can be ins umen alized o u ban agendas and
economic de elopmen .
Wi h he sh inking o he ci y and he immedia e consequence o he acancy o en i e esiden ial
neighbo hoods, a is s wo king wi h single- amily homes o acan lo s ha e been con ex ualized
as pa o u ban poli ics and de elopmen , whe he hey like i o no . As he abo e cases show,
no e e y a is is in e es ed in wo king in he ields o a and placemaking. Some, like Dmy o
Szyla, ha e no e en posi ioned hemsel es in he a wo ld o ca e ed o a poli ical agenda, a
107 Fu he mo e,in2022,OlayamiDablswasnamed heK esgeEminen A is  o hiss o y ellingands ee co ne 
ision, elling hes o yo A icanAme icansandA icanAme ican oo s(TheK esgeFounda ion,2022).
5.3.
155
communi y, o a g ass oo s mo emen o sol e an u ban p oblem, i.e., h ough social engagemen .
Ini ially, Ty ee Guy on was less in e es ed in imp o ing he condi ion o he neighbo hood he
was wo king in han esponding o he cul u al adi ion o his esiden ial neighbo s and wo king
wi h he ma e ial he ound and ha was p o ided by he place whe e he was wo king.
To my eyes, he h ee si e-speci ic ins alla ions – Ham amck Disneyland, Heidelbe g P ojec ,
and Dabls Mbad A ican Beads Museum – a e wo ks o a ha ha e u ned hei loca ions in o
landma ks. They ha e c ea ed sigh seeing des ina ions wi h and h ough De oi ’s ma e iali y, i s
his o y and cul u al adi ions. These a is s ollow a e y DIY app oach in hei use o single-
amily homes and emp y lo s as ma e ial as ep esen ed in he o m o he physical ma e iali y
o he le o e deb is o De oi ’s pos -indus ial landscape and he cul u al his o y and adi ions
o he people ha ha e li ed and wo ked in hese places. Ma k Binelli explains ha he ci y o
De oi allows o a “DIY posi i i y” (Binelli, 2012, p. 65), o u n wha is le o e o le behind
in o some hing posi i e. Indeed, he DIY a i ude o De oi ’s ci izens is pa o a phenomenon
ha has become ou ine in de e io a ing ci ies whe e public se ices no longe p o ide o de and
sa e y (Kinde , 2014).
Howe e , all h ee ins ances show ha di e en ac o s – he neighbo hood, a pa icula communi y,
ou is s, o o he a ini ia i es and ounda ions – a e equi ed in o de o d aw a en ion and
meaning o a place, an a wo k, o an a is . Mo eo e , he abo e examples show ha a making
wi h homes and a ha occupies land a ec s he e e yday li es o esiden s and neighbo hoods,
while also a ac ing and in i ing people om ou side o con ex ualize i his o ically, communally,
and cul u ally wi hin he u ban ab ic o he ci y.
Homemaking wi h A in Campau/Bangla own
This sec ion deals wi h a is s who own single- amily homes and li e and wo k in hem as
esiden s in Campau/Bangla own. In he ollowing examples, a is s may ea single- amily
homes and hei side lo s as a objec s o si e-speci ic ins alla ions, bu hey a e also pa o he
e e yday li ing and wo king en i onmen o hese a is s in hei ole as neighbo hood ci izens.
As analyzed in Chap e Fou , apa om ma ke ac o s such as he close p oximi y o jobs o
sa e y, a is s and newly a i ed mig an s alue social and cul u al ac o s like access o e e yday
in as uc u es and cul u al amilia i y in he neighbo hood. I am in e es ed in how a is s use
hei single- amily homes. Is i as an ex ension o expansion o hei a is ic p ac ices? And how
does hei engagemen e ec he neighbo hood? And o wha ex en do hei ac ions o li ing
and wo king in he neighbo hood as a is s and esiden s c ea e o es ablish alue o can be
conside ed as a alue?
5.3.