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Prosodic structure and prominence constraints on epenthesis: evidence from hiatus resolution across Portuguese varieties

Oliveira, Pedro,Cruz, Marisa,Paulino, Nuno,Vigário, Marina · 2014

Abstract

Languages tend to avoid hiatus and different means may be used to achieve this end, including the deletion or semivocalization of one of the vowels (Casali 1997, Frota 2000, Cabré & Prieto 2005). These processes usually apply within particular prosodic domains, and are often blocked under stress clash configurations (Nespor & Vogel 1989, Frota 2000, Cabré & Prieto 2005). Another way of breaking hiatus is through epenthesis, a common process usually motivated by phonotactic requirements or metrical structure (e.g. word minimal size, rhythmic alternation of stressed and unstressed vowels – Hall 2011, 2013). In this talk we focus on a particular case of epenthesis that is active in non-Standard, Northern and Central varieties of European Portuguese, which consists of the insertion of [j] to break a hiatus formed by central mid or low vowels (a-a), when V2 bears word stress (e.g. a aula [ɐjˈawlɐ]). Besides playing a role in the definition of the context of epenthesis, we show that prosodic and prominence conditions further constrain the phenomenon in non-trivial ways. Although [j]-insertion has long been reported in the literature (Vasconcelos 1895, Cintra 1971, Segura 2013), important details on the phenomenon are largely ignored, which we address here: (i) its prosodic domain of occurrence; (ii) possible effects of higher levels of prominence and of the prosodic status of the unit V1 belongs to (prosodic word – PW, or clitic – CL); (iii) its geographic area; (iv) external factors that may affect its occurrence (e.g. type of speech, age). Speech data were recorded from three districts in the North (Oporto, Braga, Viana do Castelo) and one in the Centre of Portugal (Portalegre). The preliminary data reported below, from 20 subjects, include 3 urban and 3 rural data points. Collected speech comes from three sources: (i) a sub-corpus of a reading task (27 sentences, produced twice by each participant), and (ii) semi-spontaneous tasks (a Map Task and an Interview). In the read speech corpus, prosodic constituency and prominence are controlled for: the hiatus sequence occurs inside or across prosodic words (PW), prosodic word groups (PWG), phonological phrases (PhP) and intonation phrases (IP); and V2 appears as the head/non-head of each domain inside IP. Speakers are evenly distributed in two age groups (20-45 years-old and above 59 years-old). Results from the three tasks show that all of the regions exhibit some amount of insertion, but the frequency and contexts of glide occurrence vary. Globally, there is more insertion when V1 belongs to a CL than to a PW (28% vs 12%, respectively), but some areas almost never show insertion when V1 belongs to a PW (i.e., Portalegre). In the latter cases, the prosodic phenomenon seems to be restricted to maximally local prosodic contexts. Results from the read speech corpus show that, when V1 is part of a PW: (i) only in one region (Viana do Castelo) glide insertion optionally applies across PhP; in most areas, glide insertion optionally applies inside and across PWG; IP boundaries, by contrast, always block insertion; (ii) to the exception of the rural point in Oporto region, higher levels of prominence matter across regions, since there is preference for insertion when V2 is the head of PhP or of PWG (21%), in contrast with non-head contexts (5%). Although older subjects tend to insert more, across age groups there is also a clear effect of type of speech, as semi-spontaneous data favours glide insertion (53% vs 17% in the reading task). This suggests that rather than simply a pattern of change, we may be in face of dialectal struggle within bidialectal communities, especially evidenced in more formal speech: prosodic and prominence constraints favour epenthesis, while external constraints (i.e. Standard prestige) press towards inhibition of glide insertion. Overall, this research contributes to determining language internal and external factors (and their respective weights) in glide epenthesis (along the lines of Coetzee 2009, 2012), and, more in general, to deepen our understanding of the mechanisms involved in phonological variation and change.

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Prosodic structure and prominence constraints on epenthesis: evidence from hiatus resolution across Portuguese varieties

Author: Oliveira, Pedro,Cruz, Marisa,Paulino, Nuno,Vigário, Marina
Year: 2014
Source: https://repositorio.ulisboa.pt/bitstream/10451/22920/1/22mfm_Poster_finalVersion.pdf
P osodic s uc u e and p ominence cons ain s on epen hesis:
e idence om hia us esolu ion ac oss Po uguese a ie ies
Ped o Oli ei a, Ma isa C uz, Nuno Paulino & Ma ina Vigá io
[email p o ec ed], [email p o ec ed], [email p o ec ed], [email p o ec ed]
Uni e sidade de Lisboa (Labo a ó io de Foné ica – CLUL/FLUL)
The 22nd Manches e Phonology Mee ing, Manches e , Uni ed Kingdom, May 29 h - 31s , 2014
Gene al backg ound
ü In many languages adjacen owels a e disp e e ed pa e ns; di e en means may be employed o a oid hia us:
• dele ion o semi ocaliza ion o one o he owels; owel coalescence (Casali, 1997, 2011; F o a, 2000; Cab é & P ie o, 2005)
• epen hesis (Lomba di, 2002; De Lacy, 2006; Casali, 2011; Hall, 2011, 2013)
ü These p ocesses end o apply wi hin pa icula p osodic domains and be cons ained by s ess clash con igu a ions (Nespo & Vogel, 1986; F o a, 2000; Cab é & P ie o,
2005).
ü Many segmen al p ocesses in Eu opean Po uguese (EP) apply wi hin speci ic p osodic domain:
– F ica i e oicing – Wo d- inal e-dele ion
– Syllable degemina ion > PW-limi p ocess, wi hin PWG domain (Vigá io, 2003, 2010)
– High V semi ocaliza ion o dele ion
– Vowel coalescence
ü Se e al segmen al p ocesses in EP a e cons ained by p ominence pa e ns a di e en le els o p osodic hie a chy (F o a, 2000; Vigá io, 2010):
e.g. owel dele ion blocking due o s ess clash a φ and PWG-le els:
(o baila in_)PhP (anda semp e)PhP PhP non-head s (o baila in[u]/[w])PhP (anda)PhP PhP head
((jo _)PW (esse)PW (dê)PW)PWG PWG non-head s ((jo [ɐ])PW (esse)PW)PWG PWG head
ü Some segmen al p ocesses in EP a e speci ic o highly equen wo ds o combina ions o wo ds, o en in ol ing cli ics (Vigá io, 2003: chap7)
e.g. com a > [kõɐ], [kɐ] ‘wi h he’ high equency s som a > [sõa], *[sa] ‘ he a sound’ low equency
espe a > [ʃ]spe a, pe a ‘wai ’ high equency s espe ança > [ʃ]spe a, *pe ança ‘hope’ low equency
P osodic con ex : eading ask
Main conclusions
•  Glide inse ion: an IP span ule – inse ion be ween wo ds as p e iously desc ibed, bu i may also apply wi hin PW (e.g. Faa o>Fa[j]a o); i does no apply ac oss IP.
•  Inse ion is cons ained by di e en p osodic ac o s (p osodic domain and le els o p ominence) + speech s yle (di e en asks) and age.
•  PWG and PhP (in some egions): p osodic domains ha mos ly a ou glide inse ion o b eak a hia us.
•  Phonological ca ego y o W1 ma e s (mo e inse ion when V1 belongs o CL): a equency e ec ?
• Mo e inse ion in olde speake s ac oss all egions: a pa e n o change o dialec s uggle wi hin bidialec al communi ies? à phonological cons ain s (p osodic domains
and le els o p ominence) a ou epen hesis, while ex e nal cons ain s (i.e. S anda d p es ige) p ess owa ds inhibi ion o glide inse ion.
Selec ed e e ences
Cab é, T. & P. P ie o. 2005. Posi ional and me ical p ominence e ec s on owel sandhi in Ca alan. In: F o a, S., M. Vigá io & M. J. F ei as. (eds.). P osodies. Mou on de G uy e : The Hague.
Casali, R. 1997. Vowel elision in hia us con ex s: Which owel goes?, Language 73: 493–533.
Casali, R. 2011. Hia us esolu ion. In: an Oos endo p, M., C. Ewen, E. Hume & K. Rice. (eds.). The Blackwell companion o phonology. 5 ols. Malden, MA & Ox o d: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 1434–1460.
Cin a, L. 1971. No a p opos a de classi icação dos dialec os galego – po ugueses, Bole im de Filologia 22. Lisboa: Cen o de Es udos Filológicos, pp. 81-116.
C uz, M. 2013. P osodic a ia ion in Eu opean Po uguese: ph asing, in ona ion and hy hm in Cen al-Sou he n a ie ies. Unpublished PhD disse a ion. Uni e si y o Lisbon.
F o a, S. 2000. P osody and Focus in Eu opean Po uguese. Phonological ph asing and in ona ion. New Yo k: Ga land Publishing.
Hall, N. 2013. Acous ic di e ences be ween lexical and epen he ic owels in Lebanese A abic, Jou nal o Phone ics 41:2, pp 133-143.
Hall, N. 2011. Vowel epen hesis. In: an Oos endo p, M., C. Ewen, E. Hume & K. Rice. (eds.). The Blackwell companion o phonology. 5 ols. Malden, MA & Ox o d: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 1576–1596.
Lomba di, L. 2002. Co onal epen hesis and ma kedness, Phonology, 19: 219-251.
Nespo , M. & I. Vogel. 2007. P osodic Phonology. Be lin/New Yo k: Mou on de G uy e (2nd edi ion).
Segu a, L. 2013. Va iedades dialec ais do Po uguês Eu opeu. In: Raposo, E., M. B. Nascimen o, M. A. Mo a, L. Segu o & A. Mendes. (eds.). G amá ica do Po uguês, ol.1. Fundação Calous e Gulbenkian/Cen o de Linguís ica da Uni e sidade de Lisboa.
Vigá io, M. 2003. The P osodic Wo d in Eu opean Po uguese. (In e ace Explo a ions Se ies 6). Be lin/New Yo k: Mou on de G uy e .
Vigá io, M. 2010. P osodic s uc u e be ween he P osodic Wo d and Phonological Ph ase: ecu si e nodes o an independen domain?, The Linguis ic Re iew 27(4), pp. 485-530.
Figu e 1. Glide inse ion pe p osodic con ex and
egion – Reading ask (V1 belongs o PW).
InAPoP P ojec (PTDC/CLE-LIN/119787/2010)
Me hod
Speake s & Regions
-  3 no he n a ie ies and 1 cen al a ie y included in he p ojec In e ac i e A las o he P osody o Po uguese (see h p://www. l.ul.p /labo a o io one ica/InAPoP/)
A cos de Valde ez (A V) – U ban (U) E mesinde (E m) – U
Cas o Labo ei o (C L) – Ru al (R) Gião (Gia) – R
B aga (B a) – U Nisa (Nis) – R
Fiscal (Fis) – R
- Six emale speake s pe a ie y, h ee 20-45 yea s-old and h ee 60+
Reco ded ma e ials (in loco) – Read sen ences; map ask; in e iew
Selec ed examples:
V1 V2 inside o PW Nunca inha ou ido ala da egião de (Simaá i)PW Cu a (…).
V1 V2 inside o PWG Sabes se há algum campeona o onde se joguem os ( in a a os)PWG de inal?
V1 V2 ac oss PhP Um amigo meu (impo a a)PhP (a es a as)PhP do B asil.
V2 PWG head A ma ícula do meu no o ca o é ((jo a)PW (á)PW)PWG-18-18.
V1 belongs o a PW Um amigo meu impo a aPW a es a as do B asil.
Anno a ion
- 4 ie s o anno a ion,
using P aa 5.2.2
(Boe sma & Weenink, 2007):
(i) o hog aphic ansc ip ion
(ii) phone ic ansc ip ion
(iii) b eak indexes (P_ToBI – F o a, 2014)
(i ) p esence/absence o glide (y/n)
Figu e 2. Glide inse ion pe p osodic con ex and egion
– (Semi-)spon aneous asks (V1 belongs o PW).
• IP domain blocks inse ion
• Inse ion also inside PW
• Lowe domains: A V, Fis, E m, Gia
• Highe domains: A V, C L
- Reading ask: 24 sen ences, p oduced wice by each speake (24X2X6X7)
( o al o 2016 po en ial con ex s o inse ion)
- Map ask: 91 po en ial con ex s o inse ion ob ained
- In e iew: 38 po en ial con ex s o inse ion ob ained
• No da a o domains lowe han PWG
• Inse ion mainly ac oss PWG wi hin
PhP
• Gia: inse ion ac oss PhP, unlike in
he eading ask
P osodic con ex : (semi-)spon aneous
Phonological s a us o W1: eading ask
P osodic con ex and V2 p ominence: eading ask
Figu e 3. Glide inse ion pe p osodic con ex ,
p ominence condi ion and egion – Reading ask (V1
belongs o PW).
• A V and C L: V2 being he head o
PWG and PhP a ou s glide inse ion
• Fis, E m, and Gia: V2 being he head o
PhP (only) a ou s glide inse ion
• In B a he e is no inse ion when V1 is
pa o PW (so any possible e ec s o
V2 p ominence canno eme ge)
Figu e 4. Glide inse ion pe p osodic con ex ,
p ominence condi ion and egion – (Semi-)spon aneous
asks (V1 belongs o PW).
P osodic con ex and V2 p ominence: (semi-)spon aneous
Figu e 5. Glide inse ion pe phonological s a us o
W1 (W1=CL /W1=PW) and egion – Reading ask.
• All egions: inse ion mainly when V1
belongs o CL
• B a and Nis: inse ion only when V1
belongs o CL
• W1_PW: inse ion ends o occu only
in u al egions
Phonological s a us o W1: (semi-)spon aneous
• Pa e n simila o ha ound in he
eading ask
• E m and Gia: highe equency o
inse ion when V1 is PW
• A V and C L: W1_CL à ≅ 100%
Phonological s a us o W1: age g oup
• Olde speake s inse mo e han
younge ones
• C L is he excep ion: me hodological
limi a ions (only 1 luen eade )?
IP domain
(F o a, 1995, 2000, 2014)
• Signi ican ly mo e inse ion han in
ead speech
• PhP domain: all egions ( o he
excep ion o B a)
• In Nis ( he egion wi h he lowes
equency o inse ion): inse ion only
when V2 is he head o PhP
• The highes le els o p ominence in
V2 a ou glide inse ion
Main goal
Iden i y he ac o s ha condi ion glide inse ion in EP and hei ela i e weigh .
Figu e 6. Glide inse ion pe phonological s a us o
W1 (i.e. V1 belongs o CL o PW) and egion –
(Semi-)spon aneous asks.
Figu e 7. Glide inse ion pe phonological s a us o
W1 (i.e. V1 belongs o CL o PW), egion and age
g oup – Reading ask.
Gi e ’s map Followe ’s map
Resul s
P osodic a ia ion in Eu opean Po uguese
(S)(VO) à B a, ALE; (SVO) à SEP, ALG
(F o a & Vigá io, 2007; C uz & F o a, 2013; C uz, 2013)
IP domain – SEP, ALE [z]; ALG [z, ʒ]
(F o a, 2000; C uz, 2013)
[ɨ] [i] à IP igh edge (C uz, 2013)
· Few e e ences o he phenomenon (e.g. <a aula> [ɐjˈawlɐ] ‘ he class’)
· Geog aphic dis ibu ion: No he n and Cen al a ie ies
· Phonological condi ions epo ed so a (Lopo, 1895; Segu a, 2013):
- wo adjacen <a> ([a, ɐ])
- ac oss wo ds
- V2 mus bea wo d-s ess
Ph asing
Glide inse ion o b eak a hia us
Resea ch ques ions
· Wha is he p osodic domain o [j]-inse ion?
. A e highe le els o p ominence also ele an ?
(i.e. do hey block o a ou glide inse ion?)
· Does he ype o wo d o which V1 belongs ma e ?
(i.e. is glide inse ion es ic ed o V1 in cli ic inal posi ion?)
· A e he e non-linguis ic ac o s?
> egion; age; speech s yle: ead s (semi-)spon aneous
h p://www. l.ul.p /Labo a o ioFone ica/
Pes -OE Lin UI02104/2013