Good o Ea , Good o Li e wi h:
Nomads and Animals
in No he n Eu asia
and A ica
Edi ed by
Flo ian S ammle
A c ic Cen e, Uni e si y o Lapland, Finland &
Sco Pola Resea ch Ins i u e, Uni e si y o Camb idge, UK
Hi oki Takaku a
Cen e o No heas Asian S udies,
Tohoku Uni e si y, Japan
Uni e si y o Lapland
2020
ii
Published by Uni e si y o Lapland, 2020
Good o Ea , Good o Li e wi h:
Nomads and Animals in No he n Eu asia and A ica /
edi ed by Flo ian S ammle , Hi oki Takaku a
xiii + 243 p. ; maps, ill. ; 25.7 cm
includes bibliog aphical e e ences
In e na ionally pee - e iewed publica ion
O iginally published in 2010 by
Cen e o No heas Asian S udies,
Tohoku Uni e is y, Japan
as No heas Asian S udy Se ies, no. 11
ISBN 978-4-901449-67-0 (ha d book)
Republished as 2nd unal e ed edi ion in 2020
by Uni e si y o Lapland
ISBN 978-952-337-218-4 (pd .)
LCSH:
E hnology—A ica
E hnology—Asia, Cen al
A c ic Peoples—Social li e and cus oms
Ca le
Reindee a ming
Human animal ela ionships
iii
con en s
Acknowledgemen s
Field si es co e ed in his olume
Lis o con ibu o s
G ee ing om Sibe ia
P e ace
1. In oduc ion: Li ing wi h animals as he socially signi ican o he in pas o alism
  Flo ian S ammle and Hi oki Takaku a …  1
Reconside ing he bo de be ween wild/domes ic o hun ing/he ding
2. A c ic pas o alism in a subsis ence con inuum: A s a egy o di e en ia ing
amilia i y wi h animals ……………………………………………Hi oki Takaku a …  21
3. Knowing, aining, lea ning: The impo ance o eindee cha ac e and
empe amen o indi iduals and communi ies o humans and animals
Te hi Vuojala-Magga …  43
4. Me apho ical p ojec ion and in eg a ed cogni i e sys ems:
The Sambu u in No h Cen al Kenya …………………………… Shinya Konaka …  63
Socio-cul u al ac o s and he subsis ence dimension o
human-animal ela ions in pas o alism
5. Es ablishmen o la ge scale eindee he ding in he Eu opean and
Wes Sibe ian Tund a ………………………………………………… Shi o Sasaki …  77
6. Mo e han mea on he hoo ? Social signi icance o eindee among
Finnish Saami in a a ionalised pas o alis economy …………Nuccio Mazzullo … 101
Powe o Animal symbolism in i s gende ed, eligious and poli ical dimensions
7. Be ween ca le and Islam: Shi ing social and gende ed signi icance o
ca le among he Mbo o o pas o alis s in Came oon ……………… Tea Vi anen … 123
8. Fluc ua ions in he alue o ho ses in Mongolia be o e and a e socialism
 Tomoko Nakamu a … 141
9. ‘Poli ical’ animals o Sakha Yaku ia ………………… Anna S ammle -Gossman … 153
i
Global signi icance o local animal species o humani y
10.　The in e ela ionship o sociodi e si y and biodi e si y:
Expe iences om a pos -So ie Sibe ian illage …………………… Leo G anbe g … 179
11.　The o igin and gene ic di e si y o na i e Yaku ian ca le as e ealed by
DNA-ma ke analysis ………………………………………………… Juha Kan anen … 195
12.　The symbio ic human animal ela ionship:
An a is ic in es iga ion o Yaku ian ca le ……………………………… Anu Os a … 203
Conclusion: compa ison om he A c ic
13.　Animal-di e si y and i s social signi icance among A c ic pas o alis s
Flo ian S ammle  … 215
acknowledgemen s
This publica ion bene i ed in a ious o ms om he suppo o he BOREAS Eu o-
co es P og am o he Eu opean Science Founda ion (ESF), he Academy o Finland,
and A c ic Cen e o Uni e si y Lapland. We also exp ess ou since e g a i ude o
he Japanese Socie y o he P omo ion o Science (JSPS), he Sibe ian Resea ch P ojec
p og ammed by Resea ch Ins i u e o Humani y and Na u e (RIHN, Japan), and
Cen e o No heas Asian S udies o Tohoku Uni e si y.

i
Field si es co e ed in his olume
ii
lis o con ibu o s
*edi o s o his olume
G anbe g, Leo is a p o esso o u al s udies in social sciences a he Uni e si y o Helsinki,
Depa men o Social Psychology and Ru alia Ins i u e. He is sociologis and has s udied
social change in u al a eas in Finland, eas e n Eu ope, and Russia. His ocus since 2004 has
been he s udy o endange ed Yaku ian Ca le and h ee no he n Sibe ian illages whe e
hese ca le ha e su i ed. He has co-published, among o he s, he ollowing books: Leo
G anbe g, Ka iina Soini & Juha Kan anen (eds. 2009), Sakha Ynaga. Ca le o he Yaku s.
Finnish Academy o Science and Le e s. Maa i Heinonen, Jouko Nikula, Inna Kopo e a &
Leo G anbe g (eds. 2007), Re lec ing T ans o ma ion in Pos -socialis Ru al A eas. Cam -
b idge Schola s Publishing. Leo G anbe g, Im e Ko ách & Hila y To ey (2001), Eu ope’s
G een Ring. Ashga e. e-mail leo.g anbe g(a )helsinki. i
Kan anen, Juha is a Head o he Fa m Animal Sec ion o he No dic Gene ic Resou ce Cen-
e (No dGen) and a p incipal esea che in animal gene ics a Ag i ood Resea ch, Finland
(MTT). His s udies a MTT ha e ocused on molecula gene ic di e si y in domes ica ed
animals, especially in domes ic ca le and sheep, hei domes ica ion his o y, cu en gene ic
di e si y, and conse a ion o hei gene ic esou ces. He has pa icipa ed in wo mul idisci-
plina y s udies on he gene ic, socio-cul u al, and economic alua ion o endange ed na i e
a m animal b eeds, such as Yaku ian Ca le. He has coo dina ed he Finnish na ional con-
se a ion ac ion plan o animal gene ic esou ces and is cu en ly wo king a No dGen o
p omo e gene esou ce conse a ion in No dic coun ies. Email juha.kan anen(a )no dgen.
o g o juha.kan anen(a )m . i, web h p://www.no dgen.o g/index.php/en/con en / iew/
ull/2/ o www.m . i/english
Konaka, Shinya is a Japanese schola o A ican s udies and an h opology. He has been
conduc ing ield esea ch among Eas A ican pas o alis s since 1990, p ima ily among he
Sambu u pas o alis s in no h cen al Kenya. His main conce n is he globaliza ion o A i-
can socie ies as seen h ough he in es iga ion o mic o-le el phenomena. His e hnog aphy
on he Sambu u won he Oki a Memo ial P ize o In e na ional De elopmen Resea ch. He
is an associa e p o esso a he Facul y o In e na ional Rela ions, Uni e si y o Shizuoka, as
well as a esea che o Cen e o Global S udies, G adua e School o In e na ional Rela-
ions, Uni e si y o Shizuoka (Japan). Email konaka(a )u-shizuoka-ken.ac.jp, web h p://
a ica.u-shizuoka-ken.ac.jp/
Mazzullo, Nuccio is a esea che a Leibniz-Ins i u ü Lände kunde in Leipzig, Ge many,
and a esea ch ellow o he An h opology esea ch eam a he A c ic Cen e, Uni e si y o
Lapland, in Ro aniemi. He has s udied a he Uni e si y o Manches e , UK, whe e he com-
ple ed his Ph.D. in social an h opology. His opical in e es s include eindee he ding, hun -
ing and ga he ing, human-en i onmen ela ionships, en i onmen al poli ics, and indige-
nous igh s. D . Mazzullo’s o he in e es s ela ed o ci cumpola peoples a e landscape and
pe cep ion, lea ning and skills, handic a and na a i es, and an h opology. His ecen
iii
publica ions include an a icle co-au ho ed wi h Tim Ingold, Being Along: Place, Time and
Mo emen among Sámi People (2008), in Mobili y and Place: Enac ing Eu opean Pe iphe -
ies, (eds) J.O. Bæ enhold and B. G anås, Ashga e, and (2009) Sápmi: A symbolic e-app o-
p ia ion o Lapland as Saamiland, in Má u Máddaga . The Roo s o Saami E hnici ies,
Socie ies and Spaces/Places, T. Äikäs (ed.), Publica ion o Giellagas Ins i u e, Uni e si y o
Oulu. E-mail: N_Mazzullo(a )i l-leipzig.de
Nakamu a, Tomoko is a social an h opologis who has ocused on social change in Mongo-
lia and Wes e n China. She is mos amilia wi h China’s wes e n de elopmen s a egy and
has a elled a ound he Heihe i e basin o he ieldwo k. D . Nakamu a is also in e -
es ed in he ela ionship be ween ho ses and pas o al people in Mongolia, which is e lec ed
in he publica ions on ecological immig a ion, he cul u e o ho ses in Mongolian pas o al
socie y, and he his o y o Chinese on ie a eas. D . Nakamu a is a pos -doc o al
esea che a CNEAS and a pa - ime lec u e a Tokyo Gakugei Uni e si y and Iba aki
Ch is ian Uni e si y. E-mail wjh1030(a )ni y.com
Os a, Anu (Licen ia e o Science [Ag icul u e and Fo es y]) is a Finnish a is wi h scien-
i ic backg ound in animal b eeding (i.e. genomics, quan i a i e gene ics and ma hema ics).
She wo ked en yea s as a esea che in his ield, bu chose o pu sue an a is ic ca ee in
1990. In 1999 she began o combine scien i ic hinking and obse a ions in o he a is ic
wo k. In he pain ings laye s o gene ic in o ma ion a e mixed wi h andom laye s o oil
colo s. These laye s o colo may con ain na u al, his o ical o cul u al obse a ions, o hey
may be ela ed o ou belie sys ems. One o Ms. Os a’s ecen wo ks is a p ojec en i led
Yaku ian ca le – A Resea ch Expedi ion o Sibe ia in 2000’s. She pa icipa ed in a ield ip o
No h-Eas Sibe ia oge he wi h a esea ch eam om Helsinki Uni e si y. h p://www.
pp.h . i/aos a/
Sasaki, Shi o is a p o esso a he Na ional Museum o E hnology in Osaka. He ecei ed his
Ph.D. in cul u al an h opology a he Uni e si y o Tokyo in 1989. Since 1984 he has ca ied
ou ield s udies among he Saami in no he n Finland, E enks in no he n China, Nene s in
he Nene s Au onomous Dis ic , E ens in no he n Yaku ia (Republic o Sakha), and indig-
enous mino i ies (Nanai, Ul’chi, Udehe, and Ni kh) in he Russian Fa Eas . His main
esea ch hemes a e conce ned wi h he social his o y o he people o he Amu Ri e basin
in he 17 h
-
20 h cen u ies and he cul u al p oblems acing eindee -he de s and hun e -
ga he e s in Sibe ia du ing he Pos So ie ans o ma ion.
S ammle , Flo ian* is a social an h opologis who has wo ked on he s udy o human-ani-
mal ela ions in pas o alism since 1995. He has li ed among and is mos amilia wi h he
Nene s eindee he de s on bo h sides o he U al Moun ains, bu he has also wo ked and
a elled in o he egions o he ci cumpola No h. D . S ammle has always been con-
inced ha esea ch om he No h can con ibu e o gene al an h opological deba es, and
his is e lec ed in his publica ions on eindee he ding, indus ial no he n li elihood, and
he impac o he ex ac i e indus y. D . S ammle was a isi ing Associa e P o esso a
CNEAS in 2009 and is he coo dina o o he An h opology Resea ch Team a he A c ic
Cen e, Uni e si y o Lapland, as well as Ins i u e Associa e a he Sco Pola Resea ch
Ins i u e, Uni e si y o Camb idge. email ms36(a )cam.ac.uk, web www.a c iccen e.o g/
an h opology
ix
S ammle -Gossmann, Anna is a esea che o he An h opology Resea ch Team (www.
a c iccen e.o g/an h opology) in he ‘Sus ainable De elopmen ’ G oup a he A c ic Cen e
(Uni e si y o Lapland, Ro aniemi, Finland). He main in e es s a e local communi y adap-
a ion and ulne abili y o social and en i onmen al changes; he concep o he No h in
poli ics, economics, and cul u e; and indigenous and non-indigenous iden i ies. He
esea ch si es a e in di e en pa s o Fennoscandia and he Russian No h. D . S ammle -
Gossmann has been conduc ing ieldwo k in he Republic o Sakha Yaku ia since 1997.
E-mail: as ammle(a )ulapland. i
Takaku a, Hi oki* is a social an h opologis whose main conce ns a e human-animal ela-
ionships, pos -socialis socio-cul u al ans o ma ion, and indigenous a ai s and an h o-
pology. His esea ch opics include he subsis ence ansi ion o Sibe ian indigenous peo-
ples; he e hno-his o y o Ma i ime No heas Asian mino i y and indigenous a ai s in
Japan, Russia, and China; and he his o y o an h opology in Japan and Russia. He has been
engaged in ieldwo k in Sakha Republic and he Russian Fa Eas since 1992. D . Takaku a
was a isi ing schola a he Sco Pola Resea ch Ins i u e, Uni e si y o Camb idge in
2003
-
2004 and is Associa e P o esso a Cen e o No heas Asian S udies, Tohoku Uni e -
si y. E-mail h k(a )m. ains. ohoku.ac.jp
Vi anen, Tea is an an h opologis om Finland specialising in Mbo o o cul u e (Came -
oon) since 1994. He disse a ion (2003) om he Uni e si y o Helsinki is a classical e hnog-
aphy o kinship, gende , ca le, iden i y and mig a ion o a semi-nomadic pas o al people.
Ha ing wo ked ea lie as a lec u e and a esea che a he Uni e si y o Helsinki and a he
Uni e si y o Joensuu, Vi anen now holds a pos as a No dic esea che (Finland) a he
No dic A ica Ins i u e in Uppsala, Sweden. E-mail: ea. i [email protected].
Vuojala-Magga, Te hi is an an h opologis and in he An h opology Resea ch Team a A c-
ic Cen e, Uni e si y Lapland, and a eindee he de . Du ing 2007
-
2009 she wo ked a he
A c ic Cen e in he p ojec s o Fin-Ca ia (Communi y Adap a ion and Vulne abili y in he
A c ic Regions) (In e na ional Pola Yea 2007) and ECO-Rein ( he Ecological and Socioeco-
nomical esponses o Global Change on Reindee Pas u es) (Uni e si y o Oulu/A c ic Cen-
e). She is submi ing he Ph.D. disse a ion on Saami eindee he ding and clima ic change
o he Uni e si y o Oulu in Sp ing 2010. She has done ieldwo k bo h in Sibe ia among
Khan y eindee he de s and in Finnish Saapmi among Saami eindee he de s. She is
s udying he concep s o aci knowledge as well as skills and si ua ed lea ning. He goal is
o in es iga e mo e deeply he philosophy o esiden s o a ic egions. E-mail: uojala-
magga(a )suomi24. i
3In oduc ion
on his opic (Beko 2007) illus a es how s udies o animals and people can help
b eak down disciplina y bounda ies i his esea ch is jus i ied by he opical ocus.
The ocus in his olume is clea ly mo e limi ed and does no claim o encompass
he encyclopedic cha ac e o Beko ’s wo k. In his collec ion he au ho s explo e he
a ious ways in which animals a e impo an o wel e di e en pas o alis socie -
ies in h ee di e en con inen s. By doing his compa a i ely in one olume, he
pape s a e si ua ed in he social and/o cul u al an h opological adi ion o a science
ha in es iga es he essence o human social and/o cul u al simila i y and di e si y.
social signi icance o animals
I is ob ious ha o pas o alis s as well as o hun e -ga he e s animals a e o e-
mendous impo ance, as i is animals ha o m he subsis ence base o hese peo-
ples. The e m ‘social signi icance’ as applied o animals needs some u he de ini-
ion, since he concep migh be in e p e ed so b oadly ha i could encompass
i ually any hing and e e y hing ela ed o he connec ion be ween humans and
animals. We sugges a wo king de ini ion s a ing ha he social signi icance o ani-
mals is a p ocess o con e sa ion in which animals gi e meaning o g oups o people
and indi idual humans h ough pa icula cha ac e is ics and p ac ices based on he
animals. Simila ly, humans gi e meaning o and in luence animal li elihoods
h ough cul u ally embedded engagemen wi h animals as one componen in an
en i onmen ha we would like o call a o al social phenomenon in he sense o
Mauss (1924). This e e ence o Mauss is pu pose ul, because among pas o alis s he
exchange o animals, bo h li ing and dead, in di e en o ms is one o he mos
impo an me hods o p o ide he ‘social glue’ o a communi y. Animals a e used as
an i em in gi exchanges in he sense o Mauss: in addi ion o hei immedia e ma e-
ial meaning, animals ca y a whole uni e se o socially impo an messages o he
socie y. These meanings include, as he eade shall see in he ollowing chap e s, he
use o animals o es ablish cul u ally speci ic sys ems o hie a chy and p es ige, hei
use as b ide p ice/dow y, hei posi ion as c ucial human pa ne s o join agency in
he en i onmen , hei ole as he main cu ency in a socie y, and hei abili y o sus-
ain ela ions wi h spi i s h ough sac i ices. By choosing he e m ‘con e sa ion’ in
he sense ou lined by Ingold (2007), we emphasize he impo ance o in e ac ion
be ween humans and animals as a p ocess ha is a cons i uen o he social signi i-
cance o animals.
The social, cul u al, and spi i ual signi icance o animals has been ea ed sepa-
a ely o hun e -ga he e s (Ande son & Ikeya 2001), nomadic pas o alis s (Ingold
1980, S ammle & Beach [eds.] 2006) and ag icul u alis s. O he s, howe e , ha e
poin ed o eindee and hei in e ac ions wi h humans as p o iding examples sup-
po ing he a gumen ha he dis inc ion be ween domes ic and wild animals is nei-
he en i ely clea (Blench 1997: 5) no use ul (Takaku a, his olume). Se e al con i-
bu ions in his olume e isi such bounda ies. While he ca ego iza ions o a ious
hun ed o wild animals and domes ic pas o al animals may p o e use ul o ou
analysis o he closeness o dis ance be ween humans and animals, hey a e less use-
ul in analyzing he social and economic signi icance o hese animals. Signi icance is
ela ed o closeness, ye hese concep s a e di e en : closeness is e ealed h ough

4 F. S ammle and H. Takaku a
he impo ance o he p ac ical physical and emo ional engagemen o humans and
animals, whe eas signi icance is e ealed h ough an h opological analysis o he
posi ion o he animals in socie y. While animals hold signi icance e en o hose no
di ec ly engaged wi h hem, i is he p ac ical and p ocessual link be ween humans
and animals ha is mos ob ious in he s udy o pas o alis peoples.
One no ewo hy di e ence be ween he wild and he domes ic animal is ha in
he case o he la e , humans in e ac wi h hei own li e animals on a daily basis. In
con ex o nomadic pas o alism, hey do his a he a away om o he humans, as
nomadic mig a ions domina e li e in emo e a eas wi h low popula ion densi ies and
ha sh en i onmen s. Such se ings inc ease he in ensi y o he human-animal ela-
ionship, hence inc easing he social signi icance o animals. E ans-P i cha d’s
amous s a emen ha he ds a e eplicas o human socie y (1940: 37, 1956: 258
-
260)
p o ides an excellen s a ing poin o analyzing he social signi icance o animals
among pas o al peoples. His s a emen posi s an assump ion on he collec i e le el
ha expands on he iew ha indi idual humans and indi idual animals can ep e-
sen mi o images o each o he . Unlike u ban pe owne s, pas o alis s no only
accompany and ca e o hei animals om bi h o dea h; hey also kill hese ani-
mals and use hei lesh, skin, and o he p oduc s as sou ces o nu i ion and li eli-
hood. This indica es ha he signi icance o animals o pas o alis s is dis inc i e,
and o his eason he con ibu ions in his olume a e selec ed exclusi ely om
s udies ha in es iga e pas o alis g oups.
animal species di e si y and social
signi icance o pas o alis s
Wo ldwide, mos pas o alis s aise mo e han one species o animal o easons ha
include, among o he s, isk managemen and pas u e e iciency. This has been pa -
icula ly well documen ed in Cen al Asia, while o he a eas ha e become bes
known o pas o alism in which only a pa icula species is aised. The popula i y o
ce ain egions in an h opology may play a ole in his si ua ion, and o his eason
A ica s ill holds a g ea deal o in luence, as i is he classical a ea o esea ch on
ca le holding peoples. The powe ul cliché o He sko i s’ (1926) ca le complex, and
he s e eo ypical dominance o ca le (Khazano 1994: 63) in he e hnog aphy o Eas
A ican pas o alis s ha e emphasized his dominance. Howe e , his bias has been
ec i ied by balanced an h opological esea ch (B och-Due 1990) ha pays mo e
a en ion o species di e si y.
The A c ic, on he o he hand is bes known o eindee pas o alism; his is p i-
ma ily due o ecological and clima ic easons in an en i onmen ha ou side s ind
pa icula ly hos ile. I is because o he gene ally held idea ha eindee a e he only
domes ic animals able o su i e in his en i onmen ha he e has no been an
‘A ican s yle' discussion abou he s e eo ypical impo ance o eindee in he ci -
cumpola No h.
No he n Eu asian pas o alism is commonly iewed as in e changeable wi h ein-
dee pas o alism, and seen as he “only ully monospecialised o m o nomadism”
(Khazano 1994: 41). This s a emen opens Khazano ’s (1994: 41
-
69) use ul o e iew
co e ing he geog aphical dis ibu ion o pas o alis species di e si y in A ica, Asia,
5In oduc ion
and Eu ope. Bu he e a e cases, bo h his o ical and cu en , in which people keep
domes ic pas o al animals o he han eindee o aid hei su i al in he high No h.
In he Eu opean A c ic, his occu ed unde he in luence o he Vikings and hei
descendan s. The No se b ough ca le o G eenland in he ea ly middle-ages, and
nowadays he de s in G eenland and Iceland aise sheep. Addi ionally, ca le and
sheep we e also b ough o Lapland and aised by he Finns and he Saami. In he
Asian A c ic, he ca le and ho se he ding p ac iced by he Sakha o Yaku ia a e he
mos no able example o species di e si ica ion in A ic Pas o alism, and six pape s
in his olume e e o he ac i i ies o hese he de s (Takaku a, Os a, Kan anen,
G anbe g, S ammle -Gossmann and S ammle ). The e hnog aphy de ailing he
social signi icance o se e al pas o al species, as well as hun ed and ished animals,
should se e o b ing s udies o he A c ic and Sibe ia ou o he isola ion o ein-
dee -monocul u e, and in i e mo e opical compa isons wi h A ican and Cen al
Asian pas o alis socie ies.
Khazano (1994) poin s o he ob ious ac ha animals o di e en species ha e
di e en needs, g aze on di e en plan s, and ha e di e en capabili ies ega ding
hei mobili y. Though, in many cases hey do no g aze oge he , o a leas no
h oughou he en i e yea . I is he e o e no su p ise ha hese animals occupy di -
e en niches o signi icance o hei espec i e holde s. Howe e , seeing species
di e si y as a me e unc ion o ecological impe a i es implies ha we ha e missed a
whole ange o socially, cul u ally, and eligiously de e mined p ac ices in ol ing
animals among pas o alis s. The con ibu ions in his olume look a hese ac o s
ha exis beyond he ield o ecology wi hou nega ing he impo ance o he na u al
en i onmen . In his way we ollow he pa h aken ea lie by Gala y & Johnson
(1990: 21), who emphasized he need o unde s and which ‘socially de ined objec-
i es’ lay behind he s a egies o pas o alis s, because h ough he conside a ion o
economic a ionali y alone i is impossible o unde s and decision-making and
human-animal ela ions.
Ea lie esea ch has no ed ha he a ea o no he n Eu asia and he p ac ice o
eindee pas o alism a e bo h unde - ep esen ed in heo y building and academic
deba e conce ning pas o alism. The monog aphs by Khazano (1994) and Blench
(2006) and he olume edi ed by Gala y & Johnson (1990) a e impo an excep ions.
The o he signi ican a ea ha is unde ep esen ed in pas o alis deba es is Sou h
Ame ica. This egion sha es wi h he No h he commonali y o ha ing a domes ic
pas o al animal ha makes use o he same habi a a he same ime as i s wild coun-
e pa ; in Sou h Ame ica his animal is espec i ely known as he Lama Alpaca
(domes ic) and he Vicuña (wild). This si ua ion mi o s ha o he A c ic whe e
domes ic and wild eindee coexis in he same habi a s. Sou h Ame ican pas o al-
ism is 7000 yea s old; app oxima ely as old as A ican pas o alism acco ding o
B owman (1974: 195), whose a icle is one o he ew p ominen a emp s o b ing
s udies o he Andes a ea in o gene al pas o alis heo y building. A di e ence ha
mus be no ed in compa ing llama alcapa pas o alism wi h he much younge p ac-
ice o eindee pas o alism is ha llama alpaca pas o alism has been declining in i s
impo ance o many cen u ies. None heless, u u e esea ch could ui ully com-
pa e esul s om esea ch ocusing on he A c ic and he Andes, con ibu ing o he-
6 F. S ammle and H. Takaku a
o y building o he hun ing-he ding con inuum and in es iga ing wha deg ees o
di e ence exis in he social ela ions o people wi h domes ic and wild animals; a
opic o which Takaku a will add ess in his con ibu ion o his olume.
Species di e si ica ion is a logical pu sui o pas o alis s (Khazano 1994, Blench
2006, Mille 1998), and h ee o he mos impo an easons a e:
1) Di e en animals occupy di e en niches in ha sh and unp edic able en i on-
men s whe e o en ag icul u e is no possible.
2) Raising di e en animals ha ha e di e se needs and ep oduc i e a es
insu es hei holde s agains losses caused by diseases o condi ions ha a ec
jus one species.
3) He ds consis ing o di e se species p o ide a a ie y o esou ces o subsis-
ence and ma ke p oduc ion.
Risk a e sion igu es p ominen ly among he easons o species di e si ica ion.
S udies o isk and unce ain y poin ou , howe e , ha pas o alis s di e si y species
as only one o mul iple s a egies o insu e hemsel es agains na u al and social
unp edic abili y. In addi ion o species di e si ica ion, s a egies o bu e isks
include non-pas o al ac i i ies o gene a e income, as well as such p ac ices as
delayed exchange, mu ual assis ance, spa ially dispe sed alliances, inc eased mobil-
i y, and i ual p ac ices (Gala y & Johnson (eds.) 1990, Bollig 2006).
When he de s aise animals o di e en species, each o hese species will ha e a
pa icula niche o signi icance economically, socially, cul u ally, and spi i ually. The
mos impo an aspec o he a ious animal species o he husbande is well sum-
ma ized by an A ican schola , whose s a emen may be seen as alid o any pas o-
al se ing: “The mul iple meanings a ached o he a ious species o li es ock a e
combined and in e wo en in a ious ways ela ed o e hnici y, social s a us, and
gende ” (Wolde ensae 2002: 78). In his olume, S ammle -Gossmann's and Maz-
zullo’s pape s show his ype o ela ionship be ween animal-species and e hnici y.
Th ough a ious examples examining he impo ance o an abo iginal cow b eed in
a Sakha illage wi h h ee species pas o alism, G anbe g, Os a and Kan anen high-
ligh he ele ance o hei esea ch o he inc easing s a us o he cow. Vi anen
shows in he pape how animal signi icance is gende -speci ic among he Mbo o o.
In addi ion o he h ee p incipal sphe es o e hnici y, social s a us, and gende ; se -
e al au ho s in his olume demons a e ha he meanings o pas o al animal species
a e addi ionally ela ed o he ela i e alue o animals (Nakamu a), o poli ical
agendas (S ammle -Gossmann), o eligion and i ual (Vi anen), and o mobili y
and p es ige (S ammle ).
Le us con as Kahsaye’s s a emen om A ica wi h one om he A c ic: “The
eindee is a sac ed animal o us. They a e ou daily ood, clo hes, anspo , hous-
ing, and sa ing accoun s.” (Se gei Se o e o, Ma ch 2007, Nadym, YNAO, Russia).
This ype o s a emen , ypical o eindee pas o alis s, leads schola s o a gue ha
since he eindee is he only pas o al animal in he A c ic, hey he e o e ha e o ul-
ill all he niches o signi icance simul aneously (S ammle 2005: 164
-
166). This si ua-
ion esul s in a s e eo ypical o e -emphasis on eindee (see S ammle , his olume),
7In oduc ion
which is main ained by eindee he de s who hemsel es a e poli ically in e es ed in
ha ing an emphasis on hei animals. Reindee he e o e become an all-encompass-
ing social phenomenon in he socie ies o A c ic pas o alis s on he one hand, bu on
he o he hand, such o e -emphasis neglec s he ac ha e en eindee he de s
di e si y hei isk in an unp edic able en i onmen by elying on o he animals,
including non-domes ic ones. S ammle shows in his olume how hese animals
become signi ican o he socie ies in ques ion, bu a e unde ep esen ed in s udies
on pas o alism.
In his same ein, Takaku a a gues in his olume o e isi ing ou sepa a ion o
ca ego ies o domes ic and wild animals. Nakamu a adds o his a gumen wi h
empi ical e idence showing how li es ock acqui es wha she calls he symbolic
‘ alue’ o wild animals h ough changes in p ac ice, ci ing i uals in which Mongo-
lians began o use he bones o domes ic animals ins ead o wild ones. Nakamu a’s
concep o he ‘p agma ic alue’ o animals seems o be e y simila o ha o hei
economic signi icance, while he ‘symbolic alue’ ep esen s pa o he b oade
social signi icance o animals. Using e ms o signi icance a he han alue, S am-
mle elabo a es along simila lines on he in e -changeabili y o eindee and ish
among he Yamal Nene s nomads. In his espec he e minology o he pape s di -
e , while he concep s seem o be simila . Acknowledging ha such di e si y o ani-
mals exis s e en in he A c ic b ings he s udy o eindee pas o alism ou o i s aca-
demic isola ion, and a he same ime shows how s udies om he No h can
con ibu e h ough heo e ical insigh s o b oade ele ance. The compa ison o he
signi icance o di e en animals can illumina e easons why some animals may ha e
become ‘keys one species’1 o ce ain socie ies, while o he s emain unde alued.
an o e iew o ‘keys one species’ among pas o al animals
In o de o posi ion eindee alongside o he animals kep by pas o alis peoples, we
should i s e iew he animals p ima ily aised in pas o al socie ies. In mos o hese
socie ies one pa icula species o animal s ands a he e y op o he social signi i-
cance ladde . In he mos p ominen cases, hese a e ca le (Eas A ica), o which
many owne s y o con e o he animal p ope y. In Sou h Ame ica, his niche o
signi icance is occupied by camelids (llama, alpaca) in he Cen al Asian highlands,
i is held by he yak, in he Cen al Asian s eppes by he ho se, in he dese s by he
camel, and in No he n Eu asia by eindee . The assessmen o he signi icance o he
sup eme animal in di e en pas o alis socie ies is ema kably simila ac oss he
species. In o de o show how schola s ha e e alua ed he social signi icance o a
a ie y o animals o a ious peoples, we ha e ci ed some examples and a anged
hese acco ding o he size o he species.
The camel de e mines he weal h and social s a us o many pas o alis s in A i-
ca’s dese s, in Somalia, Sudan, E hiopia, and no he n Kenya (Ge ahun & Belay
2002: 158). Schlee iden i ies wha he calls a camel complex as a “clus e o cul u al
ea u es associa ed wi h camels” (1989: 72) a ound which a P o o-Rendille Somali
cul u e e ol ed and o med he basis o he pas o alis li elihoods o no he n
1　We use his e m o animals ha a e acc edi ed wi h ou s anding impo ance o hei owne s in
he di e en pas o alis socie ies.
8 F. S ammle and H. Takaku a
Kenya, sou he n E hiopia and Sudan, and wes e n Somalia. In such a baseline cul-
u e he camel is he sup eme animal, o keys one species, e en hough Schlee him-
sel , and Konaka in his olume show ha mos o he g oups in he a ea aise a
mul iplici y o animal species. As desc ibed by Schlee, camels a e a symbol o weal h
and p ospe i y among he Gabb a, Sakuye, and Rendille. This is e en ue among
he A iaal, al hough he e ca le ha e mo e social signi icance (F a kin & Ro h 1990:
387). The impo ance is well illus a ed in he ule s ipula ing ha ha Gabb a and
Sakuye men should no ma y gi ls om he neighbou ing Bo an, who do no
belong o he camel complex. Bo an gi ls “a e bad o he camels” (Schlee 1989: 73).
Ca le ha e been called he ‘sup eme o m o p ope y’ (Coma o & Coma o
1991) o many pas o alis s, pa icula ly in Eas A ica, whe e among he Nue he
he d o ca le is seen as a eplica o human socie y (E ans-P i cha d 1940). I is om
he classical A ican e hnog aphies ha we de i e mos o ou unde s anding o he
signi icance o animals. Diamond (2005) also pa ially a ibu ed he collapse o he
G eenlandic No se cul u e o i s i a ional obsession wi h ca le, which we e p ohibi-
i ely cos ly o main ain in an un a o able clima e. Along simila lines, F a kin &
Ro h (1990: 389) show ha ca le a e mo e suscep ible o ex eme wea he e en s,
and Khazano (1994: 46
-
48) igh ly no es ha ca le a e no well sui ed o highly
mobile pas o alis s. They canno g aze oo a om wa e , and hei ange o mobil-
i y is limi ed. Tha is why in mos egions o he wo ld ca le a e associa ed wi h sed-
en a y o less mobile pas o alism a he han wi h nomadism. In his olume he
a icles o Vi anen on he Mbo o o, and o Os a, G anbe g and Kan anen, and sec-
ions o S ammle desc ibe his ag opas o alis se ing in No heas Sibe ia.
As Mille (1998: 2) poin s ou , o Tibe an nomads he yak ep esen s weal h and
p es ige. The e o e we can see cases whe e pas o alis s keep excep ionally high p o-
po ions o yaks in hei he ds, hough maybe hese animals a e no necessa ily o
calculable economic impo ance. In Nakamu a’s ( his olume) e ms, his illus a es
he high ‘symbolic alue’ o he Yak. In Wes e n Tibe , o example, yaks coun ed o
46% o he li es ock biomass, bu only 5% o he li es ock income. Raising sheep and
goa s deli e ed much as e and be e e u ns, and ye people in es in yaks (Mille
1998: 4).
Jus as yaks ypi y Tibe an pas o al nomadism, ho ses a e well known as a key
pas o al species o cen al Asian nomads, who a e ep esen ed in his olume by
Nakamu a’s con ibu ion. A Kazakh p o e b s a es, “no he man who is ep o ed
dies, bu he one who loses his ho ses” (Khazano 1994: 47). Less ecognized in pas-
o alism s udies is he social signi icance o he ho se as sup eme pas o al animal
among he Sakha (Maj 2008, Takaku a 2002, 2007), e en hough ca le may be mo e
economically signi ican in emo e u al a eas (C a e 2008). “Almos he en i e
wo ld iew o he Yaku concen a es on ho se-li es ock. And he li es, as a ai y ale
says, ins ead o coun ing money, measu ing he hick a o his ma es ( emale
ho ses), and di iding he a acco ding o e eb ae. He imp o es his h oa wi h
kumys, and wi h c acked bones he ixes his ee h” (Khudiako 1869: 229). Maj (2008:
43) no es ha he p es ige o ho se he ding lies in i s mobili y in ‘open na u e.’ Ca le
he ding is conside ed ‘bo ing, es ic ing, and bad smelling.’
Donkeys ha e been a symbol o ela i ely low p es ige since ancien imes (e.g.

9In oduc ion
in he bible), al hough domes ica ion o he donkey in A ica 6000 yea s ago was
essen ial o he de elopmen o bo h pas o alism and ancien ci ies and s a es. This
can be seen in he ac ha donkeys we e used o ca y p o isions o he ea ly
Egyp ian pha aohs (Rossell e al. 2008). Today donkeys se e an essen ial pu pose
on a daily basis as beas s o bu den in pa s o he Nea Eas and A ica. Among
some pas o alis s such as he Tu kana, he milk, mea , and blood o donkeys belong
o hei no mal die . Co esponding o hei a he low s a us in socie y, donkeys ge
less a en ion in academic s udies, many o which a e mo e conce ned wi h keys one
species. Twe da e al. (1997: 48), o example, epo ed ha he impo ance o don-
keys was ‘disco e ed’ as a side e ec o a de elopmen p ojec ocusing on Tu kana
and Sambu u pas o alis s in no he n Kenya
-
he egion ep esen ed in his olume
by Konaka’s pape . This was iewed as being connec ed o he ac ha human-don-
key ela ions ake place mos ly in he women’s sphe e in pas o alis socie ies ha a e
cha ac e ized as camel-keeping.
In Sou h Ame ica, camelids (llama, alpaca) a e desc ibed as ha ing a long
his o y o c ucial cul u al and i ual signi icance s e ching om he ime o Inca
Empi e (Wheele 2005), o mode n imes as seen in esea ch conce ning he Quechua
and o he pas o alis s (Tichi & Genin 1997: 178). Acco ding o D ansa (2002: 13),
un il he p esen “ he quali y o he bond main ained be ween human beings and
animals is he hallma k o he socie y.” Nowadays wi h mo e impo ance being
placed on ag icul u e and also sheep, camelids a e kep p ima ily o hei social sig-
ni icance, as B owman sugges s in o de “ o pa icipa e in he ins i u ionalized sys-
em o ecip oci y” (1974: 195). This is con i med in he mos ecen s udy by Ma ke-
mann e al. (2009), which s a es ha adi ionally impo an unc ions o keeping
Llamas p e ail.
Reindee a e he only pas o al animal in he High No h. They sha e hei
sou he nmos habi a wi h he E enki o no heas e n China. Reindee ha e made
much o he pe manen human p esence possible in o he wise inaccessible and
uninhabi able a eas (Vi ebsky 2005). Reindee a e ex emely adap i e, and hold a i-
ous oles in di e en socie ies. These oles ange om he animals being used mainly
o he p oduc ion o mea (Chuko ka, no he n Eu ope) o hei being employed
p ima ily o anspo ( aiga E enki, sou he n Sibe ia) in long dis ance mig a ions
as well as local ci cula mobili y o g azing . This adap abili y leads o di e si y
ac oss he A c ic, whe e eindee can acqui e signi icance as bo h small s ock and
la ge s ock, as pu ely economic and mos ly socio-cul u al en i ies, and as combina-
ions o all o he abo e (S ammle 2005: 164
-
166). Fi e pape s in his olume ouch
upon his e sa ile signi icance o eindee : Vuojala-Magga and S ammle emphasize
he pe sonal ela ion be ween eindee pe sonali ies and human pe sonali ies in a
p ocess o symbio ic domes ica ion (Beach and S ammle 2006), while Takaku a
applies simila concep s in his analysis o he closeness be ween humans and ein-
dee . Mazzullo analyses he impo ance o eindee o he Saami pe cep ion o
space and social en i onmen , S ammle in es iga es he ela i e social and eco-
nomic signi icance o eindee wi hin se e al animal species kep by A c ic peoples,
and S ammle -Gossmann deals wi h eindee in e ms o hei powe as a poli ical
symbol. All hese examples show how, o many o he No he n Eu asian indige-
10 F. S ammle and H. Takaku a
nous peoples, eindee ha e ad anced o he s a us o p ime iden i y ma ke , e en
hough hun ing and ishing a e mo e impo an o subsis ence in many a eas.
Sheep and goa s a e, o en concei ed as ‘poo al e na i es’ o la ge s ock and
used in many cases o ‘s ocking up’ (e.g. A ica, Inne Asian Highlands) (Spence
1998: 22), wi hou possessing much di ec social signi icance. Howe e , Ba h’s (1964)
seminal s udy o he Basse i de ailed he impo ance o sheep o he nomads o I an.
Sheep ha e also adi ionally been highly es eemed in pa s o cen al Asia. This is
demons a ed in an Uzbek belie ha s a es sheep came s aigh om hea en
(quo ed in Khazano 1994: 46). Sheep ha e also been used in Eas A ica in ma iage
ansac ions, in pa icula in exchange wi h in e media ies and membe s o alliances
(Spence 1998: 23). In his olume Vi anen highligh s he inc eased signi icance o
sheep among he Mbo o o in he cou se o he ongoing Islamiza ion aking place
amongs hese people. In some places he goa has gained mo e economic signi i-
cance o i s alued cashme e wool, pa icula ly a e he b eakup o he So ie
Union, bu goa s s ill s and as an impo e ished al e na i e o sheep ( o impo e -
ished peoples, Timko sky 1824: 79 a e Khazano 1994: 47). In A ica, B och-Due
has quali ied he unde s anding o Tu kana as ca le holding people by showing he
symbolic, i ual, and social impo ance o goa s; going as a as saying “goa s in a
sense cons uc Tu kana as pas o alis s and people
-
as Tu kana p ope ” (1990: 57),
while Twe da e al. (1997) poin o he gende ed impo ance o he donkey o he
e y same people.
o ganiza ion o his olume
The abo e o e iew has shown ha a ious animals occupy di e en niches o sig-
ni icance o hei holde s. While mos g oups iden i y wi h one keys one species,
o he animals a e also signi ican o hese people in he a ious sphe es o hei pas-
o al li elihood. The ield si es o he con ibu ions in his olume co e as egions
ac oss No he n Eu asia and A ica. Ce ainly he e a e s ill o he egions no co -
e ed he e ha p ac ice pas o alism; such as some pa s o Inne Asia, he Medi e a-
nean and Middle Eas , and Sou h Ame ica. Howe e , in he egions on which we
ocus in his olume, mos o he animals in oduced abo e a e socially signi ican .
All he pape s a e uni ed by he heo e ical in e es in he closeness o he human-
animal ela ionship and he de ining signi icance ha animals ha e o humans and
hei cul u ally speci ic pas o al li elihoods in di e en emo e a eas o ou plane .
We ha e chosen, howe e , o o ganize he olume in o ou clus e s, each o which
deals wi h he socio-cul u al signi icance o animals among he nomadic pas o al
socie ies om he ollowing di e en pe spec i es:
1) The signi icance o he concep ual dis inc ion be ween wild and domes ic ani-
mals.
2) The impo ance o socio-cul u al ac o s o he subsis ence dimension o
human-animal ela ions in pas o alism.
3) Animal symbolism in i s gende ed, eligious and poli ical dimensions.
4) The global signi icance o local animal species o humani y.
11In oduc ion
Reconside ing he Bo de s be ween wild/domes ic o hun ing/he ding　　The
i s clus e ocuses on human-animal ela ions h ough a e-examina ion o he con-
en ional dis inc ion be ween hun e -ga he e s and pas o alis s. Exis ing esea ch
p esupposes he di e ence be ween wild and domes ica ed animals as being c ucial
no only o human physical subsis ence ac i i ies, bu also o human modes o
dwelling and mo ing in he en i onmen (Ingold 2000). We ecognize he impo -
ance o animal domes ica ion in human his o y and he eedback ha his domes i-
ca ion p o ides o animal mo phology and gene ics. Howe e , he way a gi en
human popula ion pe cei es and deals wi h domes ica ion is cul u ally, his o ically,
and geog aphically di e en , and ecen esea ch has poin ed o he p onounced
long- e m and con inuous p ocessual cha ac e o domes ica ion no only in he A c-
ic (Beach and S ammle 2006), bu also in o he pas o al egions such as A ica (Ros-
sell e al 2008). The e o e, he e we begin o econside he delinea ion be ween wild
and domes ic animals in o de o explo e hei social signi icance in human pas o al
socie ies.
Hi oki Takaku a c i ically conside s an ea lie heo e ical assump ion o he
excep ionalism o eindee he ding in he pape “A c ic Pas o alism in a Subsis ence
Con inuum.” Ra he han he concep o ameness, which is associa ed wi h an e o-
lu ional pe spec i e di ec ed om he wild o he domes ic s age o an animal, he
p oposes a new idea, amilia i y wi h he animals. He inqui es as o why hun ing
and he ding a e conside ed con inuous in he A c ic ega dless o eindee domes i-
ca ion. Takaku a insis s ha he a c ic pas o alis s s a egy o di e en ia ing amil-
ia i y wi h animals enables hem ei he o main ain la ge-scale eindee p oduc ion
o o engage in hun ing and ishing. The combina ion o choices may seem andom,
bu ac ually i o ms a “subsis ence con inuum” wi hin a speci ic con ex . In es iga -
ing his con inuum o amilia i y wi h animals, he a gues, enables us o analyze he
ela ions o all pas o alis s wi h hei animals wi hin he same amewo k.
The nex a icle is “Knowing, aining, lea ning: he impo ance o eindee cha -
ac e and empe amen o indi iduals and communi ies o humans and animals,”
by Te hi Vuojala-Magga. She i idly desc ibes he p ocess o aining eindee as a
pe sonali y- o ming expe ience o bo h he human and he animal pa ne . He e h-
nog aphy makes us ecognize how closely humans ela e o eindee as indi iduals
wi h pe sonali y. On he o he hand, he pape also exempli ies how his animal
ne e loses i s wildness. He desc ip ion sheds ligh on he in e ac ion o indi idual
eindee in he he d o li es ock wi h he he de , which suppo s he heo y o sym-
bio ic domes ici y p oposed by Flo ian S ammle in he concluding pape o his ol-
ume.
The necessi y o econside ing he wild/domes ic dicho omy is u he e idenced
in he s udy o he Sambu u pas o alis s o Eas A ica by Shinya Konaka in his
pape “Me apho ical P ojec ion and In eg a ed Cogni i e Sys ems: The Sambu u in
No h Cen al Kenya.” He ocuses on hei pe cep ions o li es ock, humans, and
wild animals and a gues ha he Sambu u’s cogni i e sys em does no sepa a e
hese ca ego ies, bu ins ead pe cei es hem as pa s o an in eg a ed sys em ha is
loosely and lexibly connec ed by he logic o me apho . The dis inc ions be ween
he h ee ca ego ies a e ague, pe meable, and e en con e ible.
12 F. S ammle and H. Takaku a
Socio-cul u al ac o s and he subsis ence dimension o human-animal ela ions
in pas o alism　　The nex clus e deals wi h he lexible o ma ion o subsis ence
pa e ns in he A c ic as a esponse o p essu es by poli ical-economic sys ems
beyond he pas o alis s' con ol. The pape “Es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee
he ding in he Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian Tund a” by Shi o Sasaki ocuses on
changes ha ha e aken place in he he ding p ac ices o he Nene s people in he
Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian und a in he 18 h and 19 h cen u ies. He in oduces
some p e iously p esen ed heo ies conce ning he easons o hese changes and
emphasizes he impo ance o socio-economic ac o s such as he coloniza ion by he
Russian s a e, a he han clima e and ecological ac o s as he easons o hese
changes.
The in luence o he s a e a ec s nomads in a ious ways. Nuccio Mazzullo’s
pape “Mo e han mea on he hoo ? Social signi icance o eindee among Finnish
Saami in a a ionalized pas o alis economy” ocuses on he impo ance o he ein-
dee o Saami cul u al iden i y and hei pe cep ion o space. The pape de ails he
con inued signi icance o eindee 'beyond' economy, a guing ha inc ease and
dec ease o economic and socio-cul u al signi icance a e no necessa ily co ela ed.
This is in line wi h he pape s by Nakamu a and Vi anen in his olume, suppo -
ing he heo e ical implica ion, sugges ed in S ammle ’s concluding pape , ha he
economic signi icance o animals changes as e han hei socio-cul u al signi i-
cance.
Powe o Animal symbolism in i s gende ed, eligious and poli ical dimensions
The nex clus e co e s he symbolic powe o li es ock o pas o al and pos -pas o-
al communi ies adap ing o a changing wo ld. The pape “Be ween Ca le and
Islam: Shi ing Social and Gende ed Signi icance o Ca le among he Mbo o o Pas-
o alis s in Came oon” by Tea Vi anen explo es he symbolic meaning o ca le as a
p ima y animal among he pas o al Mbo o o people agains he backd op o inc eas-
ing Islamiza ion and seden a iza ion. The au ho examines he ways in which animal
symbols emain embedded in he cul u al se ing unde condi ions o social and eli-
gious change. The pape shows ha he p essu es o change coming om ou side
he pas o al g oup ha e esul ed in a ‘ e-in en ion’ o he meaning o ca le, and hus
ul ima ely ha e p o ided a sense o cul u al con inui y.
Tomoko Nakamu a con inues along simila lines in he analysis o li es ock as
symbols in pos -socialis Mongolia. The pape “Fluc ua ions in he Value o Ho ses
in Mongolia Be o e and A e Socialism” ocuses on he ole o he ho se as a key-
s one li es ock species o Mongolian people and links e hnog aphy o alue heo y,
whe e she dis inguishes be ween p agma ic and symbolic alue o ho ses o he
pas o alis s. Anna S ammle -Gossmann u he examines he changing ole and
meaning o animal symbolism om a his o ical pe spec i e. He pape “Poli ical
animals o Sakha Yaku ia” discusses he poli ical symbolism o animals in Yaku ia
whe e he eindee , he ho se, he cow, and o some ex en e en he mammo h a e
a o ded symbolic powe acco ding o he changing poli ical clima e and di ec ions
o gi en pe iods. The au ho emphasizes he in e changeable na u e o animal sym-
2
A c ic pas o alism in a subsis ence con inuum:
A s a egy o di e en ia ing amilia i y
wi h animals
Hi oki Takaku a
Cen e o No heas Asian S udies, Tohoku Uni e si y, Japan
abs ac
This pape c i ically conside s he hi he o heo e ical assump ion o he excep ionalism
o A c ic pas o alism by examining he managemen o eindee he ds in he A c ic o es
ecology. The eindee is o en called “hal -domes ica ed” om he compa a i e pe spec-
i e o wo ld pas o alism. In con as , I p opose a new idea, amilia i y wi h he animals,
which is qui e di e en om ameness, he e e sible ela ionship be ween a human and
an indi idual animal. I ask why hun ing and he ding a e conside ed con inuous in he
subsis ence pa e n, ega dless o he eindee ’s domes ica ion. The cases discussed in
his pape a e he o es eindee he ding o he E eny in eas e n Sibe ia and he Nene s
in wes e n Sibe ia. These wo g oups de eloped eindee pas o alism independen ly in
e ms o cul u al his o y. None heless, hey di e en ia ed he ole o li es ock simila ly
acco ding o amilia i y. This s a egy enables hese peoples ei he o main ain la ge scale
eindee p oduc ion o o engage in hun ing and ishing. The combina ion o choices may
seem andom, bu ac ually i o ms a “subsis ence con inuum” wi hin a speci ic con ex .
The hun e -he de con inuum in he A c ic egion is one hese. A c ic pas o alis s employ
di e si ica ion o oles in mono-species li es ock; on he o he hand, he a id pas o alis s
p e e he di e si ica ion o domes ic animal li es ock. In his espec , all pas o alis s
ela e o he animals in he same way. Each s a egy o o ming a ious le els o amil-
ia i y wo ks o b ing abou di e se ways o he ding and he pas o al way o li e, as well
as he complexi ies o subsis ence.
Keywo ds: Fo es Nene s, E eny, ameness, hun e -he de con inuum, eindee he ding,
pas o al con inuums
in oduc ion
Why is eindee he ding assigned a unique posi ion in he b oade pe spec i e o
nomadic pas o alism? This has been an impo an ques ion since he ea ly days o
e hnog aphical ieldwo k among he Sibe ian indigenous peoples. O cou se, he
ela ionship be ween humans and eindee in he A c ic is ce ainly di e en om
he well-known deep and emo ional ela ionship be ween humans and ca le in Eas
A ica. On he o he hand, classi ying eindee as “un- ame” is ques ionable. The
e ms “un amed” o “hal - ame” do no accu a ely e lec he ela ionship be ween
21

22 H. Takaku a
he eindee he de s and he animals.
The co-edi o o his olume, Flo ian S ammle , asks whe he ca ego ies o hie a -
chy and p es ige o di e en animals among pas o alis s a e applicable o A c ic se -
ings. The ques ion sugges s he need o explo e he ea u es o A c ic se ings in
compa ison o he a id nomadic pas o al socie ies, especially in espec o mono-spe-
cies and mul i-species animal domes ica ion. As is well known, A c ic nomads keep
only eindee as li es ock, and he subsis ence pa e n o hun ing-ga he ing and pas-
o alism is undi e en ia ed. T adi ional an h opological knowledge a ibu es his o
he deg ee o ameness o domes ica ed eindee . F om an e olu iona y pe spec i e
o domes ica ion, eindee a e e e ed o as “hal ame” o “hal domes ica ed.”
The e o e, p e ious s udies jus i y he eason o he lack o di e en ia ion be ween
hun ing and he ding being he ela i e ameness o eindee . Reindee a e no ully
domes ica ed animals so he e is no di e ence be ween hun ing and he ding, which
seems o be a au ological s a emen . None heless, his unusual ea u e o ms he
basis o conside ing A c ic eindee he ding o be an excep ion in he b oade pe -
spec i e o pas o al nomads and hei ela ionships o animals.
Howe e , a ecen eexamina ion and conside a ion o he esea ch a gues agains
he excep ionalism o A c ic eindee he ding. Re aming he ques ion usually posed
in he p e ious esea ch, we ask why hun ing and he ding a e conside ed con inu-
ous in he subsis ence pa e n, ega dless o whe he o no eindee a e su icien ly
domes ica ed.
Fi s , a e iew o s udies o A c ic subsis ence e eals some di icul ies wi h he
excep ionalis app oach. Nex , he so-called “symbio ic domes ica ion” (Beach and
S ammle 2006) and he con inuum heo y o subsis ence pa e n (Lay on 1991) sug-
ges new heo e ical app oaches.
O pa icula in e es a e he s udies o he o es eindee he ding o he E eny in
eas e n Sibe ia and o he Nene s in wes Sibe ia om my ield da a. These wo
g oups a e dis ibu ed di e en ly in geog aphy, belong o di e en linguis ic g oups,
and ha e de eloped independen ly a cul u al his o y o eindee . None heless, hey
handle he di e en ia ion o he ole o li es ock in simila ways acco ding o he
amilia i y wi h animals ha enables hem ei he o main ain la ge scale eindee
p oduc ion o o engage in hun ing and ishing.
Fu he mo e, he e al beha io o eindee is no an a ibu e o he le el o
domes ica ion; a he i can be be e unde s ood in he con ex o “la ge s ock” he d
managemen .
Finally, s a egies among a c ic and a id pas o alis s a e s uc u ally he same
ega ding ela ionships be ween humans and animals. The o me employs he
di e si ica ion o oles in he mono-species li es ock, and he la e p e e s he di e -
si ica ion o domes ic animal li es ock1. The di e ence is no de e mined on he
basis o cul u e o his o y, bu i is shaped by he ime and space cons ain s o he
ecological and social en i onmen se ings. The e o e, wha akes place in he A c ic
se ing may well be equally applicable o a id pas o alis s.
1　S ammle (2005: 165-166) made his a gumen , claiming ha eindee ha e he signi icance o
bo h small and la ge s ock. Howe e , in his olume, he shows how he de s di e si y oles beyond
he species o eindee , whe e, o example, ish acqui e he economic signi icance o small s ock.
23A c ic pas o alism in a subsis ence con inuum
a c ic subsis ence h ough he iewpoin
o excep ionalism
I is well known ha A c ic indigenous hun e -ga he e and pas o alis economies
acqui e excep ional cha ac e is ics ha a e di e en om hose in he empe a e and
opical egions. The high a io o animal ( ish) esou ces and low a io o plan ( eg-
e able) esou ces in p oducing and consuming ood among he A c ic peoples is one
he bes -known examples o how A c ic economies di e om hose in opical
egions (c : Koishi and Suzuki 1984: 26). Some esea che s a gue ha seden a iness
and socioeconomic inequali ies o he No he n Paci ic coas al hun e -ga he e s a e
caused by he s o age economy o he in e amilial occupa ional di e en ia ion (Tes-
a 1982, 1988, Wa anabe 1969, 1983, 1988). O he s explain he unique A c ic adap a-
ion as an economic con inuum be ween he nomadic and he seden a y adap a ion
(K upnik 1993) and accoun o eindee he ding in e ms o ca ni o ous pas o alism
as compa ed o he milk pas o alism in a id egions (Ingold 1980).
These ea u es p ecluded discussion o A c ic subsis ence in a b oade con ex
beyond he di e en clima es and ecological egions. Japanese ecological an h opolo-
gis Tanaka (1978: 3) once e e ed i as an adap i e specializa ion in high la i udes
ha appea ed ela i ely la e in human his o y. E en so, he asse s ha gene al heo-
e ical assump ions abou o aging economies may be adop ed om s udies o he
hun e s-ga he e s in he lowe la i udes.
Mos Japanese an h opologis s who s udy he nomadic pas o alis s and he p ob-
lem o domes ica ion sha e he iewpoin o excep ionalism. On he issue o how
domes ica ion changed he human-animal ela ionship, Tani (1997) insis s he con-
inuous sha ing o he home ange h ough many gene a ions bo h by a human
social o ganiza ion and a he d o animals is c ucial o domes ica ion. This sha ing
enables he humans o con ol he b eeding o he animals and he mo emen s o he
he d. By in e e ing in he ela ionship be ween he mo he and o sp ing by sepa a -
ing hem, he de s es ablish an a i icial ela ionship wi h he animals ha allows he
he de s o con ol he mo emen o he he d. I is essen ially iden ical o he human-
li es ock ela ionship among he nomadic pas o alis s.
Acco ding o Tani, he eindee is a hal -domes ica ed animal because he de s ce -
ainly p ac ice cas a ion as a echnique o selec ion, bu hey do no in ol e hem-
sel es su icien ly wi h he mo he -child ela ionship o o ganize he he d as a uni
o mo emen o a social g oup o he animal. While a he de may impose on he
he d a “peculia uni y which is a disce nable cong ega ion wi h cons an membe -
ship” (Hazama 2002), such a eindee he d is a cons uc o human owne ship.
The e o e, he ela ionship o he de s o hei eindee is ela i ely weake and hin-
ne han he one o he a id nomadic pas o alis s, which some imes in ol es s ong
and deep ies, e en emo ional a achmen , owa d he li es ock. One esea che calls
he a i ude owa d domes ica ed eindee simila o he one owa d he objec o a
hun (Konagaya 1995). These a e he excep ionalis iews o eindee he ding.
As shown in he ypology o eindee he ding in So ie an h opology (Baskin
2000, Sy o a skii 2000, Vasile ich and Le in 1951), egional and e hnic a ia ions
ma k eindee he ding in Sibe ia. The excep ionalis app oach has been based p i-
24 H. Takaku a
ma ily on Tund a eindee he ding and a ype o closing he ding as he way o big
he d managemen among he Chukchee and Nene s. The cul u al his o y o eindee
he ding (Sasaki 1985, Vainsh ein 1970, 1971) pos ula es ha he domes ica ion o
eindee o igina ed in he Al ai o es egion, whe e he eindee is used bo h as a
iding animal and a d a animal. I is a e y amilia animal o humans. B i ish
an h opologis Tim Ingold (1980) also p o ides he symme ical no ion o “milch
pas o alism” in he Taiga, in which humans and eindee o m an in ima e ela ion-
ship, and “ca ni o ous pas o alism” in he Tund a, in which humans and he ani-
mals a e un amilia wi h each o he . To ind pa allels only in Tund a he ding is
clea ly no ep esen a i e, howe e .
The p e ious s udies p esuppose ha domes ica ion mus necessa ily in ol e he
p ocess o subsis ence ans o ma ion. While his idea may be ue in an e olu ional
pe spec i e o human his o y as a whole, e hnog aphical documen a ion shows he
a ie y o human subsis ence pa e ns. Ma sui (1989) de ines he e m “semi-domes-
ica ion” as desc ibing he b oade ange o subsis ence ac i i ies be ween o aging
and husband y, such as p o ec i e he ding and cul i a ion wi h clea ance (see also
Ha is 1996). Ra he han ocusing on he mode o subsis ence, wha is needed, in
ac , is o look a he way human-na u e (animal) ela ionships a e mani es ed in a
local en i onmen .
symbio ic domes ica ion and he hun e -he de
con inuum
Addi ionally, cu en esea ch encou ages an al e na i e o he excep ionalis
app oach. The symbiosis model o domes ica ion emphasizes he mu ual bene i s o
bo h animals and humans a o ded by domes ica ion (Russell 2002: 288
-
9). Based on
his, Beach and S ammle in oduced he concep o “symbio ic domes ica ion” o
“symbio ic domes ici y.” Tha is, an animal has an equal ad an age wi h humans;
e.g., p o ec ion om insec s, eeding in a p o ec ed en i onmen . These esea che s
asse ha symbio ic domes ica ion is he esul o lea ning ha ex ends beyond one
indi idual li e ime so ha selec i e b eeding a ec s he gene ically-encoded conse-
quences (Beach and S ammle 2006: 10, see also he pape o S ammle o his ol-
ume).
The e m domes ica ion may be de ined as a con inuous con ol o b eeding o a
pa icula animal popula ion beyond one gene a ion (Nozawa 1986: 66, Russell 2002:
286). This de ini ion is sha ply di e en om he de ini ion o aming as a ela ion-
ship be ween a pa icula pe son and a pa icula animal wi hou long- e m e ec s
beyond an indi idual li e ime (Russell 2002: 286). Reindee he ds, e en among he
Tund a nomads, a e p o ec ed, and he animal popula ion is b ed h ough selec i e
cas a ion. The e o e, in e ms o gene ics and mo phology, ha eindee is mos de -
ini ely a domes ica ed animal.
Reindee seek ou humans, bu on he o he hand, he animals can su i e wi h-
ou humans. This obse a ion is he main eason ha a domes ica ed eindee ’s
beha io can be cha ac e ized as “a b oad con inuum om g ea ameness o g ea
e ali y” (Beach and S ammle 2006: 8
-
10).
This b oad con inuum o beha io is no es ic ed o eindee . Some li es ock
25A c ic pas o alism in a subsis ence con inuum
animals, like ho ses, also display his ange o beha io s, and in some cases, he ani-
mals may become e al (Kimu a 2007). The c ucial di e ence be ween eindee and
he o he s is he ci cums ances o he animals’ habi a . Domes ica ed eindee can be
ound in habi a s accessible o he wild popula ion. The geog aphical a eas o he
domes ica ed and he wild animals o en o e lap, and some imes he animals sha e
beha io s and gene ic simila i ies (Roed e al 2008: 1849)2. The wild popula ions o
domes ic li es ock, such as ho se and ca le, ha e disappea ed. O he domes ic ani-
mals e ol e selec i ely om he gene ic pool o he domes ic popula ion o om a
kind o gene ic manipula ion. Howe e , he eindee a e in he s age o e olu ion in
which he gene ic pools bo h o domes ic and wild popula ions may be c ossed e en
now.
Ano he heo y ha a gues agains he excep ionalis iew is “ o aging o hus-
band y as al e na i e s a egies” (Lay on 1991) o he “hun e -he de con inuum”
(Ven sel 2006). Lay on sugges s ha he ansi ion om hun ing o he ding hap-
pened in acco d wi h en i onmen al change, echnological inno a ion and socioeco-
nomic and poli ical change. Ven sel ag ees wi h his heo y; he p oposes he hun e -
he de con inuum using he example o he Tund a eindee he de s in he
No hwes e n Yaku ia. This con inuum heo y can pe haps be loca ed somehow in
he esea ch his o y o A c ic subsis ence. Fo example, I. K upnik’s heo y o A c ic
adap a ion claims ha he economic con inuum be ween nomadic inland hun ing
and he seden a y ma i ime hun ing- ishing ep esen s al e na i e s a egies. The
a ious ypes o subsis ence in he A c ic could ha e a isen acco ding o en i on-
men al and socioeconomic ac o s along he spec um o he con inuum wi h
nomadic inland hun ing a one end o he pole and seden a y ma i ime hun ing-
ishing a he o he end (K upnik 1993: 210
-
213).
A e iew o he p e ious esea ch con i ms he ollowing asse ions: 1) The ein-
dee is a domes ica ed animal, no hal -domes ica ed no amed; he e o e, he
no ion ha hun ing and he ding is no a icula ed because he eindee is no ully
domes ica ed is e oneous, and 2) ully domes ica ed eindee allowed people o
engage in ei he hun ing o he ding, whiche e was mo e desi able gi en he
changes in en i onmen and socioeconomic and poli ical condi ions.
Wha hen dis inguishes he ela ionship be ween humans and eindee om ha
o he o he pas o alis s? As Tani eminds us, he de s es ablish an a i icial in e -
indi idual ela ionship o he animals in o de o o ganize he he d as a uni o
mo emen . The e o e, we mus ask wha kind o he a i icial ela ionship he ein-
dee he de o ganizes. Ano he ques ion is why he human- eindee ela ionship
leads o al e na i e s a egies o hun ing o he ding. In p e ious s udies o Tund a
egions, his o ical ac s o he No hwes Yaku ian case con i med his heo y o a
hun e -he de con inuum. Howe e , his ques ion may also be app oached by exam-
ining how he amilia i ies be ween he de and animals enable he hun ing-he ding
con inuum h ough a ocus on he g ound among cases in he Taiga egions.
The concep o amilia i y be ween humans and animals o e s a use ul way o
explo e hese ques ions. Familia i y, qui e di e en om ameness, is he e e sible
2　Acco ding o he Ikeya (e al 2009), bo h wild and domes ic owl (chicken) in he moun ainous
a eas o Thailand also pa ially o e lap he home anges o he o he .
26 H. Takaku a
ela ionship be ween a human and an indi idual animal. Tameness goes beyond he
le els o indi idual ela ionships o e en he animal species le el; i is an i e e sible
ela ionship be ween humans and animals. In o he wo ds, ega dless o domes ica-
ion, a human en e ains a ce ain sen imen owa d an indi idual animal. The ype
o sen imen e lec s he ex en o amilia i y o ex en o indi e ence o he animal.
This sen imen may be p ojec ed om he indi idual animal o all he species o only
owa d some speci ic g oup which he human concei es o .
In he case o eindee he ding among a pa icula popula ion o animals which
exis s as a esul o gene ic selec ion, o selec i e b eeding, by humans, some he de s
exhibi a p e e ence o a pa icula animal appa en ly o no special eason. They
closely associa e wi h ha animal, and he animal also appea s o unde s and o
espond o he human’s will and beha io . Unlike he p esupposi ions o he p e i-
ous heo ies o he human-li es ock ela ionship, such as symbio ic domes ica ion,
his concep ocuses on he a ious phases o amilia i y e en wi hin one species o
domes ic li es ock; hose phases esul om he in e ac ion be ween he he de and
each animal.
he human- eindee ela ionship in di e en se ings
The ollowing h ee cases a e d awn om e hnog aphical da a ha I ga he ed
be ween 1994 and 2008: Sakky y E eny, Oimyakon E eny, and Kha ampu Nene s
(see Map). The i s wo cases a e people o he same e hnici y; hey belong linguis i-
cally o he Tungusic g oups. The wo g oups li e in simila ecological condi ions in
he moun ain o es egion o he eas e n pa o Sibe ia, and in bo h, eindee he d-
ing is o ien ed o he p oduc ion o mea (Takaku a 2000; 2004, Vi ebsky 1990, 2005).
In he hi d case, he Nene s a e a comple ely di e en e hnic g oup om he p e i-

27A c ic pas o alism in a subsis ence con inuum
ous wo in e ms o linguis ics, his o y, and geog aphy (Khomich 1995, Tu u ina
2004, Zen’ko 2006). The Nene s, who li e in wes e n Sibe ia and he no h Eu opean
pa o Russia, belong o he Samoyed language g oups. They a e well known as a
nomadic pas o alis g oup wi h eindee p oduc ion in he Tund a.
Bu in his pa icula case, he e i o y o he Kha ampu Nene s is he o es , and
hei main subsis ence is i e ishing, as well as he b eeding o eindee o ans-
po a ion. Fo he pas wo decades, mos o he e i o y has been exploi ed o oil
and gas de elopmen . People ca ch ish bo h o hei own ood and o selling o he
local ishe y company. Because he his o ic-cul u al se ings and cu en socioeco-
nomic si ua ions o he E eny and Nene s di e g ea ly, compa isons a e di icul .
None heless, he h ee g oups a e use ul o illus a e he amilia i y be ween humans
and eindee .
Case 1　Sakky y E eny3　　This case is based on obse a ions o a Sakky y
E eny eindee he ding eam in no he n Yaku ia wi hin he s uc u e o a s a e a m
sys em. Six o se en p o essional he de s we e engaged in he managemen o
app oxima ely 1500 head o eindee in he pas u e.
The ield da a, ga he ed in be ween 1994 and 1996, illus a es how he Sakky y
E eny he de s demons a e a ious deg ees o amilia i ies wi h he he d. The mos
in ima e amilia i y exis s be ween he he de s and he dai y does ( yhy4), he ein-
dee hey ide (uuchakh), and d a eindee (yndyy). Nex on he scale o amilia i y
come he indi idual eindee being ained ( akkana) and he eindee o be used o
mea (idehe). Fo sledging, he animal ha leads he eam is called n’ougguhu , and
he ollowe s a e called khos. Those animals which ha e been ained a e ca ego ized
as symngaggas, while an un ained animal is called khangyl. The gene al wo d o
domes ica ed eindee is aba, and a wild eindee is kyyl aba, which is a complex
wo d comp ised o “wild” and “ eindee .” Wi hin a couple o yea s o he deli e y
o he animals in o he ca e o he he de s, he whole ange o amilia i y om close
in imacy wi h an indi idual animal o he almos e al was well es ablished. Based
on he p inciple di e ence be ween wild and domes ica ed animals, he de s
employed an elabo a e sys em o a icula e he a ious le els o amilia i y and
usage.
He de s gi e indi idual names o he animals used o milking and iding, hose
wi h whom he he de has he mos in ima e ela ionship (see Table 1, he lis o
indi idual names). The o igins o he indi idual names may be di ided basically
in o ou ca ego ies: (a) a physical cha ac e is ic o he animal; (b) a beha io al cha -
ac e is ic o he animal; (c) he his o y o he animal; and (d) a pe sonal name. The
way o naming implies in ima e con ac wi h and obse a ion o each eindee . The
name o a dai y eindee usually is he edi a y, in ecogni ion o he kinship be ween
he mo he and daugh e , which he he de s end o selec o milking. On he o he
3　Much o desc ip ion in his case is al eady published in my p e ious pape (Takaku a 2000,
2004), bu e ised and some new in o ma ion has been added o his pape .
4　These e ms o eindee a e Sakha wo ds, no he E eny wo ds. The his o ically close con ac s
be ween he Sakha and he E eny in his egion a ec ed he language si ua ion. The cu en mo he
ongue o mos o he Sakky y E eny is Sakha.
28 H. Takaku a
Table 1. Lis o he in ididual name o eindee owne d (o used) by X amily in Sakky y E eny (1995)
# name meaning ype no es
1 Al uschana om he 6 h b igade milking doe
2 Al uschana om he 6 h b igade iding
3 Auguschana bo n in Augus milking doe
4 Bokshol cha ac e like a boxe iding owene -s a e
a m
5 Bokshol cha ac e like a boxe iding
6 Bo onkos om he body cola (bo on) = ligh g ay iding
7 Chokchogo om he body cola like a p a migan
bi d (chekchengo) iding
8 Elemeschan om he body cola (elemes) iding
9 Hi oki he indi idual whom Hi oki ( he au ho
o his pape ) had ained o ide iding
10 Kalida cha ac e like a b a e bull iding
owene -s a e
a m
11 Ka a iska cha ac e like a ka a e w es le milking doe
12 Kha chana om he body cola like snow (khaa ) milking doe
13 Kha iyana om he shape o an le like a sp uce
ee (kha yja) milking doe
14 Khukh len a milking doe
15 Khulebsha like o ea b ead (khleb) iding
16 Kue egan om he body cola like a la k bi d (kue egej) milking doe
17 Kulumakh om he uppe hal o body cola
-
whi e
(kylymakh) iding
owene -s a e
a m
18 Ku achana om he body size
-
small (ky a) milking doe
19 Kybahachan om he body cola o da k g ay (kubagaj) milking doe
20 Kylaman om he long-lashed (kylaman) milking doe
21 Kylapachi a milking doe
22 Ky igej om he body cola like a la k bi d (kue egej) milking doe
23 Maganchaan om he body cola
-
whi e (magan) milking doe
24 Nasku a om he hoo cola
-
whi e iding
25 Nasku a om he hoo cola
-
whi e milking doe
26 Olishka om he a o i e gi l name (Oliga) iding
owene -s a e
a m
27 Pa lusha om he name o he owene (Pa el) iding
28 Pa lusha om he name o he owene (Pa el) milking doe
29 Sa ichana milking doe
30 Sokkol om he body cola like a alcon (sokol) iding
31 Tulkchana om he body cola like a snow bun ing
bi d ( uluk) milking doe
32 Tu laina he indi idual who los he mo he ( ulajakh) milking doe
33 Tu laina he indi idual who los he mo he ( ulajakh) milking doe
34 Ulakhand'a om he body size
-
big (ulakhan) milking doe
35 Valyu a om he high quali y o el e an le which
associa e wi h he o egin money ( aliu a) iding
29A c ic pas o alism in a subsis ence con inuum
hand, a cas a ed animal is a di -
e en ma e , and he in imacy
be ween a human and a iding
eindee exis s o only one gen-
e a ion. Howe e , amilia i y
does no mean he animals always
beha e in he p esc ibed manne
owa ds humans. No ably, he
in ima e eindee o he mos
pa allow he he de s o ouch
hem di ec ly. Fo example, when
he de s gi e sal o he eindee ,
mos o milking does and some o
iding dee app oach he he de s
and ake he sal om hei
hands. He de s can easily ca ch
hese eindee by hand.
None heless, i he mos in i-
ma e animals emain wi h he o he eindee , hei beha io o en changes. He de s
need o ca ch hem wi h a lasso. Con e sely, e en some mea eindee may app oach
a human camp in o de o escape mosqui oes in summe and o imbibe human u ine
in win e o he sal he animals need.
A he de u he di ides he he d in o a home g oup (d’ie abala a) and a ese e
g oup (suuma) (Takaku a 2004: 55, Takaku a 2000: 141)5. The wo ca ego ies a e likely
based on beha io al ea u es o domes ica ed eindee . The membe s o he wo
g oups a e no ixed, bu a he , he g oups a e no ma i e and pe o ma i e ca ego-
ies o he de s. The dai y emales and he iding and d a animals make up he
home g oup; he mea dee comp ise he ese e g oup. In ac , al hough he de s
make s ong e o s o di ide he he d in his ashion, he beha io o he eindee
does no always pe mi nea ca ego iza ion. The e o e, he home g oup usually con-
sis s mos ly o in ima e eindee and a ew ha a e no so in ima e. The ese e
g oup, while including many o he non-in ima e mea eindee , also con ains some
o he in ima e ones. Tha kind o g oup is usually no well in eg a ed bu a he is
sca e ed in o se e al popula ions.
The key o con olling he d mo emen is he dual s uc u e o hese g oups. The
home g oup is placed nea he camp, and he ese e g oups su ound he ou e
a eas o he camp. E e y day he he de s d i e he home g oup o he camp whe e
hey ca ch he iding dee . The moun ed he de s hen pa ol he su ounding ese e
g oups in o de o p e en he eindee om going u he a ield o dispe sing mo e
widely (See Figu e 1).
When he he de s mo e he he d seasonally o b ing he eindee o new pas u es,
his dual s uc u e is empo a ily abandoned and he he d is uni ied unde he he d-
5　O he an h opologis s also ecognize his kind o unc ional g ouping inside he eindee he d
(S ammle 2005: 65, Yoshida 2003: 43). Among hem, he concep closes o mine is he se o “byk”
he d and “ko ” (Dwye and Is omin 2008: 525-526).
Fig. 1. Spa ial model o pas u e and camp
30 H. Takaku a
e ’s con ol. When hey each hei des ina ion wi h he he d, he de s elease he ani-
mals and s a o ocus once again on only he home g oup o daily he ding. Figu e
2 shows he seasonal pa e n o he he d s uc u e. Du ing he sp ing and au umn,
he de s y o keep he home g oup and ese e g oup uni ied; howe e , in summe
and in win e , hey comple ely di ide he wo g oups. While a he de epea edly
ga he s oge he he home g oup once a day du ing hese seasons, he ese e
g oups a e allowed o ange eely. Du ing he o season, he de s spend much o
hei ime hun ing and ishing o epai ing ences and enclosu es.
The mos c ucial daily ac i i y o Sakky y eindee he ding is main aining he
in eg i y o he home g oup. On p inciple, eindee do no s ay o e nigh in he
he de s’ camp. Ins ead, he i s hing he de s do each mo ning is o sea ch o he
home g oup and d i e i o he camp. He de s ca ch some o iding and d a ani-
mals o ha day’s wo k, bu in he e ening hey elease hose animals and le hem
lea e he campsi e. The day- o-day he ding ac i i ies in ol e se e al in e ac ions
be ween he humans and he animals. The he de s ga he , ca ch, place, and elease
he animals. Animal beha io s co esponding o hese human ac i i ies a e mo ing
on, g azing, es ing, and depa ing. As a esul o he he de s’ epea ed cycle o ga h-
e ing in he mo ning and eleasing in he e ening, he home g oup ends o ange
ela i ely close o he campsi e.
This pa e n o ga he ing and elease is applicable no only o he Sakky y bu
also o he Oimyakon E eny and he Kha ampu Nene s.
Case 2　Oimyakon E eny　　This case is based on obse a ions o a eindee
he ding eam wo king in a s a e a m in Iuchygei illage o he Oimyakon dis ic ,
Fig. 2. Seasonal mig a ion and s uc u e o eindee he d
37A c ic pas o alism in a subsis ence con inuum
discussion
The econside a ion o he domes ica ion o eindee in A c ic and sub-A c ic leads
o a ques ioning o he excep ionalism o A c ic pas o alism. The excep ionalis
app oach is based on only Tund a eindee he ding and on a compa ison wi h he
o he domes ic li es ock, an app oach which enhances ou unde s anding o he
e olu iona y app oach o human his o y as a whole. Howe e , i ails o explain he
eason ha di e si ied human- eindee ela ionships a e de eloped in di e en
imes and loci. The e o e, I began o conside whe he hun ing and he ding could be
con inuous in he subsis ence pa e n, ega dless o he le el o domes ica ion.
Fo humans, he mos impo an bene i o eindee domes ica ion is acqui ing a
means o anspo a ion. Al hough some e hnic g oups milk he does, he amoun is
limi ed, and no all eindee people p ac ice dai ying. Reindee may p o ide a s able
supply o mea , bu eindee o be used o mea do no necessa ily ha e o be
domes ica ed. The sho age o milk and he la ge size o he animals i hey a e o be
used o anspo a ion a e biological condi ions o he domes ica ion o eindee .
The bene i s ha acc ue o humans om domes ica ion a e di e en o each ani-
mal. In Mongolia, he domes ica ion o he ho se is no enough o make he animal a
secu e sou ce o ood because he animal’s ep oduc i e powe is ela i ely low and
he animal ma u es a he slowly. The e o e, i is also impo an o ha e a lock o
sheep, whose biological ai s and condi ions a e qui e di e en om he ho se’s
(Imanishi 1995: 65). As he clima e and ecological condi ions allow some g oups o
keep only eindee as a domes ica ed species, hey need o de ise al e na i e s a e-
gies o a ain ce ain bene i s, such as hun ing and ishing o husband y o mea
eindee based on he anspo a ion ela ionship wi h ha animal.
The need o de ise al e na i e s a egies may be con i med om an his o ical
analysis and analysis o he cu en si ua ion o he no hwes e n Yaku ia o Eas e n
Sibe ia om he 17 h o he 19 h cen u ies. The Tu kic Sakha, whose adi ional sub-
sis ence is husband y o ho ses and ca le and hun ing in he sub-A c ic middle
basin o he Lena Ri e , mig a ed in o he A c ic egion o he lowe Olenek Ri e
owa ds he end o he 17 h cen u y and changed hei subsis ence pa e n o eindee
husband y and hun ing. When hey mig a ed, he Tungusic E enki and some Rus-
sian hun e s (p omyshlenii) we e al eady li ing in he egion. The Sakha abandoned
ho se and ca le husband y and ins ead ook up eindee he ding which was in o-
duced o hem h ough cul u al con ac s wi h he E enki. The a io o eindee he d-
ing o hun ing was dependen on he size o he wild popula ion o eindee (Gu -
ich 1977, chap.1, see also Ven sel 2006). In he 18 h cen u y, Sakha in his egion
gene ally depended mos ly on wild eindee hun ing. F om he end o he 19 h cen-
u y, he numbe o hei domes ica ed eindee inc eased and he animals became
an impo an sou ce o ood (Gu ich 1960: 69, Khazano 1983: 113). In addi ion, he
cu en si ua ion o hese people also con i ms he ans o ma ion om husband y
o hun ing o eindee in his egion. The local popula ion in he Olenek dis ic
u ned om eindee husband y o hun ing wild eindee and ishing as hei main
ways o p ocu e ood a e he collapse o he So ie Union (Takaku a 2008).
The hun e -he de con inuum in Sibe ia is no an excep ional adap a ion; a he i

38 H. Takaku a
is he esul o human choice in esponse o en i onmen al change and socioeco-
nomic condi ions. The biological condi ions necessa y o he domes ica ion o ein-
dee and he ecology o hei habi a a e among hose ac o s. As Lay on (1991) sug-
ges s, he ansi ion be ween hun ing and ga he ing and specialized husband y
should no be ega ded as a one-way p ocess. I is a he “cons uc ed as adap i e
unde ce ain na u al o social condi ions…loss o husbanded esou ces may a o
hun ing and ga he ing, while deg ada ion o he en i onmen and popula ion
g ow h end o ende in ensi e husband y i e e sible” (Lay on 1991: 261
-
262). I is
no ewo hy ha e e since domes ica ion led o de elopmen o a new way o
humans and animals o ela e, he ange o subsis ence choices has con inuously
inc eased up o now.
When he i s domes ica ion o animals in human his o y occu ed in wes e n
Asia, he ange o subsis ence was i s o med as wo opposi e poles: hun ing-ga h-
e ing and specialized husband y. Bu once he la e was es ablished, o he o ms o
subsis ence such as comme ce, long-dis ance ade, and ma ke exchanges de el-
oped. When any social o ganiza ion aces ce ain ecological cons ain s and socio-
economic-poli ical se ings, i adap i ely manages o in en a pa icula combina ion
o subsis ence choices. The combina ion o choices may seem andom a i s sigh ,
bu ac ually i o ms a “subsis ence con inuum” wi hin a speci ic con ex . This new
e m is de ined by he pa icula se o he ange o possible subsis ence pa e ns,
such as hun e -ga he e , pas o alis , a me , ade , and any o he li elihood. Need-
less o say, he wo d “subsis ence” is mean o be unde s ood in a b oad sense: a
sou ce o means o ob aining he necessi ies o li e a he he con en ional an h opo-
logical e m which opposes he ma ke economy. The hun e -he de con inuum is
such a “subsis ence con inuum.” The hun e -he de con inuum heo y (Ven sel) and
he subsis ence con inuum heo y in oduced he ein clea ly explain he eason why
hun ing and he ding a e con inuous among he no he n pas o alis s a he han
excep ionalis among A c ic eindee he de s.
Spence ’s concep o he pas o al con inuum in Eas A ican cases is pe suasi e.
He iden i ies wo di e en pas o al con inuums ha we e o med acco ding o he
en i onmen al and his o ic-poli ical ac o s. The Islamic pas o al con inuum, which
anged om he Middle Eas o he Saha a and no hwa d in A ica, is cha ac e ized
by he dynamic in e ela ions be ween nomads and a me s. I s his o y ela es o
comme ce, long dis ance ade, and u baniza ion in he egion. On he o he hand, a
non-Islamic pas o al con inuum is ocused on a eas ha a e “cul u ally islands on o
hemsel es” despi e ade ela ionships wi h local a me s (Spence 1998: 257
-
258).
In he la e case, he popula ion “ ace
［s］
a sp ead o choices om ee- anging
nomadism o a mo e seden a y commi men o a ming” acco ding he a ious se -
ings (Spence 1998: 20). I may be called a he de - a me con inuum in my lexicon.
As well as Spence , some s udies also ega d he pas o alism as a con inuum om
nomadic pas o alism o seden a y ag icul u e. A gi en pa e n o subsis ence econ-
omy among Eas A ican pas o alis s is o med acco ding o he amoun o he ain-
all (Smi h 1992: 10) o o he en i onmen al ins abili y and socio-economic ac o s
(G ay e al 2002: 125). The anges o “subsis ence con inuum” in his pape u he
could ex end beyond he one om pas o alism o ag icul u e unde he condi ion o
39A c ic pas o alism in a subsis ence con inuum
no only he subsis ence economy bu also he ma ke economy. An e hnog aphical
epo shows ha he case possibly classi ied o he non-Islamic pas o al con inuum
includes a hun ing. Recen ly, Banna o E hiopian pas o alis s ha e begun o ely o
hei subsis ence on hun ing wild game, acco ding o he in usion o he s a e
au ho i y and ma ke economy (Masuda 2005). Any pa icula subsis ence pa e n
embodied in a gi en space and ime ma ix is a p ojec ion co esponding o he
mul i-pola ized con inuums, which is he essen ial idea o he ‘subsis ence con in-
uum.’
conclusion
We should ega d hun e -ga he e s, o pas o alis s who now appea o be such, as a
esul o adap a ion in a pa icula space and ime ma ix agains each pa icula ly
o med subsis ence con inuum. Wha cha ac e izes he co e o he pas o al popula-
ion is hei own s a egies o di e en ia ing amilia i ies wi h animals h ough he
con ol o b eeding and mo emen and he a ious subsis ence pa e ns. The clima e,
ecological condi ions, and socioeconomic-poli ical ins i u es limi he choice o s a -
egies.
Familia i y is es ablished by he he de , who in e ac s wi h he en i onmen and
he social se ing. The ange o amilia i y is shaped no only o human pu poses
bu also by he cha ac e o he animal which has been condi ioned bo h by he local
ecology and gene ics. The di e ences among le els o amilia i y wi h a pa icula
animal de e mine he s uc u e o he he d o li es ock. My a gumen suppo s he
claim ha bo h a c ic and a id—i.e., all pas o alis s— ela e o hei animals in he
same way. Each s a egy o o ming a ious le els o amilia i y wo ks o b ing
abou he di e se ways o he ding and he pas o al way o li e, as well as he com-
plexi ies o subsis ence.
As a esul , many pas o alis s in he a id egion adop he mul i-species li es ock
s a egy. Howe e , hey could jus as easily de ise di e en subsis ence pa e ns,
emphasizing ei he a ming o ading. The subsis ence con inuum mus be o med
in di e en se ings acco ding o he en i onmen and p e ailing social condi ions.
The hun e -he de con inuum in he A c ic egion is one o hese; i does no o m
simply because o he A c ic loca ion.
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3
Knowing, aining, lea ning: The impo ance o
eindee cha ac e and empe amen
o indi iduals and communi ies
o humans and animals
Te hi Vuojala-Magga
A c ic Cen e, Uni e si y o Lapland, Finland
abs ac
A he beginning o 2000 I s a ed o lea n o ain male eindee , aining a eindee akes
ou yea s. I wo ked wi h wo eindee , Viljami and Ukko-Poika, o he s age whe e hey
lea ned o wo k as good sledge- eindee (ajokas) o he ou is indus y. In his pape I
speak o indi idual cal es, which in hese ou yea s g ew up o be ull-sized cas a ed
males. This s udy is abou lea ning and co-ope a ion be ween an animal and a human
being. I analyzed he p ocess o aming a eindee om he con ex o he in e - ela ion-
ship o emo ions and powe . This lea ning p ocess in ol es no only animals bu human
beings, oo. While aining a semi-domes ica ed eindee , one gains a good look a he
indi idual and social beha io o a single animal - on he one hand, wi h a human being
and on he o he hand, as a membe o a he d. Finally, in he end o he pape I ocus on
he an h opological discussion on he concep s o knowledge and knowing as a ibu es
o he li e-wo ld o eindee he ding socie ies.
Keywo ds: Saami, eindee , aci knowledge, knowing, si ua ed lea ning
in oduc ion
While I was doing my ieldwo k among he Saami people by he Ina i (Ána ) and
Teno (Tana) Ri e s in Ina i and U sjoki egions o Finnish Lapland, Sápmi (Saami
homeland) in he mid 1990s, one o my Saami eindee he de iends, Jouni Saije s,
ad ised me o go o “ he dep hs o he woods”. Abo e all, i was a me apho a he
han a s aigh commen . This me apho was e y ob ious, I ha dly knew any hing
abou eindee he ding o ishing in p ac ice o he a s o hese li elihoods. Simply,
Jouni wan ed me o gain a deepe unde s anding o Saami li e and subsis ence econ-
omies. In he no h, eindee he de s o en desc ibe hei own people acco ding o
peoples’ beha io and ac i i ies; he e a e eindee he de s who p e e o alk and si
inside he house (pi ipo omies)1, and hose who p e e no o alk bu o be ac i ely
doing a ious asks in he woods and on he ells (po omies). Howe e , his does no
1　The e ms in b acke s a e in Finnish, bu hese p o essional e ms in eindee he ding o igina e om Sámi
language.
43
44 T. Vuojala-Magga
mean ha he o me a e somehow wo se o be e han he la e . I is commonly
known ha he knowledge held by quie o es people is ha dly e e ansmi ed o
academic s udies conduc ed by in e iewing. This kind o knowledge is si ua ed in
he asks o ac ion and wo k.
In my case, hings jus seemed o low in hei own hy hm and a e a while I
ma ied a eindee he de and I le my academic wo ld behind o yea s. Simply
he e was no ime o w i e o ead books, because li e i sel and wo k wi hin he sea-
sonal asks ook me o an in ensi e hold o se e al yea s – me apho ically and li e -
ally I di ed in o he dep hs o he woods. One could ask i I lea ned o become o be
a ho oughb ed and skil ul membe o a eindee he ding socie y. On he one hand,
i can be said ha , yes, wi hin hese yea s I ha e become a ull membe o he Magga
kin and he Ku u a siida (a adi ional kinship-based co-ope a i e o eindee he d-
e s), bu on he o he hand, i we alk abou mas e ing he a ious skills in eindee
he ding, I ha e jus en e ed he wo ld o skills and I belie e ha o he end o my li e
I will jus ca y on lea ning.
In his pape I discuss he beha io o an indi idual eindee and he beha io
and unc ion o a he d as a g oup o di e en ypes o eindee . Fi s ly, my main aim
was o ocus on he lea ning p ocesses o a eindee . I a gue ha he lea ning p o-
cesses o a eindee is a a he wide opic, u he , i is mo e han jus he gene ic
p og amming wi hin he con ex o su i al o he i es as i is seen in sociobiology.
Howe e , I am no gua an eeing ha he beha io al models o eindee explained in
his a icle should be seen as he only e i ied u h. Ins ead, i seems o be mainly
he eme gence o a ce ain ype o beha io ha can be seen as an in e connec ion
be ween wo di e en species – in a way, a symbiosis be ween eindee and human,
as Flo ian S ammle poin s ou (Beach & S ammle 2006). Reindee he de s know
hese beha io al elemen s o eindee wi h human beings, and in he wilde ness
hey use his knowledge in hei eindee wo k. Secondly, I discuss he concep s o
lea ning and knowledge. In he p ocesses o lea ning p ac ical asks we can alk
abou di e en ways o knowing, bu once someone mas e s ce ain p ac ical asks i
is a mo e han jus ways o knowing. In he end o he pape I e u n o he concep
o knowledge, knowing and mas e ing.
heo e ical and me hodological discussion
A mas e , a skil ul eindee he de , eaching a no ice o do di e en asks wi h ein-
dee gi es only a sho commen : “You see how his is done!” Sounds simple, and
he e a e no mo e explana ions. The e is a wo d in Saami ha means lea ning, calbme
(calbmeeadni), whe e a no ice lea ns by seeing ins ead o ha ing a la ge a ie y o
e bal ins uc ion (Fo s 2004: 87, Somby 2006, Kals ad 1996, Bo gos 1993). This ype
o lea ning is commonly known in p ac ical socie ies. In alking abou applied p ac-
ice, heo y and me hodology, his pape ollows he ideas o he an h opological
heo y o p ac ice, which emphasizes he embodimen o p axis. I is based on indi-
idual lea ning, which is mos ly aining and managing o do p ac ical asks. In his
ype o lea ning p ocess he indi idual gains pe sonal expe ience and uses he o his
senses in ela ion o he en i onmen . In his con ex he cumula i e body o his
ype o knowledge, ei he collec i e o indi idual, is based on each ones’ special
45Knowing, aining, lea ning
skills and p axis; sho ly, i is a cons uc ion o enskilmen . Only h ough enskilmen
can knowledge o a ce ain opic be p oduced o use, as in his a icle, he knowing
o eindee beha io (Ingold 2000, 2001, Ingold & Ku ila 2000, Pálsson 1991). In
eali y, seeing oge he wi h lea ning means ha al eady wi hin one’s own en i on-
men he no ice has gained basic skills, such as he use o a kni e, ope o axe jus o
men ion a ew (Vuojala-Magga 2009 in p ess).
A handy app oach o d aw on he concep o skill can be aken om Ingold’s
(2000) dwelling pe spec i e. Ingold has shown ha skills a e no echniques o he
body bu “ he capabili ies o ac ion and pe cep ion o he whole o ganic being si u-
a ed in a ichly s uc u ed en i onmen .” (Ingold 2000: 5). Indi idual skills a e no
ansmi ed om gene a ion o gene a ion bu hey a e inco po a ed in o he modus
ope andi o a de eloping human o ganism h ough aining and expe iencing he
pe o mance o pa icula asks. Ins ead o s udying skills by he con empo a y a-
di ion o eaching, he ocus is on he no ice and his o he lea ning p ocesses. In his
app oach he subjec o he s udy is he p ac i ione in he con ex o an ac i e
engagemen wi h he cons i uen s o his o he su oundings wi hin he social wo ld.
I can be exp essed as a guided edisco e y wi h eelings o educa ion o a en ion,
he la e used by James Gibson (Ingold a 2000: 5, Ingold b 2000: 288, Gibson, La e &
Wenge 2001).
This ype o guided edisco e y o educa ion o a en ion has a si ua ional co pus
– i is a pa o e e yone’s li e wo ld o p ac ical lea ning. In his espec lea ning can
be seen as a co e idea o me hodological claims, oo. In an h opology, doing esea ch
wo k by lea ning and aining ce ain p ac ical skills ollows he idea o adical
empi icism. This me hodology emphasizes li ed expe iences sha ed h ough pa ici-
pa ion (Jackson 1989, Rosaldo 1984, S olle 1989, James 1912). Acco ding o Jackson:
“A adically empi ical me hod includes he expe ience o he obse e and de ines he
expe imen al ield as one o he in e ac ions and in e subjec i i y” (Jackson 1989: 4).
Thus, as Ingold no es, “because people al eady dwell he ein hey hink hei
hough s hey do.” (Ingold 2000: 186). By li ing and doing wo k and asks one can
begin o e balize he non- e bal le els o knowing. In his book Zen in he A o
A che y, He igel has exp essed his ype o implici knowledge. He w i es: “An
app en ice becomes all he mo e sensi i e o his eache ; he may ha e hea d abou
many hings, bu i is only when he gains expe iences o his own ha eali y s a s o
un a el. The e is no need o ha e meanings o wo ds, o he e is no need o alk a all.
The app en ice unde s ands e en when he eache emains quie .” He igel 1978:
44, own i alics). The s eng h in his ype o lea ning is based on indi idual disco -
e y, no hing can be unde s ood un il a no ice has he o his own expe iences – only
h ough pe sonal expe iences can he no ice make sense o he mas e ’s – o he skil-
ul eindee he de ’s – sho commen s, special e bal ins uc ions o s o ies by he
i e; me apho ically, s o ies ind hei home (Vuojala-Magga 2010 o hcoming). This
way o p ac icing asks is also ai ly impo an in becoming amilia wi h ela ion-
ships be ween human beings and animals, hose ine unings o mo emen s and co-
ope a ion.
Finally, wha is knowledge o p ac ice om his pe spec i e? The emphasis on
con empo a y s udies o adi ional ecological knowledge is ocused on pe sonal
46 T. Vuojala-Magga
expe ience wi h s o ies, and hus handed down h ough gene a ions by cul u al
ansmission (Be kes 2000, Ei a e al. elec ic epo , Nadasdy 1999, Ushe 2000), in
i s deepes meaning i is embodied in language and ins i u ions (Nielsen 1962, Tyle
e al. 2007). Ins ead o using he concep o knowledge, such as cul u al ansmission
o embodimen in language, in his con ex adi ional knowledge can be seen as “a
p ocess o lea ning o accommoda e and adjus hemsel es o hese eali ies in he
ways ha help indigenous sys ems no only o su i e bu o egene a e hemsel es”
(P akash 1999: 168). This p ocess oge he wi h lea ning can also be exp essed as
“ways o knowing” (Hun ing on 2005, Fo bes & S ammle 2009) and inally i is hid-
den wi hin ac ion i sel (Ingold & Ku ila 2000)
ku u a illage and he concep o siida
The illage whe e I li e a pa o a yea and whe e I ha e lea ned o wo k wi h ein-
dee is called Ku u a (in Finnish) o Kuh u (in Saami). I is a illage on he uppe
s eam o I alo Ri e in Finnish Lapland o he Saami a ea, Sápmi. Du ing 1852 he
bo de be ween No way and Russia was closed2, and he nomadic people o he
a ea had o decide whe e o li e. A e 1852, h ee membe s o he Magga kin o
No wegian Saami, Guh u Magga wi h his b o he s, we e he i s ones o come
om Finnma k in No way and Ka esuando in Sweden o se le in hei win e pas-
u e a eas. This is how he illages, Pu numukka and Ku u a we e es ablished.
Nowadays in Ku u a he e a e se en smokes (pe manen households); each amily
ge s i s income om eindee he ding.
The seasonal li e and eindee he ding sys ems in his illage a e based on Saami
cus oms and p ac ices. Mos o he people speak o unde s and Saami language, bu
in he 1950s child en we e no aloud o speak Saami in he boa ding schools hey
wen o. In eindee he ding wo k, people use mixed Saami and Finnish. One o he
Saami cus oms o he ding p ac ices is he siida sys em, which adi ionally is de ined
as: “Beside he land siida consis s o i s membe s (siidda olobmo ), indi iduals
g ouped in economically independen households (báiki).” (Ei a 2008: 8). The mem-
be s o a siida a e connec ed o each o he wi h a kinship sys em. “The he ding suc-
cess depends on siida consensus and he membe s’ capabili y o ac ing and exchang-
ing in o ma ion in acco dance wi h knowledge and insigh gained by egula
pa icipa ion in he daily li e o siida.” (Ei a 2008: 8, see also Paine 1994, Oskal 1995,
Joks 2000, Sa a 2001). In addi ion o p e ious elemen s, a siida can be de ined
h ough he app oach o p axis, om his pe spec i e i can be seen as a sys em ge -
ing ans o med by ime and socioeconomic si ua ion. A he momen , Ku u a sii-
das a e unc ioning ei he by a single amily, i he e is a good numbe o membe s
in one amily, o a siida can be a ce ain amoun o households joined wi hin a kin-
ship sys em. The saying “No one su i es alone” indica es he na u e o he siida
sys em; his means ha each membe o he amily and kin has his o he own asks
o p oducing he success o he siida’s he d and i s membe s. In his espec he
amoun o membe s in each siida uni can a y depending on he ype o yea ; in he
good yea s siidas migh be small and in u n, du ing he bad yea s siidas can be
la ge – i is a lexible sys em. Howe e , decision-making p ocesses no mally a e eg-
2　Un il 1918 Finland was a pa o Russia.
53Knowing, aining, lea ning
iewed om wo dimensions, objec i e and subjec i e. Fi s ly, we ake a eindee as
an objec o eindee he ding – in he same way as we do in academics. F om his
pe spec i e eindee he de s ha e me ely objec i e e bal s a emen s and mnemon-
ics. I call his p o essional knowledge abou eindee . He de s gain a la ge a ie y o
knowledge o he beha io o eindee , which encompasses a ious aspec s such as
beha io models in di e en seasons, like u ing season is om he las week o
Sep embe o he 10 h o Oc obe o he highes peak o cal ing is a ound 18 h
-
24 h o
May. This p o essional knowledge can be esol ed o mo e de ailed sec o s: he e is
e e yday knowledge o eindee beha io in di e en wea he pa e ns and i s
implica ions; specialized beha io al models based on age, sex; and inally, knowl-
edge o an indi idual animal e.g. i s cha ac e . Reindee he de s ha e deep his o ical
knowledge, which in u n, ells abou beha io al and he ding models om pas gen-
e a ions. All o hese ypes o knowledge can be es o ed and egene a ed in he ding
p ac ices and i can be ans e ed o o he con ex s, hence i can be compa ed and
exchanged be ween di e en p o essionals. We can collec his ype o knowledge by
pa icipa ion, obse a ion and in e iewing – i can be old in wo ds.
This ype o objec i e knowledge o beha io al pa e ns o eindee , he de s and
esea che s can be w i en down as a con inuous s o y. As discussed be o e, he ding
echniques ha e a ied h oughou he his o y o eindee he ding. E en now he e
is a ans o ma ion in he ding echniques aking place in Finnish Lapland, and ul i-
ma ely his has been a ec ing he beha io o eindee , oo. The o me semi-domes-
ica ed o “quie ” Saami eindee changed o e al eindee wi hin he changes om
he in ensi e he ding o ex ensi e he ding echniques. Du ing hose yea s o in en-
si e he ding he bulls and uncas a ed males had an impo an ole in he he d –
hey secu ed he he d om p eda o s and helped o dig lichen ou om unde nea h
he ha d snow co e – he he d was kep oge he wi h eindee he de s (Tyle e al.
2007). The bulls s ayed oge he wi h he he d because o he human ac ion o keep-
ing he he d as a whole. Some changes in he d beha io and s uc u e ook place
a e he 1960s once snowmobiles we e s a ed o be used. The snowmobile enabled
ex ensi e he ding echniques and eindee we e le by hemsel es o ange eely
(Beach 1981, Ingold 1980, Helle Jaakkola 2009). The ole and amoun o he bulls
changed; he e was no longe a need o ha e cas a ed males as sledge eindee o o
ha e hei help in mo ing he he d o new pas u e a eas. The numbe o males in
Scandina ia collapsed (See Tyle e al. 2007).
Reindee we e no longe semi-domes ica ed bu , a he , became o es ed ( e al o
wild), because hey had o p o ec hemsel es. This changed he s uc u e o he ds,
oo.11 Females, which a e s onges du ing he sp ing ime, no longe accep ed ha -
ing male eindee a ound. Females ake ca e o hose cal es bo n in he p e ious
sp ing, howe e , once he sp ing s a s o u n o he end o Ap il, old cal es a e
kicked ou be o e emales gi e he bi h o new cal es. Those jus bo n cal es can be
wounded by he cal es (ke mikkä) o he p e ious yea . Cal ing akes place in a
secu ed place away om he es o he emale he d and a e a ew days he emale
goes back o i s he d. A p esen bulls end o mo e a ound wi h emales only du -
11　These changes canno be gene alised, because in Finland he e a e special co-ope a i es wi h
ences a ound (see Nuccio Mazzullo’s a icle in his book).

54 T. Vuojala-Magga
ing he u ing season, a e ha hey go on hei own and ga he in o small g oups.
Many males a e so-called “place ai h ul eindee ” (asujapo o), which in u n means
hey ha e ce ain a eas o hei pas u e o a ion and a e easily ound i needed.
Once again imes a e changing. Quie eindee jus like Viljami and Ukko-Poika
ha e e u ned – jus like in he old days – because hese eindee a e needed o wo k
in ou is a eas. In Ku u a, eindee ha e lea ned o come o he ya d o he house.
They use he woods a ound he house as hei home a ea, and du ing he ime o
eedom hey s ill come o he house because o he good ood du ing win e o o
ake shel e (in old cowsheds and ba ns) om he mosqui oes du ing summe . These
eindee a e mos ly he old cas a ed males and young uncas a ed bulls. Wi hin
hese male he ds, he e a e also lea ning p ocesses aking place; he young males,
which mo e a ound wi h elde eindee , lea n o make hei home in o es s nea by
houses. Some o hese eindee a e known as un opo o, he known indi idual ein-
dee . Once he he ds o au umn and win e ound-ups a e collec ed, he de s know
which eindee a e missing acco ding o he known eindee ( un opo o) and hei
companions. (The e a e many emale un opo o, oo). A quie eindee can bene i he
he de s. Fo example, he e ha e been si ua ions whe e old males come on hei own
o ound up places o ood; males ha e no ea o loosing cal es like old emales do
om hei expe iences in p e ious ound ups. He de s can bene i om he beha io
o a amed eindee because i can help in collec ing and mo ing he ds, bu i can
hide, oo. Howe e , a amed cas a ed male is always i e han a b eeding bull,
which d ops his an le s be o e mid win e . Cas a ed males s ill ha e an le s in mid
win e and hey can demons a e hei powe by ying o moun he neck o a
human being o a dog.
A emale eindee in he wilde ness shows he cal in one yea s’ ime all he skills
needed o su i al, places o o age and sa e ou es o ge o di e en seasonal
a eas. Cal es lea n by ollowing hei mo he s. I a cal less han a yea old is aken
away om i s mo he o a enced in eeding a ea du ing Janua y and Feb ua y and
a e ha is aken back o he o es , some eindee he de s call i a “homeless ani-
mal” kodi on po o, simply because i did no ha e ime o lea n e e y hing om i s
mo he . So be o e le ing a cal loose, people p e e o look o some o he eindee o
join i .12 No only in he i s yea bu also in he coming yea s he young eindee
lea ns mo e abou he o his li ewo ld. Semi-domes ica ed eindee lea n o ake
ad an age o he a o dances o e ed by human beings (See also Beach & S ammle
2006). In he eeding a eas, he weakes eindee show hei ee will; in a ew days
ime hey come o ea om he hand o he human being, in his way hey a oid he
compe i ion o ood. The e a e also igh ened eindee as be o e, e en oday a
sca ed one is no good o he sake o he he d when collec ing o he ding he g oup
o animals. A sca ed eindee can b eak up he he d and make i e al. Each ype o
indi idual beha io , whe he i is in a enced in a ea o ou in he wilde ness, is ein-
dee beha io in which an animal uses i s di e en capabili ies acco ding o i s age,
12　I is also said ha once he e is a medium-ha d snow co e in sp ing ime, lone cal es can
su i e be e wi hou a he d. The snow co e is s ong enough o hei mo emen s, and in his
way hey ha e access o a c ic moss – whe eas he adul s being hea ie ha e di icul ies mo ing
a ound because he snow co e b eaks.
55Knowing, aining, lea ning
cha ac e , and si ua ion o a o dance. This ype o animal beha io can be seen as “a
esou ce o i s own u he de elopmen ” (Oyama 2001: 4). O as Lewon in (2001:
62) poin s ou , an: “O ganism is no simply he objec o de elopmen al o ces, bu is
he subjec o hei o ce as well. O ganisms as en i ies a e one o he causes o hei
own de elopmen .” Some beha io models show ha a single eindee can a ec he
sys em and beha io o he whole he d in he long un. Th ough he his o ical pe -
spec i e he changes in he beha io o semi-domes ica ed eindee has a ied
acco ding o he closeness o he de s and hei he ding echniques.
lea ning abou eindee om he a o p ac ice
As i is exp essed in Zen, a ce ain eali y s a s opening up only once a no ice gains
his o he own expe iences o p ac ice. Fu he mo e, hese expe iences should be
con inuous and li e long lea ning p ocesses, only hen could we call his pe son a
no ice. In his pe spec i e a no ice is no one who comes o wo k wi h eindee o
ew yea s, bu she o he has a li e long engagemen wi h his li elihood. This pa o
he discussion on knowledge o eindee comes om he a o doing. In con empo-
a y an h opology doing and p ac icing a e unde s ood as p ocesses (Ingold 2000,
Ingold Ku ila 2000, Fo bes & S ammle 2009). This indica es ha ins ead o using a
concep o knowledge we should alk abou a p ocess o knowing. Knowledge as
such, is some hing s able and ans o mable and i could be used in a ious con ex s.
He e I e e he de ini ion o knowledge by Ma k Polany whe e “Knowledge is an
ac i i y which would be be e desc ibed as a p ocess o knowing.” Acco ding o his
wo k, a heo y o knowledge mus be applicable o bo h kinds o knowing (Polanyi
1969: 132). He a gues ha knowing is a he an indwelling. When we lea n o use
some hing like a language o a ool, and hus make ou sel es as awa e o hese
hings as we a e o ou body, we in e io ize, o example, ools and we make ou -
sel es dwell in hem (Polanyi 1969: 134, 148). To unde s and his, one does no look
a some hing as an obse e , ins ead she o he is a ending i om join ac ion – as a
unc ion o ope a ion (see also Polanyi 1969: 153). F om his pe spec i e, we unde -
s and o he people once we gain he knowledge o hei doing. Polany says: “…we
know o he minds by indwelling in hei ac s.” (Polanyi 1975: 48).
Howe e , acco ding o eindee he de s’ commen s, ou academic s udies on
eindee a e abou knowing bu no knowledge.13 In he eindee he de s’ ame-
wo k, ou knowing is ce ainly no know-how no does i i in o hei de ini ion o
knowledge. Appa en ly, we only ha e some bi s and pieces o he knowledge o
eindee , hus he e mus be some hing missing. I suppose, one pa o his a gumen
is based on ou esea ch pe iod o ieldwo k du a ion – as said be o e a no ice does
no lea n enough in one o wo yea s’ ime – so how does an an h opologis o a
biologis gain knowledge abou eindee when i akes a li e ime o a p o essional
(i.e. eindee he de ) o lea n? The second pa o he a gumen is based on he
no ion ha we do no gain he skills o p ac ice eindee he ding as a li elihood – so
how do we ge he basics o ou knowledge? I guess his is a eason why we only
jus know, hus we a e ne e p o essionals – in a way we p oduce o ms wi hou
13　The e is a p o essional eindee he de s’ jou nal, Po omies, wi h a icles by eindee he de s and
academics.
56 T. Vuojala-Magga
subs ance o bones wi hou lesh.
Le us examine wo examples in his a gumen . Fo ins ance, ake an explana ion
o gene ic inhe i ance, and we s a o ge close o eindee he de s’ c i icisms o sci-
en i ic knowledge. We hink abou u ing bulls collec ing hei emale he d. Jus like
in school ex books, one knows ha he e is a u ing season and we ha e scien i ic
knowledge abou eindee ’s sexual beha io . Acco ding o sociobiology he e is a
law o he i es whe e he s onges bulls b eed wi h emales hus secu ing he bes
genes o u u e gene a ions (Helle 1982: 39
-
49). In eali y he e is a wo d puikka oida
used among he de s, which means ha he young males b eed wi h he emales
behind he backs o bulls, while bulls a e igh ing and jealously unning a ound. An
odd hing is ha a his s age young males ha e no ye shown whe he hey will be
he i es bulls in hei adul hood.
The eindee he de s’ a gumen can be aken in o an h opological discussion, oo.
In his second case we ake a human pe spec i e. Imagine you sel being alone in a
o es picking be ies and ge ing in he way o a he d o unning emales being
chased by a u ing bull. This wo n ou jealous animal is eady o a ack anyone in
his way. In his case ou knowledge om biology o e hnog aphical s o ies is no
enough. In eali y, we ha e o know mo e abou eindee , be awa e o mo emen s in
i s eyes, ea s, head and neck as well as ou own mo emen s in o de o know i a si -
ua ion is likely o be ha mless o i i can be dange ous. Howe e , we ha e o be
awa e o heses hings be o ehand by eading he signals o he male eindee .
Wi hin a ew seconds, in he case o a ack, we should al eady know wha o do and
how o do i . A e hese examples o knowledge o knowing?
The e migh be wo hings ha we a e missing, namely closeness o an animal
and hose eelings ha ge bo n in closeness. I am alking abou emo ions de i ed
om close con ac . In aci knowledge and aci knowing Michael Polanyi alks abou
elying on one’s own subsidia ies. Fo example, we ely on he eelings o ou hand
and inge s holding a kni e wi hin ou mo emen s o hand and humb when we cu
a delica e ea ma k on an ea o a jus bo n cal . Ou ocus is on he ea and on he cu
i sel , bu we do no hink abou he hand and he kni e. This is enskilmen –skills
and eelings (See Polanyi 1969, Vuojala-Magga 2009). Knowing eindee is based on
he de s’ enskilmen . F om he poin o iew o aining a eindee one is in close
con ac wi h a single animal and a he same ime gains unde s anding om
enskilmen . To lea n abou eindee he e a e bo h p ac ice and closeness as basic
uni s o a wide unde s anding. When we ain a eindee we lea n in p ac ice
abou he appea ance o a single indi idual animal and i s cha ac e and empe a-
men . F om his pe sonal expe ience one can ecognize hose yea ly changes o ein-
dee in i s u , g ow h and changes o appea ance o ace and body, which all
oge he o e an e e yday ecogni ion o a ia ions and di e ences o eindee in a
he d. The simila i y o close con ac can be unde s ood in eading he ea ma k o a
eindee . Once a he de lea ns o cu he ea ma k, o as i said s a s making he o
his own handw i ing (käsiala) on a cal ’s ea , only hen is she o he eady o ead o
ecognize di e en owne s’ ea ma ks om ea s o eindee in a he d (See also Paine
2009) In an induc i e way, closeness is an impo an hing in lea ning and ge ing o
know eindee .
57Knowing, aining, lea ning
In each case o closeness he e a e eelings and emo ions om bo h pa ne s. A
he same ime a human being has o ely on ones’ own eelings, and a eindee has o
lea n new eelings, oo. Co-ope a ion be ween human and animal is a esonance o
di e en eelings. A pe son has o esona e o he animal’s ea o ange by being
calm. In he case an ang y eindee , i a pe son shows ea and u ns a ound as , i is
sel -e iden ha he eindee will a ack. T aining eindee elies on i mness; only
hen will one achie e us and eliance om he animal. In bo h cases calmness is
he key emo ion. A calm and s eady aine makes a eindee ely on a human being
and his o he way o esona ing o he wo ld whe e he animal is mean o wo k
wi h hose asks designed by human beings. The idea o lea ning is hidden in hese
hough s; one has o lea n in such a way ha he e a e no hough s o pe sonal
mo emen s ye s ill he e a e hough s o mo emen s as a whole – mo emen s o a
eindee and a pe son wi hin all he li e a ound. Mo emen s o eindee ha e o be
known, no only in he human – animal connec ion, bu wi hin he connec ions o all
li ing ha a e he e in ha e y momen . One canno hink jus abou mo emen s,
bu she o he has o pe cei e hem as he eindee does, only hen is she o he able o
esona e. Resona ing mo emen i sel is emo ion; i is ei he ea o calmness.
Again, le ing he eindee loose in he o es o summe , he animal changes i s
beha io o he o es li e, hus i is wise, he e is no hope o he help om i s human
iend a ha ime, no is he e a need o i . No aine expec s o ge co-ope a i e
signs om a eindee in he summe ime. In he same way when a human being is
a home in he wilde ness, she o he indwells in ha wo ld o ac ions – he e is ee-
dom on bo h sides. I a gue, ha his is abou he aci knowledge ha men and
woman ha e – i is a p ocess o knowledge ha has li e in i a he same ime.
inal discussion
As a conclusion I ha e wo ques ions o be answe ed. Fi s ly, wha do we, as human
beings, lea n abou eindee ? In o he wo ds, can any o his knowing be ans e ed
o o he con ex s? As I said be o e, you canno le a eindee jump on you neck. This
is he same wi h us human beings. In he no h one canno su i e alone, help is
always needed. Wi hin one’s li e wo ld each pe son is known as well as you know
he amed eindee , bo h he good pa s and he bad pa s. The e a e always wo
ways o coping wi h ellow human beings, ei he you le someone jump on you
neck o you build up a mu ually us ul ela ionship. I can be said ha people eso-
na e o each o he wi hou wo ds, as Polany poin ed ou , h ough ac ions (see
Polanyi 1975). The one who keeps jumping on he neck o ano he pe son is e en u-
ally le alone – ul ima e exploi a ion ne e unc ions among he eindee he ding
socie ies. A he same ime indi idual eedom and own space wi h some kind o
wildness is accep ed jus like he wild eindee ha e in wilde ness. I a gue ha his
is a pa o knowledge o eindee beha io and his simila knowledge can be e -
balized as a kind o wisdom o social beha io among eindee he ding socie ies.
Secondly, wha do we lea n as academics om aining a eindee ? The lea ning
p ocess o aining a eindee goes s ep by s ep – once a pe son hinks ha she o he
knows wha o do, he nex aining session u ns ou o be e y di e en . E en u-
ally, i is an open-ended p ocess o ge ing deepe and deepe in o he wo ld o ein-
58 T. Vuojala-Magga
dee . I I compa e his idea o ou academic wo king p ocesses, i is appa en ha
he e is no so much di e ence. Ou wo k is e e yday p ac ice o gaining new skills
in w i ing, eading and hinking wi h emo ions. Once we hink ha we know some-
hing, he nex ask seems o be e y di e en . I suppose ha i eindee he de s
knew o ou p ac ice and lo e o w i ing in eal li e, he e could be mo e unde s and-
ing in ou wo k and inal s a emen s, oo.
Howe e , inally he e is no de ini e knowledge abou eindee . The e is ne e a
s able closed sys em in he beha io o animal and human li e, bu ac i e sys ems
ha play an ac i e ole in hei own de elopmen ; his is he same in academic wo k,
oo (see also Ba eson 2001: 156). A mas e , whe he an academic o eindee he de ,
has good skills in p oceeding in he o his wo k and hus uses he mos con enien
ways o doing he o his wo k. Expe ience gi es mo e powe o make knowing
become knowledge and he o he way, oo. Whe he in eindee he ding p ac ices o
in academic w i ing, knowledge is useless un il one has he skills o apply i .
In a ew pa s o his a icle I ha e e e ed o ex s o Zen. I was in 2005 when my
supe iso , P o . Timo Jä ileh o, ad ised me o ge o know Zen o be e unde -
s and non e bal communica ion and p ac ical skills. Zen e eals aci knowing
(Vuojala-Magga 2009). In Zen knowing means no knowing. As a conclusion abou
human-animal ela ionships I inish his a icle by quo ing Suzuki Daise z:
A human being is a hinking c ea u e, and hus, he makes his g ea hings
once he does no hink o coun . To become o be a child again is only
acqui ed, once he has p ac iced he skill o o ge ing himsel du ing hose
many long las ing yea s. Once a human being gains his skill again, he does
hink and hus he does no hink. He hinks like he alling ain om he skies
hinks, he hinks like he wa e on he ocean hinks, he hinks like a winkling
s a in he nigh sky hinks, and like he g een lea es in he sp ing wind hink.
Then he, himsel is ha ain, ocean, s a and he g een colo o he lea e
(Suzuki 1978: 6).
acknowledgemen s
This a icle is a pa o he Fin-Ca ia (Communi y adap a ion and ulne abili y in
he a c ic) p ojec o he A c ic Cen e. I would like o hank Flo ian S ammle and
Hi oki Takaku a o accep ing my pape o he con e ence, “Social signi icance o
animals in nomadic pas o al socie ies o he A c ic, A ica & Cen al Asia”, al hough
I could no pe sonally be he e. Fo my discussions abou implici knowledge I
app ecia e P o esso Timo Jä ileh o in Kajaani Psykologian Labo a o io, and abou
special opics on eindee he ding my iends o eindee he de s, Viljo Hu u and
Kaisa Ki i senio .
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4
Me apho ical p ojec ion and in eg a ed cogni i e
sys ems: The Sambu u in No h Cen al Kenya
Shinya Konaka
G adua e School o In e na ional Rela ions, Uni e si y o Shizuoka, Japan
abs ac
Cha ac e is ics o he cogni i e sys ems in he Sambu u pas o al people in No h Cen al
Kenya, in Eas A ica we e in es iga ed wi h special a en ion o hei me apho ical way
o hinking. This e ealed ha hei pe cep ions o li es ock, humans, and wild animals
a e an in eg a ed sys em, ein o cing he social signi icance o animals. The cogni i e sys-
em o he Sambu u does no sepa a e hese ca ego ies, bu ins ead pe cei es hem as
pa s o an in eg a ed sys em ha is loosely and lexibly connec ed by he logic o me a-
pho . Mo eo e , my hs and cus oms o he Sambu u indica e ha e en he shi om
li es ock o wild animals and om human beings o wild animals can happen in he
imagined wo ld o he Sambu u. The dis inc ions be ween he h ee ca ego ies a e ague,
pe meable, and e en con e ible. The e o e, he dicho omy o “wild animal e sus li e-
s ock” o e en “humans e sus animals” needs ee alua ion; ins ead, he cogni i e sys-
em should be analyzed as an in eg a ed sys em in which objec s a e me apho ically
in e ela ed. In es iga ions also sugges ed ha he dicho omy be ween small e sus la ge
s ock should be iewed wi h esh eyes. The idea o a ansi ion be ween hun ing and
he ding was also suppo ed, because wild animals and li es ock a e me apho ically con-
nec ed e en in o ally pas o al A ican socie ies.
Keywo ds: Sambu u, pas o alism, me apho , an h opomo phism, in eg a ed cogni i e
sys em
in oduc ion
Close examina ion o se e al cha ac e is ics o he cogni i e sys ems o he Sambu u
pas o al people in No h Cen al Kenya in Eas A ica, wi h special e e ence o he
me apho ical way o hinking, e eals pe cep ions o li es ock, human, and wild
animals as an in eg a ed sys em, ein o cing he social signi icance o animals.
The e is a long and ich an h opological adi ion o examining he cogni ion o
people in a ious cul u es. As Ohnuki-Tie ney (1981) summa ized, he adi ion o
hese s udies un il ea ly 1980s can be classi ied as ei he Eu opean “symbolic classi-
ica ion” (Du kheim & Mauss 1963; Lé i-S auss 1966; Needham 1979) o Ame ican
“cogni i e an h opology” (Conklin 1955; Goodenough 1956; Tylo 1969). Al hough
bo h adi ions undoub edly helped o ela i ize he Wes e n no ion o cogni ion o
g ea ex en , hey omi ed examina ion o he dualis ic cha ac e o na u e and cul-
63
70 S. Konaka
discussion
The cogni i e sys ems o he Sambu u can be cha ac e ized by a ocus on li es ock.
Se e al kinds o wild animals a e pe cei ed h ough me apho ic compa isons wi h
li es ock. Human beings, in acco dance wi h age and gende , a e also pe cei ed
h ough me apho s wi h li es ock.
The classic heo y o anomaly and ambigui y p oposed by Douglas (1966) is
pa ly applicable also o he Sambu u case. Fo example, ea ing he mea o a com-
mon zeb a is a oided because he common zeb a has some anomalous cha ac e is-
ics om he li es ock ca ego y. Howe e , mo e impo an ly o he Sambu u, li e-
s ock o ms he cen e o hei sense o no mali y qui e s ongly. Tha is, he
Sambu u e alua e animals in acco dance wi h he simila i y o he cha ac e is ics o
li es ock. The Sambu u do no ques ion whe he some hing is no mal o abno mal
o he o de , bu ask in wha way i is simila o li es ock. The e o e, an analysis o
he Sambu u cogni i e sys em equi es ha we disca d he o e all applica ion o
he anomaly heo y o s uc u al an h opology and ins ead shi o a heo y ha
emphasizes simila i ies.
Cogni i e scien is s ha e de eloped he heo y o base and a ge domain (e.g.,
Holyoak & Thaga d 1995) based on he me apho and simila i ies. P esumably,
base domain may be p ojec ed o he a ge domain. Li es ock o m a base domain
o he cogni i e sys ems o he Sambu u. This base domain, based on li es ock, is
p ojec ed o o he objec s, like human beings and wild animals, as a ge domains.
The e o e, he mea o a wild animal ha is conside ed simila o li es ock is con-
side ed edible. A bi d wi h colo a ion simila colo o ha o a cow is sac ed. In his
espec , Sambu u cogni ion can be cha ac e ized by no only an h opomo phism
bu also “li es ock-mo phism.” O cou se, he e e se is also ue in se e al
ins ances. None heless, he Sambu u place a s ong emphasis on li es ock, and
me apho is qui e ubiqui ous in Sambu u pas o al cul u e.
Pe haps li es ock o e s good aw ma e ial o a me apho ical way o hinking. I
is “good o hink,” as Lé i-S auss (1963: 89) poin ed ou in his wo k on o emism.
In a sense, li es ock is he s a ing poin o me apho . Li es ock gene a es me apho
and cul u e. Clea ly, in o de o unde s and pas o al socie ies, i is impo an o ec-
ognize he social signi icance o animals, as gene a o s o me apho .
Needless o say, he logic o me apho s is based on simila i y. I we adop he
logic o sameness, “X is equal o Y,” bo h objec s a e o ally iden ical. I we adop
he logic o di e ence, “X is no equal o Y,” bo h objec s a e o ally di e gen .
The e o e, bo h kinds o logic p o ide only a s ic cogni i e amewo k.
Howe e , i we adop he logic o simila i y, “X is nea ly equal o Y,” bo h objec s
a e loosely and lexibly connec ed. O cou se, he Sambu u ce ainly do no con use
hese ypes o logic. They ne e con use li es ock and wild animals no li es ock
and humans. They o ally unde s and such di e ences. Bu a he same ime, hey
eel hese di e en objec s sha e some simila i ies. The e o e, wha hey ecognize is
he simila i ies among objec s belonging o di e en ca ego ies. This is o ally di -
e en om me e con usion o ca ego ies.
The e o e, me apho connec s di e en objec s loosely and lexibly wi h he logic

71Me apho ical p ojec ion and in eg a ed cogni i e sys ems
o simila i y.
To sum up, in he cogni i e sys em o he Sambu u, li es ock, wild animals, and
human beings a e no sepa a ed, bu o m an in eg a ed sys em ha is loosely and
lexibly connec ed by he logic o me apho . To be su e, simila i ies a e no mo e
impo an han di e ences, howe e , because any classi ica ion sys ems equi e
bo h.
Se e al my hs and cus oms o he Sambu u indica e ha e en he shi om li e-
s ock o wild animals and om human beings o wild animals can happen in he
imagined wo ld o he people. The dis inc ions be ween li es ock, wild animals,
and human beings a e ague, pe meable, and e en con e ible, because hey a e
loosely ied wi h he logic o me apho .
The e o e, gi en a mo e undamen al examina ion o he wo ld iew o pas o al-
is s, he dicho omy o “wild animal e sus li es ock” o e en “humans e sus ani-
mals” should be ee alua ed. Resea che s o pas o al socie y should no p esuppose
a sepa a ion o animals om li es ock and humans om li es ock. Ra he , he cog-
ni i e sys em should be analyzed as an in eg a ed sys em in which objec s a e me a-
pho ically in e ela ed.
Las ly, he e a e implica ions o he compa a i e s udies o pas o al socie ies. In
addi ion o he econside a ion o he dicho omy o wild animal e sus li es ock
and humans e sus animals, he dicho omy o small s ock e sus la ge s ock should
also be iewed wi h esh eyes. Fo example, in Sambu u socie y, a pe son may go
o he ma ke o sell la ge s ock and, in u n, pu chase small s ock wi h he p oceeds
(Konaka 1997, 2001, 2006b) o he e e se. The e o e, la ge s ock and small s ock
a e con e ible in he ma ke economy.
A se e al i es o passage, i is equi ed o a Sambu u ini ia e o slaugh e an
ox, a la ge s ock animal. Bu , some ini ia es slaugh e a male goa , a small s ock ani-
mal, ins ead o an ox. The eason is ha i is di icul o an impo e ished Sambu u
o slaugh e a la ge s ock animal, which can be sold a a high p ice, especially a e
he incessan d ough . Fu he mo e, some poo Sambu u do no own any la ge
s ock a all. The e o e, a leas ecen ly, eplacing small s ock animals o la ge s ock
in i uals is no ega ded as a iola ion o cus om. In ac , i is socially app o ed
because he d ough and impo e ishmen a e p oblems ha all he de s sha e.
O cou se, la ge s ock and small s ock ha e di e en meanings in e ms o social
p es ige. Howe e , we should no o e emphasize he di e ence, since bo h a e con-
e ible and connec ed loosely and lexibly wi h he logic o me apho .
F om his poin o iew, se e al assump ions p oposed by S ammle and
Takaku a (see he in oduc ion o his book) a e in e es ing. My esea ch ou come
ends o suppo S ammle ’s opinion ha we should include he signi icance o non-
pas o al animals in ou analyses o pas o alis s. In oduc ion o his olume (S am-
mle and Takaku a) no es ha among A c ic hun e -he de socie ies he signi icance
o small s ock is pa ly eplaced by game and ish. I can also suppo he a gumen
on he ansi ion be ween hun ing and ga he ing and he ding and cul i a ion (Lay-
on e al. 1991) since my esea ch shows ha wild animals and li es ock a e me a-
pho ically connec ed e en in pu ely pas o al A ican socie ies, whe e hun e -ga h-
e e s a e socially despised by pas o alis s. Al hough my e idence does no
72 S. Konaka
necessa ily subs an ia e he his o ical con e ibili y be ween hun e -ga he s and
pas o alis s in A ican pas o al socie ies, o he Sambu u esea che s (Fumagalli
1977: 71
-
72; Spe ling 1987: 48
-
49) ha e also sugges ed he con e ibili y be ween
hun e -ga he s and he de s. None heless, my e idence shows he cogni i e p emise
o he con e ibili y.
Rega dless o whe he o no my heo y o me apho ical objec ion and in eg a ed
cogni i e sys em may be gene alized o o he pas o al socie ies o he A c ic, A ica
and Cen al Asia, me apho pe haps o e s a clue o unde s anding cha ac e is ics
o he pas o al socie y. The ac ha objec s in he pas o al socie ies may be con-
nec ed loosely and lexibly wi h he logic o me apho allows us o b oaden ou
compa a i e pe spec i e.
acknowledgemen s
I would like o exp ess my g a i ude o a numbe o indi iduals and agencies as
ollows. This esea ch was pa ially suppo ed by Minis y o Educa ion, Science,
Spo s and Cul u e, G an -in-Aid packages o Scien i ic Resea ch (Scien i ic
Resea ch B, No. 20401010, 2008
-
2009; Scien i ic Resea ch on P io i y A eas, 2002
-
2006; Explo a o y Resea ch, No. 16652064, 2004
-
2006; Young Scien is s B, No.
14710220, 2002
-
2003; Scien i ic Resea ch A, No. 15251010. 2003
-
2006). The Ins i u e
o A ican S udies, Uni e si y o Nai obi, kindly coope a ed wi h my esea ch in
Kenya. Also, he Nai obi Resea ch S a ion, Japan Socie y o he P omo ion o Sci-
ence, o e ed esea ch assis ance. In addi ion, P o esso Simon G. Ma henge, He -
ba ium, Uni e si y o Nai obi, helped me o iden i y bo anical specimens. Finally, I
am g a e ul o he many Sambu u people who coope a ed wi h me in my esea ch,
al hough I eg e o say ha I canno disclose each name o p o ec ion o hei p i-
acy.
e e ences
In oduc ion (S ammle and Takaku a), in his olume
Bi d-Da id, N.
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An h opology 40 Supplemen , 67
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Conklin, H.C.
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102. London: Rou ledge.
Douglas, M.
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1963　P imi i e classi ica ion. Chicago: Chicago Uni e si y P ess.
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1979　Ca le colou symbolism and in e - ibal homicide among he Bodi. In Wa a e among Eas
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1977　A Diach onic s udy o change and socio-cul u al p ocess among he pas o al nomadic Sambu u o
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1975. New Yo k: Ph.D. disse a ion, S a e Uni e si y o New Yo k a Bu alo.
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1995　Men al leaps: Analogy in c ea i e hough . Camb idge: MIT P ess.
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1997　The Sambu u li es ock ma ke in no hcen al Kenya. In A ican S udy Monog aphs 18(3
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5
Es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee he ding in he
Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian Tund a
Shi o Sasaki
Na ional Museum o E hnology, Japan
abs ac
La ge-scale eindee he ding, which is ypically seen among he Nene s and Chukchee,
was es ablished unde ce ain na u al and social condi ions du ing he se en een h, eigh-
een h and nine een h cen u ies. Based on a e iew o he discussions o I. I. K upnik,
and A. V. Golo ne and G. Oshe enko, in his a icle I conside he iming, en i onmen al
ac o s, p ocess, and social impac o his enla gemen o eindee he ding. In addi ion, I
inco po a e my own ield da a ga he ed in he Eu opean und a and No he n Yaku ia.
Fundamen ally, I suppo K upnik’s hypo hesis ega ding he pe iod in which his
enla gemen ook place. I ocus, howe e , on he ole o eindee as labo powe , no as
ood ma e ial, in he p ocess o he enla gemen o he he d in he eigh een h cen u y
among he Nene s people. Unde he bene icial clima e condi ions p esen du ing a cool-
ing pe iod, equen con ac wi h Russians and o he o eigne s s imula ed he demand
o eindee sledge anspo a ion in und a a eas, and he Nene s he de s enla ged hei
he ds in o de o aise ained eindee o sledge d augh . I heo ize ha his demand
o labo was one o he main ac o s leading o enla gemen o he ds. As o he inal ac-
o s in ol ed in he es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee he ding, wo addi ional ac o s
need conside a ion, namely he ex inc ion o wild eindee and he appea ance o con-
sume s o eindee mea and u li ing ou side he he de ’s communi y. The esul s o
his p ocess can clea ly be seen in he socie y o he Eu opean Nene s and Komi eindee
he de s. Following he ansi ion o la ge-scale he ding, hei socie y was di e en ia ed
in o a se o social classes, o me clan o ganiza ions we e di ided in o nume ous ami-
lies and o he smalle kin g oups, and some o me he de s mig a ed o islands in he
A c ic Sea o engage in sea mammal hun ing. The es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee
he ding was a complex p ocess ha in ol ed nume ous ac o s esul ing in a a ie y o
changes o he he de s’ socie y.
Keywo ds: la ge scale eindee he ding, wild eindee hun ing, he Nene s, he Komi,
eindee sledge, labo powe o li es ock, social di e en ia ion
in oduc ion
Reindee he ding o b eeding1 is a pa icula subsis ence, p oduc i e, and e en com-
1　Though I do no s ic ly di e en ia e my use o he e ms, “ eindee he ding” and “ eindee
b eeding,” my use o “he ding” ca ies a nuance o he d con ol, while “b eeding” has a nuance o
he d main enance and ep oduc ion. The e o e, I will o en use he e ms, “la ge-scale he ding” and
77
78 S. Sasaki
me cial ac i i y ha is highly adap ed o he a c ic en i onmen , bo h na u al and
social, o he Eu asian No h. One aspec ha di e en ia es his om o he ypes o
nomadism in s eppes and o he d y a eas, is ha people b eed only one so o ani-
mal, eindee (Rangi e a andus), which a e mainly used o labo and mea bu also
o a lesse deg ee o milking. The economy o eindee he de s and b eede s, how-
e e , is no monocul u al, bu consis s o many subsis ence and comme cial ac i i-
ies. Wild eindee hun ing in he und a, moose hun ing in o es - und a, sea mam-
mal hun ing on and a ound islands in he Pola Sea, ishing on i e s and lakes, and
be y collec ing a e ypical subsis ence ac i i ies ha coexis wi h eindee b eeding.
Reindee he ding and b eeding p o ides suppo o comme cial ac i i ies such as
he hun ing and b eeding o u bea ing animals ( oxes, pola oxes a e o en b ed
o u p oduc ion, while sables, ma ins, weasels, lynxes, e mines, squi els a e he
mos o en hun ed animals), comme cial ishing, ade, and ou ism, o e ing a o m
o anspo h ough ehicles such as sledges, o by iding he animals hemsel es.
The e a e wo ypes o eindee he ding and b eeding, i.e., small-scale and la ge-
scale. The di e ences be ween hem do no only in ol e he size o he ds o he
numbe o animals in a he ding uni , bu also he posi ion o hese animals in he
local economy and socie y. In socie ies whe e small-scale b eeding was common,
hun ing was he p ima y ac i i y and p oduc s om ishing we e he main sou ce o
ood ma e ials, while eindee b eeding occupied a seconda y and supplemen a y
s a us o p o ide anspo a ion o men and hei possessions. Though i is di icul
o e hnic mino i ies o li e on adi ional subsis ence ac i i ies in he p esen global-
ized economic and social condi ions in Sibe ia and Eu opean No h, bo h hun ing
and eindee b eeding a e o en conside ed symbols o he e hnic cul u e. On he
o he hand, o la ge-scale he de s, eindee b eeding and he ding occupied he p i-
ma y s a us in hei economy and socie y. Though hun ing and ishing p oduc s
o en played mo e impo an oles in he ood supply o e en he la ge-scale he de s,
eindee and he eindee he ding had a a ie y o mo e impo an social unc ions,
including he ole o an e hnic symbol.
In his pape I will discuss some p oblems conce ning he p ocess o he es ablish-
men o he la ge-scale eindee he ding seen among he Nene s people in he Eu o-
pean and Wes Sibe ian und a in he eigh een h and nine een h cen u ies ( he e i-
o ies o he Eu opean and Sibe ian Nene s in he eigh een h cen u y a e de ailed in
Fig. 1). When did he enla gemen o he scale o he ding and b eeding begin? Why
did he people enla ge hei he ds? Wha ole did he inc ease o he numbe o
amed dee play in hei economy? Wha happened in socie y o hese he de s du -
ing and a e his change? These a e he ques ions ha a imes ha e been discussed
by an h opologis s, e hnologis s, and his o ians, who we e in e es ed in he eindee
b eeding and he ding cul u e o he Sibe ian indigenous people.
Fo example, du ing he 1960s, some So ie e hnologis s we e al eady discussing
he p ocess o and easons o he enla gemen o he scale o eindee he ding by
he Nene s and Chukchee people. I. S. Vdo in desc ibed how he Chukchee eindee
“small-scale b eeding,” s essing he d con ol in he o me case and he d main enance and
ep oduc ion in he la e . F. S ammle clea ly summa ized he discussion on he concep and
de ini ion o he e ms like “he ding,” “husband y,” and “b eeding.” (S ammle 2001: 49-55)

79Es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee he ding in he Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian Tund a
he de s enla ged hei he ds by
means o plunde ing om hei
Ko yak enemies (Vdo in 1965:
17
-
20). L. V. Khomich insis ed
ha he sho age and ex inc ion
o wild eindee as a esou ce in
he Wes Sibe ian und a had
obliged he Nene s people o
change hei li es yle and enla ge
he scale o hei eindee he ding
(Khomich 1966: 51). B. O. Dolgikh
paid much a en ion o he egu-
la iza ion o he mo emen o
he ds in he case o he Ene s peo-
ple (a neighbo ing e hnic g oup
o he Nene s) (Dolgikh 1970:
134). I. I. K upnik ou lined a hypo-
hesis s a ing ha he enla ge-
men o he eindee he ding had
occu ed unde ad an ageous
ecological and social condi ions
(cold clima e and social s abili y)
du ing he la e eigh een h cen u y
and he beginning o he nine een h cen u y among he Eu opean Nene s and he
eindee Chukchee (K upnik 1976: 64). Golo ne and Oshe enko aised ano he
hypo hesis sugges ing he enla gemen o he Nene s eindee he ding had al eady
begun in he se en een h cen u y o escape om he con ol o he Russian Empi e
(Golo ne and Oshe enko 1999: 18).
K upnik and Golo ne and Oshe enko p o ided some answe s o abo e-men-
ioned ques ions. They e ealed he en angled ela ions be ween he ecological-en i-
onmen al condi ions and socio-poli ical backg ounds su ounding he enla gemen
o he eindee he ding o he Nene s and he Chukchee. They did no , howe e ,
analyze deeply enough he oles and social unc ions o li es ock in he ansi ion
p ocess o he eindee b eeding and he ding. The e o e, in his pape , I will ocus
on hese wo poin s.
My ollowing discussion is based on he hypo hesis ha he o iginal ype o ein-
dee he ding and b eeding was small-scale b eeding ha played a suppo ing ole
o hun ing and ishing ac i i ies, o e ing hun e s and ishe men me hods o ans-
po a ion ha enabled hem o mo e quickly and o ca y hea y loads. Acco ding o
G. M. Vasile ich and M. G. Le in and S. Vains ein, he domes ica ion o eindee
s a ed in he Sayan Moun ains o Baikal egion du ing he i s millennium B. C. E.
unde he in luence o ho se b eeding.2 In he i s s age o he es ablishmen o ein-
2　P oblems conce ning he s a o eindee b eeding ha e been discussed since he beginning o
he wen ie h cen u y, when he a icles by G. Ha and B. Lau e we e published (Ha 1919; Lau e
1917). Du ing he i s hal o his cen u y, many an h opologis s and e hnologis s pa icipa ed in
Fig. 1. A map o e i o ies o he Nene s and Ene s in
he eigh een h cen u y (based on Sasaki 1984: 223)
80 S. Sasaki
dee b eeding, people b ed a small numbe o eindee o use as packing animals.
When he Samoyed speaking and Tungus speaking peoples mo ed no h along he
Ob’, Enisei, and Lena Ri e s, eindee b eeding also sp ead o Sibe ia o Chuko ka in
he eas and o he Eu opean und a in he wes . When he people eached he un-
d a a eas, hey began o use hei domes ica ed eindee as d augh animals o hei
sledges (Vasile ich and Le in 1951; Vains ein 1970, 1971). As long as hey used ein-
dee mainly o labo , a small he d o eindee was su icien and hese animals we e
seldom slaugh e ed o mea . Fundamen ally hei subsis ence was suppo ed by
hun ing and ishing.
This si ua ion changed d as ically du ing he eigh een h and nine een h cen u y.
In documen s w i en du ing his pe iod, one can ind ha , among he Nene s and
Chukchee, a small numbe o ex emely weal hy people owned some housands o
eindee . Du ing his ime, people and socie y we e la gely dependen on p oduc s
and ma e ials om domes ica ed eindee , i.e., mea , u , skin, bones, and an le s.
Mo eo e , in he case o he Nene s, he eindee p oduc s we e no only o hei
own consump ion, bu also aken o ma ke s o be sold o ownspeople. In his pape
I will examine he p ocess o his change, ocusing on he ans o ma ion o he ole
o domes ica ed animals and changes in social ela ions o he he de s.
eindee b eeding by he nene s people
un il he eigh een h cen u y
Acco ding o G. M. Vasile ich and M. G. Le in, who classi ied eindee b eeding by
he ypology o cul u al complexes, Nene s eindee b eeding can be classi ied as
belonging o he Samoyed ype (Vasile ich and Le in 1951: 64
-
71). Cha ac e is ics o
his ype a e a) usage o a sledge o he Samoyed ype, which has a ha d body sui -
able o d i ing on he und a plain a high speeds, b) ca ying ou la ge-scale b eed-
ing and he ding, c) usage o shephe d dogs o wa ching li es ock, and d) cas a ion
o li es ock by cu ing he sc o um. Though his ype o b eeding can be seen among
he Khan y, Mansi, Ene s, Selkup, Nganasan, and a pa o Saami (g oups in Kola
Peninsula and he Kol a Saami), he Nene s we e he mos ypical b eede s o he
Samoyed ype.
The Nene s eindee b eeding, howe e , was no o iginally la ge-scale. Some his-
o ical documen s indica e ha un il he se en een h cen u y, he Nene s we e un-
his discussion (see Mi o 1945; Vasile ish and Le in 1951). As o he ime o incep ion, he e we e
wo hypo heses. One insis ed ha he eindee we e one o he i s domes ica ed animals and ha
eindee b eeding occu ed e en be o e he s a o he Neoli hic age, while he o he insis ed ha
eindee b eeding s a ed unde he in luence o ho se o ca le b eeding and ha his happened no
ea lie han he la e Neoli hic. As o he place, he e we e also wo hypo heses; one assumed ha
b eed had independen ly s a ed and de eloped in di e en places, while he o he assumed ha i
had o igina ed in one limi ed a ea, om which i had sp ead o e Sibe ia and Eu asian No h. In
So ie an h opology, he discussion was summa ized by G. M. Vasile ich and M. G. Le in in hei
a icle published in 1951 (Vasile ich and Le in 1951). They suppo ed he second hypo heses o
bo h ime and o igin and insis ed ha he Sayan and Baikal a eas had been impo an candida es o
he o iginal places o he eindee b eeding. They also p o ided a scena io o he dis ibu ion and
ou es o he sp ead o eindee b eeding o he No h. S. Vaine ein undamen ally suppo ed hei
hypo hesis. Based on his own ield da a, howe e , he insis ed ha he poin o o igin o eindee
b eeding had been in he Sayan a ea and ha he con ibu o had been he ances o s o he Samoedic
people (Vains ein 1970, 1971).
81Es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee he ding in he Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian Tund a
d a hun e s whose main subsis ence ac i i y was wild eindee hun ing, and ha
hey kep only a small numbe o domes ica ed eindee as d augh animals. Fo
example, a So ie e hnologis , E. I. Kolyche a epo ed ha when a weal hy Nene s,
named Topka Liso in he Bol’shezemel’skaya und a (a as und a ha sp eads
o e he Eu opean side o he U al Moun ains), had been obbed o his p ope y by
some gangs e s in 1668, he had decla ed he ollowing hings had been aken: wo
mammo h usks, hi y pieces o pola ox pel o good quali y, wo sledges o lug-
gage, i y heads o amed eindee , wo ishing ne s, and wo long d esses o men
(Kolyche a 1956: 80). Kolyche a said ha in hose days pe sons who had owned
mo e han 40 eindee had been hono ed as weal hy and ha owne s o 100 heads
had been a e millionai es (Kolyche a 1956: 79). Judging om he ac ha Topka
Liso lis ed i y amed eindee in his decla a ion o los p ope y along wi h mam-
mo h usks and pola ox pel s, i should be aken ha a eindee he d was gene ally
conside ed as p ope y in he Nene s socie y a ha ime.
In he se en een h cen u y, he Nene s people, especially in he Eu opean und a,
we e g adually subjec ed o he poli ical powe o Moscow and began paying yasak (a
ax o paymen o pel s and u ) o he Tsa . A he same ime, Russian p oduc s such
as guns, kni es, axes, hooks, needles, and ishing ne s, we e dis ibu ed in hese
a eas and ound hei way in o he daily li es o he people. Thus many Nene s we e
engaged in he hun ing o u bea ing animals like oxes, pola oxes, squi els, and
e mines in o de o ea n money o buy such hings. Some Nene s, like Topka Liso ,
became ich h ough he ade wi h Russian and o he Eu opean me chan s. How-
e e , e en weal hy people, who owned much p ope y consis ing o p ecious hings
such as mammo h usks, pel s, clo hes, and ishing ne s, b ed only some ens o
heads o eindee in o de o ain hem as d augh animals.
I. I. K upnik classi ied and de ined he li es yle seen in he und a a ea in he se -
en een h cen u ies as “hun e - eindee -b eede s in he und a.” He poin ed ou ol-
lowing eigh cha ac e is ics: i) main subsis ence ac i i ies we e hun ing and ishing,
ii) mobili y was lowe han ha o he p esen Nene s and Chukchee, iii) seasonal
di e en ia ion o subsis ence ac i i ies was mo e ob ious han in he p esen , i ) a
small numbe o eindee we e b ed o use as ehicles, ) main ood ma e ials con-
sis ed o wild animals, bi ds, ish and wild plan s, i) amed eindee we e slaugh-
e ed only in an ex eme cases such as amine, ii) clo hes and d esses we e made o
wild dee skin and u , and iii) dwellings we e conical en s co e ed wi h wild dee
skin in summe and ci cula dugou houses co e ed wi h u in win e . O he han
he Nene s in he se en een h cen u y, K upnik coun ed some o he e hnic g oups as
belonging o his subsis ence ype, i.e., he Chukchee in he se en een h cen u y, he
Ene s in he eigh een h cen u y, he Nganasan in he nine een h cen u y, and he
Yukagi in he beginning o he wen ie h cen u y (K upnik 1976: 60
-
61).
beginning o he enla gemen o nene s
eindee he ding
When did eindee b eeding among he Nene s people begin o enla ge in scale?
Though some esea che s, like N. A. Minenko, and Golo ene and Oshe enko,
insis ed ha his had al eady begun in he se en een h cen u y (Minenko 1975: 152
-
82 S. Sasaki
153; Golo ne and Oshe enko 1995: 17), I will suppo he hypo hesis p oposed by I.
I. K upnik and o he s ha i s a ed as la e as he mid-eigh een h cen u y. Some his-
o ical documen s also suppo his hypo hesis. Fo example, as men ioned abo e, E.
I. Kolyche a said ha e en people who we e conside ed weal hy had owned less
han 100 eindee in he se en een h cen u y. K upnik indica ed ha he Eu opean
Nene s o en had paid yasak using he u o wild eindee (K upnik 1976: 58
-
59). J. G.
Geo gi, a p ominen his o ian and geog aphe , who did ield esea ch among he
Nene s ( hough i is possible he in es iga ed he Sibe ian g oup) in he middle o he
eigh een h cen u y, epo ed ha he each pe son had owned 100 o 150 heads o
eindee and hese animals we e used exclusi ely o anspo a ion, ei he o d i -
ing sledges o iding, and ha he main ood o he communi y consis ed o hun ing
and ishing p oduc s. He w o e as ollows:
In gene al he Samoeds (Nene s) a e poo , ye almos e e yone has 100 o 150
amed eindee . They use hei eindee o iding and pulling hand sledges,
and slaugh e hem only in cases whe e a eindee is nea dea h om ad-
anced age o as he esul o an acciden . They will also some imes kill
heal hy cal es o sac i ice. They do no know he p ocesses o milking and
making cheese, hus he g ow h o hei li es ock is good. (Geo gi 1776: 280)
[ ansla ed om Ge man by he au ho ]
Compa ed wi h numbe s seen in he se en een h cen u y, he a e age numbe o
dee owned by indi iduals inc eased in he eigh een h cen u y. In Geo gi’s book, he
Nene s people began o be ep esen ed as eindee he de s. Fo example, a pic u e
ha po ays a man d i ing on a eindee sledge and wo women p ocessing a
slaugh e ed eindee is p esen ed on he i s page o he chap e o “Samojedische
Na ionen.” (Geo gi 1776: 273) The slaugh e ed dee may ep esen a cal o sac i ice.
The po ai o a Nene s man, howe e , does no ep esen him as a eindee he de .
He has a bow and a ows, and hus i is implied ha he is a hun e . These pic u es
gi e us an image o he Nene s in he eigh een h cen u y as hun e - eindee he de s.
(Fig. 2, Fig. 3)
In he second hal o he eigh een h cen u y, a small numbe o weal hie people
began o own he ds numbe ing some housands o eindee . Fo example, V. F. Zue ,
who esea ched a ound he mou h o Ob Ri e and along he A c ic Ocean in 1771
-
1772, epo ed as ollowing:
….. hey ( he Nene s, no e by he au ho ) owned 10 (in he case o poo e in-
di iduals o amilies) o 3000 ( o he weal hy) well ained eindee , which
hey o en used o sledge d augh and o which hey knew e e y de ail, bu ,
aside om hese animals, he ds o un ained eindee , which we e so nume -
ous ha he people did no know he exac numbe , we e g azing in he un-
d a. (Zue 1947: 32) [ ansla ed om Russian by he au ho ]
The di e ence be ween he numbe s o amed eindee no ed in Geo gi’s and
Zue ’s epo s indica es ha a ew weal hy people, who owned some housands o
89Es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee he ding in he Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian Tund a
wild dee . Reindee he de s o en make e e y e o o a oid his si ua ion and hun
wild dee when hey see hem nea he he d. Though some he de s a e excellen
hun e s, in many cases he de s hi e p o essional hun e s o hun he wild dee . O
cou se, wild dee hun ing is done wi h an economic pu pose o p o ec hei ood
supply and mone a y income (Sasaki 2000: 108; 2003: 113).4
Fac o s in ol ed in he ex inc ion o wild eindee ha e also o en been discussed
by e hnologis s. As men ioned abo e, L. Khomich and Golo ne and Oshe enko
insis ed ha he o e hun ing o hese animals had been he main ac o (Khomich
1966: 51; Golo en and Osh enko 1999: 17). I. I. K upnik, poin ing ou he impo -
ance o he i al y be ween amed and wild dee o good pas u es, insis ed ha
amed dee ook ad an age o human suppo o d i e he la e away (K upnik
1976: 65). Taking in o conside a ion, howe e , ha many eindee he de s consid-
e ed he wild dee ha m ul o hei he ds, we should ee alua e he signi icance o
he hun ing. Unlike Khomich, Golo ene , and Oshe enko, I hink ha he ex inc ion
o wild eindee was no a me e esul o o e hun ing, bu , possibly, a esul o ac i e
ex e mina ion by humans o he p o ec ion o hei he ds. This especially is mo e
possibly he case in he Eu opean und a, whe e wild eindee we e swi ly e adi-
ca ed du ing he la e eigh een h cen u y and he ea ly nine een h cen u y.
The “hun e -he de con inuum” in he no he n und a is a subjec o discussion.
Opposing he s ic hun ing/ga he ing s. he ding dis inc ion ou lined by T. Ingold
(Ingold 1986: 11), A. Ven sel, based on his own ield esea ch in he Anaba skii ulus
(dis ic ) in no he n Yaku ia, insis ed ha , “ he combina ion o he ding and hun ing
is no necessa ily con adic o y, bu he wo should be seen as sepa a e economies
wi hin one economic se ing.” (Ven sel 2006: 71) I ag ee wi h Ven sel’s iew, as I wi -
nessed his con inuum in my ield esea ch on he Alazeya Ri e basin in he Che -
skii ulus (dis ic ) and on Omoloi Ri e basin in he E eno-By an ai ulus in no he n
Yaku ia. In he o me case, a p i a e eindee -he ding a m employed bo h he de s
and hun e s who we e specialis s in each o hei ields; he hun e s could no lasso
animals, while he de s we e no good ma ksmen. In he la e case, a o eman on a
eindee he ding a m was an excellen hun e as well, and he always led he wo k-
e s a his a m in bo h he ding and hun ing (Sasaki 1996; 2000). H. Takaku a also
wi nessed he hun e -he de con inuum in Olenek ulus in he no h-wes e n Yaku ia.
A e he ailu e o many eindee he ding a ms du ing he economic c isis ollow-
ing he collapse o he So ie Union, he people swi ched hei main p oduc i e
ac i i ies om he ding o wild eindee hun ing (Takaku a 2008: 12).
The expansion and dis ibu ion o la ge-scale eindee he ding, howe e , c ea es a
si ua ion ha is ad e se o he pe pe ua ion o wild eindee habi a s. This opposi-
ion can be de ined as a s uggle be ween p essu es om human ac i i y and na u al
habi a s, i one assumes ha he es ablishmen o la ge-scale he ding, especially he
4　Du ing he se e e economic condi ions a e he collapse o he o me So ie Union, sales o he
wild eindee p oduc s such as mea and u no longe yielded mone a y income and p o i . The
ac o s ha ha e c ea ed his si ua ion a e he dys unc ion o he s a e mone a y sys em and an in-
c ease in he cos o uel and anspo a ion, bu no in he p ices o p oduc s hun ed in he wild,
caused by hype in la ion. Since ha ime, wild eindee mea has o en been dis ibu ed h ough
nonmone a y exchanges wi hin a kin g oup o a small local communi y (see Ven sel 2006, Zike
2006).

90 S. Sasaki
comme cialized he ding in he Eu opean und a and he indus ial he ding unde
he socialis economy in he o me So ie Union, plays a ole in he economic de el-
opmen o he und a. In o he wo ds, he p essu e om de elopmen as a esul o
human ac i i y enc oaches on he habi a s o wild eindee , and his will happen in
any a ea whe e la ge-scale he ding is success ully managed and eadily accep ed by
he people. He de s will ac i ely hun wild dee o p o ec hei he ds and o sup-
po hei ood supply, while he domes ica ed dee will domina e he pas u es ha
he wild dee need o ood. As a esul o his dual p essu e om bo h humans and
domes ica ed eindee , wild eindee will be wiped ou , and his will lead o he ull
es ablishmen o pu e la ge-scale eindee he ding no dependen on wild eindee
hun ing. As was poin ed ou by E. E. Sy oechko skii, ine i ably “ he pe iod o
de elopmen o domes ic eindee b eeding was accompanied by a educ ion in he
popula ion o wild eindee .” (Sy oechko skii 1995: 42) Though he numbe o wild
eindee inc eased in Sibe ia and he Eu opean und a du ing he 1960s, 70s and 80s,
acco ding o he lis shown in his s udy (Sy oechko skii 1995: 9
-
10), his was a esul
o he policy o p o ec ion o wild dee and he egula ion o hun ing and he ding.
On he con a y, howe e , when he managemen o eindee a ming b eaks
down and many people begin o gi e up la ge-scale he ding, he wild dee push
back agains human enc oachmen and enla ge hei habi a s. Though some hun e s
will s ay in hese a eas o con inue hun ing, many he de s will lose hei eindee
and hei jobs and lea e he pas u es along wi h hei amilies. Such a phenomenon
was o en seen on eindee he ding a ms in Sibe ia and he Russian Fa Eas a e
he collapse o he So ie Union. This can also explain he inc ease in he wild dee
popula ion and he eco e y o enla gemen o hei e i o ies in 1990s.
The si ua ion o he Eu opean Nene s and he Komi he de s in he eigh een h and
nine een h cen u ies is an example o wha occu s when la ge-scale he ding is suc-
cess ul. When he wild eindee we e pu ged om he Eu opean und a as a esul
o p essu e om human de elopmen , pu e la ge-scale eindee he ding was inally
es ablished. In he Sibe ian und a, his p essu e was blocked, howe e , by he
s eng h o he wild dee a he mou h o he Enisei Ri e . The same p essu e on wild
eindee om human de elopmen began o build in Chuko ka and Kamcha cka
du ing his ime. Howe e , his de elopmen was also blocked by he s eng h o he
wild dee in no he n Yaku ia. This p ocess can be clea ly seen in he ex inc ion o
he wild dee in no he n Eu ope and Sibe ia. Acco ding o K upnik’s esea ch, he
ea lies cases we e seen in he Eu opean und a and Kamcha ka Peninsula. I was in
he ea ly nine een h cen u y. In Chuko ka wild dee we e wiped ou in he middle o
he nine een h cen u y and in Kola Peninsula and no he n Yaku ia in he ea ly
wen ie h cen u y (K upnik 1976: 65). As a esul , un il he ea ly wen ie h cen u y,
he only place whe e many wild dee su i ed was he Taimy Peninsula and i s
su ounding a eas. The eco e y o he wild dee popula ion in o he a eas was seen
only a e he 1950s, when he p o ec ion policy began o ake e ec .
The hun ing-he ding con inuum, p oposed by A. Ven sel, can be main ained,
when he p essu e om human de elopmen and he coun e -p essu e exe ed by
he wild eindee compe e wi h o he and keep a balance. In o he wo ds, he p o-
cess o es ablishing la ge-scale he ding is s ill con inuing a his s age. When he bal-
91Es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee he ding in he Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian Tund a
ance collapses and human ac i i ies o e powe he wild dee , people will succeed in
he es ablishmen o pu e la ge-scale eindee he ding. When he p essu e exe ed
by he wild dee o e powe s de elopmen , howe e , his will allow he dee o
expand hei habi a s. In his case he people will ha e o gi e up la ge-scale he d-
ing, and some will li e on hun ing wild eindee , while he o he s will ha e o elo-
ca e o ind o he employmen .
When la ge-scale eindee he ding was comple ely es ablished, wo di e en
economies appea ed, i.e., sel -consump ion o ien ed (o adi ional dis ibu ion o i-
en ed) and comme cial o ien ed. The eindee he ding o he Eu opean Nene s was
ypical o he la e . Thei huge numbe s o eindee we e b ed no only o p o ide
ood o hei own consump ion, bu also o sell mea o ma ke s in owns. Some
ma e ials shown by V. G. Bogo az and I. I. K upnik indica e his ac . Fo example,
Bogo az p esen s a lis indica ing a eas o p oduc i i y o eindee he ding in Sibe-
ia, which he ee alua ed in o ubles on he basis o esul s om he i s census o
he So ie Union in 1926
-
27. In his lis , he p o ed ha sales o eindee p oduc s
had occupied an impo an posi ion in all he p oduc ion om he eindee he ding
o he Nene s (22.9%), Komi (42.4%), and Saami (28.6%), while i had been less sig-
ni ican o he Chukchee (13.8%), Ko yaks (3.3%), and E enki (3.0%) (Bogo az 1932:
42; Sasaki 1999: 528) (see Table).
K upnik econs uc ed he balance o he ood supply o he Eu opean Nene s in
he 1920s and compa ed i wi h ha o di e en g oups o he Chukchee. Acco ding
o his able, eindee mea comp ised only 35.1% o necessa y calo ic in ake in he
case o he Eu opean Nene s, while i occupied 57
-
80% o he Chukchi g oups. On
he con a y, pu chased ood ma e ials (b ead, lou , liquo , and o he high calo ie
ood) comp ised mo e han 50% o he calo ic in ake o he Nene s, while i occu-
pied only 1
-
4% o he Chukchee (K upnik1989: 106). This eco d indica es ha he
ood supply o he Nene s people was la gely dependen on pu chased ma e ials
and ha hei li e was deeply in eg a ed in o he local ma ke economy. Sou ces
indica ed ha he e we e many olde immig an s, who we e no eluc an o con-
Table: Ra io o he sales o eindee p oduc s in all he p oduc ion o eindee b eeding in 1926
All he p oduc ion (a)
(in Rubles) Sales o p oduc s (b)
(in Rubles) Ra io b/a
(%)
All he Sibe ian he de s
3,587,481 633,168 17.6
Non-nomadic peoples   285,655  44,490 15.6
Nomadic peoples 3,301,826 588,678 17.8
Chukchee   650,212  89,636 13.8
Ko yaks   136,469   4,518  3.3
Nene s   998,687 228,228 22.9
E enki   451,291  13,421  3.0
Komi   477,253 202,273 42.4
Saami    55,234  15,810 28.6
O he s   532,680  34,792  6.5
Sou ce: Bogo az 1932: 42; Sasaki 1999: 528
92 S. Sasaki
sume he eindee mea and skin, on he Eu opean side and neighbo ing a eas in
Sibe ia.
In he es ablishmen o his ype o eindee he ding and economy, he Komi peo-
ple played an impo an ole. The Komi a e one o he g oups who speak he U alic
language and hei main subg oups li e in he Komi Republic. Some o hem, how-
e e , ex ended he a eas in which hey se led o he Eu opean und a, which was
he homeland o he Eu opean Nene s, and began o engage in la ge-scale eindee
b eeding a he end o he eigh een h cen u y. As hey we e weal hy and comme -
cially sa y people who we e adep a he managemen skills equi ed o s ock
a ming, hey soon bough la ge numbe s o he amed dee ound in he Eu opean
und a and hus became ex emely weal hy owne s o g ea he ds. Acco ding o he
s udy o V. I. Vasil’e , hough 150,000 heads we e owned by he Nene s he de s and
10,000 by he Komi a he end o he eigh een h cen u y, only 30,000 heads we e le
in he owne ship o he Nene s he de s, while 124,000 heads we e unde he con ol
o he Komi owne s by he middle o he nine een h cen u y. A he end o ha cen-
u y, he Nene s he de s owned 47,000 eindee as a whole, while he Komi owned
229,300 (Vasil’e 1979: 206
-
207). Acco ding o V. G. Bogo az, a he end o 1926, 410
households o Komi he de s owned 167,964 heads (a e age numbe o eindee
owned by a household was 409), while 2,194 households o Nene s he de s (includ-
ing bo h Eu opean and Sibe ian Nene s) owned 439,842 heads (a e age numbe was
200) (Bogo az 1932: 42).
A he same ime as la ge-scale he ding was being es ablished, he gap in he le el
o li es ock owne ship be ween he ich and poo g ew wide . Some documen s
indica e ha a ew weal hy amilies (including he Komi owne s) ha comp ised
only 17.2% o he popula ion owned 75.4% o all he eindee in he
Bol’shezemel’skaya Tund a (P oko ’e a 1956: 562). Weal hy owne s employed
impo e ished he dsmen o o e see hei he ds and manage hei a ms. Especially,
Komi owne s, who we e no amilia wi h echniques o b eeding and he ding ein-
dee , o en u ned o e he con ol o hei eindee o expe ienced Nene s he de s
(Vasil’e 1979: 206). As he Komi people played a leading ole in he es ablishmen
and de elopmen o la ge-scale he ding on he Eu opean side, we can see ha e en
now some local leade s come om his e hnic g oup.
social and demog aphic impac o he es ablishmen
o la ge-scale eindee b eeding
The es ablishmen o la ge-scale b eeding and he changes in he economic s uc u e
had a s ong impac on he Nene s socie y. Some o he mo e no able esul s o hese
changes in he Eu opean Nene s socie y a e as ollows.
a)　Rapid inc ease in popula ion.
b)　Segmen a ion o la ge clans in o lineages and amilies, and di ision o clan
e i o ies.
c)　P omo ion o social di e en ia ion and he widening gap be ween ich he d
owne s and o he s.
d)　Popula ion mo emen s owa d owns in he sou h and islands in he A c ic
93Es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee he ding in he Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian Tund a
Sea in he no h.
The change o he economic s uc u e ( o aging o pas o alism) esul ed in a pop-
ula ion explosion. The comme cial o ien ed pas o al economy imp o ed he a ail-
abili y o oods u s and allowed he eeding o a g ea e popula ion. Acco ding o I.
I. K upnik, he popula ion o he Eu opean Nene s enla ged om abou 1400
-
1500
in he se en een h cen u y o 5500
-
6000 in he nine een h cen u y (K upnik 1976:
68
-
69; K upnik 1989: 158
-
159). The same phenomenon can be seen among he Chuk-
chee people. Though such a d as ic change could no be seen on he Sibe ian side,
he popula ion o Nene s in he Yamal and Gyda Peninsulas inc eased wo o h ee-
old when hey ans o med hei economy om a o aging s uc u e o pas o alis
one.5
The appea ance o a ew owne s who possessed ex emely la ge numbe s o li e-
s ock changed he social ela ionships in his egion. Un il he eigh een h cen u y,
when he e we e only 10 o 150 eindee o a pe son o amily, he people we e
oughly in eg a ed in o clans (ye ka ), in which hei membe s we e conside ed o
sha e common ances o s ha could be ound in hei genealogy, ascending along
pa e nal lines. As a ule, membe s had equal s a us and we e expec ed o suppo
each o he wi hou any quali ica ions. A clan had i s own hun ing e i o y and pas-
u es, which i s membe s could equally and exclusi ely use o hun ing and eindee
he ding (B odne 1950: 93; 1959: 70; Dolgikh 1970: 93).
The enla gemen o eindee he ds c ea ed gaps in he social s a us be ween e en
membe s o he same clan. Though, a i s , weal hie people suppo ed poo e clan
membe s, obse ing he ule o mu ual suppo , he o me g adually changed hei
a i ude ega ding he la e and employed hem as labo e s. Acco ding o docu-
men s w i en a he beginning o he wen ie h cen u y, some o he poo we e
obliged o wo k o weal hy owne s ecei ing e y li le sala y in compensa ion (M.
M. B odne showed us he case in Yamal Peninsula (B odne 1950: 98). The poo
also los equal igh s o sha e he clan’s e i o ies and pas u es. Weal hy owne s o
la ge he ds o en occupied good pas u es, excluding o he membe s o he clan, and
his esul ed in he di ision o he o me clan e i o ies. On he o he hand, middle
class he dsmen, who owned some ens o hund eds o eindee , o en in eg a ed
se e al amilies oge he ega dless o hei clan membe ship in o de o es ablish
coope a i es o manage hei he ds and p o ec hei pas u es om being aken o e
by ich he de s (Vasil’e 1979: 149; B odne 1959: 72).
Unequal dis ibu ion o weal h and p ope y, di ision o he o me clan e i o-
ies and pas u es, and he es ablishmen o new he ding and managemen uni s
ans o med he clan o ganiza ion. Some la ge clans los hei bonds o membe ship
and we e di ided in o a ious egional subg oups, which would la e become inde-
penden g oups. Fo example, on he Eu opean side, he Lehe clan, which had been
one o he la ges clans since he se en een h cen u y, bo e ou subg oups like Sya-
dyei-Lehe, Wylka-Lehe, Py elka-Lehe, and Unakan-Lehe in he nine een h cen u y.
These la e ga e up he bond o mo he clan and d opped “
-
Lehe” designa ion om
5　Acco ding o ma e ials de ailing he popula ion o he Sibe ian Nene s, hei popula ion changed
as ollows: 5,731 in 1897, 7,057 in 1911, and 13,454 in 1939 (Tu chanino 1914: 80; Khomich 1980: 72).
94 S. Sasaki
hei names. The small clans spli u he and bo e some kin g oups ha ca ied hei
own amily names. By he end o he nine een h cen u y, he Eu opean Nene s we e
no egis e ed unde clan names bu a he unde amily names in adminis a i e
documen s (Vasil’e 1979: 145
-
146).
The social di e en ia ion encou aged mo emen s o he popula ion. The weal hy
he d owne s and coope a i es o middle class he dsmen occupied as pas u es and
engaged in he egula seasonal mo emen s o hei he ds. Small he d owne s and
membe s o he p ole a ia had wo al e na i es: o elinquish hei li es on he un-
d a, o o s ay. In he la e case, he people made e e y e o o acqui e eindee and
enla ge hei he ds, ea ning money by engaging in hun ing and ishing o wo king
on o he he de ’s a ms. In he o me case, people ei he wen o owns o sea ch o
new wo k o immig a ed o islands in he A c ic Sea o begin new li es as sea mam-
mal hun e s. Though he Nene s sea mammal hun e s we e no as p ominen as he
ma i ime Chukchee, hey ha e played signi ican oles in he Nene s socie y on he
Eu opean side since he middle o he nine een h cen u y. Acco ding o V. I. Vasil’e ,
he Nene s sea mammal hun e s began o li e on Kolgue Island in he 1840s and in
Vaigach and No aya Zemlya Islands in 1870s (Vasil’e 1979: 151
-
152). Though hey
had no eindee , hey had no ouble wi h anspo a ion, as hey could b eed dogs
using seal mea as eed. Mo eo e , hey could e en suppo eindee he de s, o e -
ing hem sea mammal p oduc s such as seal mea , u , and lassos o seal skin.
Such communi ies can be s ill seen on Vaigach Island. When I conduc ed ield
esea ch on his island in 1988, abou 20 households o sea mammal hun e s li ed in
a illage named Va nek loca ed a he sou he n edge o he island (Fig. 5). They
d o e dog sledges ins ead o eindee sledges and exchanged sea mammal and ein-
dee p oduc s wi h eindee he de s on he island. Though he eindee he de s
( he e we e 3 households) and sea mammal hun e s li ed sepa a ely, engaged in di -
e en wo k, and p oduced di e en kinds o p oduc s, hey we e ied hough kin-
ship, suppo ed each o he , and o ganized and managed one collec i e a m (kolk-
Fig. 5. Va nek: A Nene s illage o sea mammal hun e s (in Vaigach Island, aken by he au ho in
1988)

95Es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee he ding in he Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian Tund a
hoz).
Compa ed o he d as ic change in socie y o he Eu opean Nene s, ha o he
Sibe ian Nene s was g adual. The ansi ion p ocess ook 100
-
150 yea s and du ing
his ime he popula ion g ow h was no as ex eme as ha o he Eu opean Nene s.
The popula ion expanded o wo o h ee imes i s le el be o e he ansi ion
(K upnik 1976: 67). The change in he clan sys em was no as d as ic as he one in
case o hei Eu opean neighbo s ei he . While he sys em i sel collapsed on he
Eu opean side, no only clans bu also wo exogamic clan g oups (Kha yuchi g oup
and Vanui a g oup) we e main ained a e he ansi ion in Sibe ia, hough some
huge clans such as he Kha yuchi and Vanui a b oke apa in o some smalle clans
(Vasil’e 1979; Sasaki 1984). The popula ion mo emen was also less ob ious.
Though bo h he Eu opean and Sibe ian Nene s expe ienced he same changes in
hei eindee he ding and b eeding, he social impac was di e en o hese wo
g oups.
conclusion
Based on he abo e discussion, he p ocess o he es ablishmen o la ge-scale ein-
dee he ding o he Nene s can be summa ized as bellow.
(a)　Un il he se en een h cen u y, he Nene s people on bo h he Eu opean and
Sibe ian sides can be de ined as hun e - eindee he de s in und a a eas, who li ed
by wild eindee hun ing, ishing on i e s and lakes, and small-scale eindee
b eeding wi h he ds o less han 100 head pe household. They b ed eindee o
labo , as d augh animals o sledges, and owned hem as p ope y. The main p o-
duc i e ac i i ies du ing his pe iod we e wild eindee hun ing, ishing, and ga he -
ing, while eindee b eeding occupied a seconda y posi ion and unc ioned as sup-
po o he o he ac i i ies. Though he Nene s people al eady had con ac wi h
Russians (e.g., om No go od and o he no he n a eas o Russia), he ela ions
emained a he comme cial le el, and no coun y was subo dina ed o he powe o
ano he .
(b)　In he se en een h cen u y, wi h he s a o he expansion o Moscow’s
powe in o he A c ic und a, he ela ionship be ween he Nene s and he Russians
began o shi om a peace ul and comme cial one o poli ical and mili a y one.
When con lic s escala ed and ba les began o occu in he und a in he second hal
o he cen u y, eindee anspo a ion gained appeal o i s s a egic use in ba les
wi h he Russian o ces. I was no easy, howe e , o he de s o enla ge hei he ds
o s eng hen eindee b eeding du ing ha pe iod, because he i s cold clima e
epoch (1570
-
1650) had ended.
(c)　In he eigh een h cen u y, con ac be ween he Nene s and Russians became
much mo e in ima e and equen , as he Russian go e nmen began o send go e -
no s and missiona ies o he No h o ule and bap ize he Nene s. The people o en
eac ed ie cely o such ac i i ies. By he end o ha cen u y, howe e , many people
had been subjec ed o Russian ule and we e bap ized, hough only o mally and
supe icially, as Ch is ians. The in ima e and equen con ac (bo h an agonis ic and
comme cial) inc eased he demand o eindee anspo a ion, o which a ce ain
numbe o well- amed dee had o be b ed and ained. A he same ime, he cli-
96 S. Sasaki
ma ic condi ions we e ad an ageous o eindee b eeding du ing ha cen u y, as
he second cold epoch began in he 1720s. This synch oniza ion o na u al and social
condi ions enabled he people o enla ge hei he ds.
(d)　The gap be ween he sizes o he he ds o weal hy owne s and poo he de s
also enla ged. A ew e y weal hy people began o keep some housands heads o
eindee o labo and as p ope y, while poo people, who comp ised mos o he
popula ion, owned only a ound 10 animals. Though he numbe o amed eindee
inc eased, he Nene s people we e no ye comple e pas o alis s, because hei sub-
sis ence and economy we e s ill wholly dependen on ishing and wild eindee
hun ing. When ishing was poo , e en weal hy people aced s a a ion, as hey we e
eluc an o slaugh e hei amed dee o mea .
(e)　While he p ima y ac o leading o he beginning o he enla gemen o he
eindee he ds was he inc ease in demand o eindee anspo a ion (sledge
d augh animals), he ac o ha enabled he es ablishmen and success o pu e
la ge-scale eindee he ding was he ex inc ion o e adica ion o he wild eindee .
As he wild dee died ou o we e wiped ou , he Nene s main (bo h eal and con-
cep ual) sou ce o ood and ma e ials o daily use changed om he mea and u
o wild dee o ha o amed dee . As a esul , eindee b eeding and he ding began
o ake he place o he wild eindee hun ing, i.e., he p ima y p oduc i e ac i i ies.
I i can be assumed ha he es ablishmen o la ge-scale he ding played a ole in
economic de elopmen , he comple e con e sion o la ge-scale he ding implies ha
he p essu e om his de elopmen inally des oyed he wilde ness habi a s o wild
eindee .
( )　The es ablishmen o comple e la ge-scale eindee b eeding can be de ined
as he ansi ion om o aging o pas o alism om he poin o iew o he o m o
p oduc ion. This change was especially d as ic among he Eu opean Nene s, who
expe ienced he ea lies ex inc ion o wild eindee (in he beginning o he nine-
een h cen u y). Mo eo e , he Komi people, who began o engage in eindee b eed-
ing a he end o he eigh een h cen u y, played an impo an ole in he es ablish-
men and de elopmen o comme cial o ien ed la ge-scale he ding, in which
eindee we e b ed o he p oduc ion and sale o mea and skin. This mo emen
inc eased he p essu e on wilde ness a eas caused by de elopmen .
(g)　The es ablishmen o comme cial o ien ed la ge-scale eindee he ding and
he apid ansi ion o pas o alism esul ed in se ious social changes in he Eu opean
und a. Fi s , he popula ion g ew o ou o i e imes he size i was be o e he an-
si ion. Secondly, he people we e di e en ia ed in o a ious classes such as weal hy
la ge he d owne s, independen he de s wi h middle-size he ds, employed he de s
wi h small he ds o no he ds, u ban p ole a ia s, and sea mammal hun e s. Thi dly,
o me clans we e di ided in o sub-clans and small kin g oups ha sha ed only a
amily name, and subsequen ly, he sys em o land use egula ed by he o me clan
sys em was ans o med. Fou hly, he e we e la ge mo emen s o segmen s o he
popula ion. People who los hei eindee o en qui eindee b eeding, and ei he
wen o owns o look o o he wo k o mo ed o cos al a eas and islands on he
A c ic Sea o engage in sea mammal hun ing. The immig a ion o he islands o
Ko gue , Vaigachi, and No aia Zemlia was seen in he mid nine een h cen u y du -
97Es ablishmen o la ge-scale eindee he ding in he Eu opean and Wes Sibe ian Tund a
ing he p ocess o his ansi ion.
(h)　 On he con a y, he ansi ion p ocess occu ed mo e slowly on he Sibe ian
side, because he ex inc ion o he wild eindee happened much la e and he
sp ead o comme cial o ien ed la ge-scale he ding ook mo e ime han i did on he
Eu opean side. The p ocess was accomplished du ing he las yea s o he nine een h
cen u y o he beginning o he wen ie h cen u y among he Sibe ian Nene s. In
o he wo ds, he p essu e o de elopmen om human ac i i y exe ed by he Sibe-
ian Nene s was weake han ha o he Eu opean Nene s and Komi, while he p es-
su e agains de elopmen om he wild eindee was much s onge . The o me
was o en blocked by he la e , and he hun e -he de con inuum was some imes
seen in places whe e bo h o hese o ces compe ed and es ablished a balance.
e e ences
Bogo az, V. G. (Богораз, В. Г.)
1932　Северное оленеводство по данным хозяйственной переписи 1926
-
1927 гг.
［No he n
eindee he ding on he m e ials om he economic census in 1926
-
1927］. In So e skaia e no-
g a iia 1932(4), 26
-
62.
B odne , M. M. (Броднев, М. М.)
1950　От родового строя к социализму (По материалам Ямало-Ненецкого округа)
［F om
clan scie y o socialism: based on he ma e ials o Yamalo-Nene s dis ic ］. In So e skaia e no-
g a iia 1950(1), 92
-
106.
1959　Из истории земельных и имущественных отношений у ямальских ненцев
［His o y o
land and p ope y owne ship o he Nene s in Yamalo Peninsula］. In So e skaia e nog a iia 1959
(6), 69
-
79.
Dolgikh, B. O. (Долгих, Б. О.)
1970　Очерки этнической истории ненцев и энцев ［A s udy on he e hnic his o y o he Nene s
and Ene s］. Moscow: Nauka.
Geo gi, J. G.
1776　Besch eibung alle Na ionen des Russischen Reiches, ih e Lebensa , Religion, Geb äuche, Woh-
nungen, Kleidungen und üb igen Me kwü digkei en
［Desc ip ion o all he na ions o he Russian
Empi e, hei li es yle, eligion, cus oms, housing, clo hing, and o he oddi ies］. S . Pe e sbu g:
Ca l Wilhelm Mülle .
Golo ne , A. V. and Oshe enko,G.
1999　Sibe ian su i al : he Nene s and hei s o y. I haca, NY: Co nell Uni e si y P ess.
Ha , G.
1919　No es on eindee nomadism. In Memoi s o he Ame ican An h opological Associa ion 6(2),
75
-
133.
Ingold. T.
1986　The App op ia ion o Na u e: Essays on Human Ecology and Social Rela ions. Manches e : Man-
ches e Uni e si y P ess.
Khomich, L. V. (Хомич, Л. В.)
1966　Ненцы: историко-этнографические очерки ［Nene s: His o ical-e hnog aphicou lines］. Len-
ing ad: Nauka.
1980　Ямало-Ненецкий автономный округ (к 50
-
летию образования)
［Yamalo-Nene skii a -
onomous dis ic ( o he 50
-
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Kolyche a, E. I. ( Колычева , Е. И.)
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K upnik, I. I. ( Крупник , И. И.)
1976　Становление крупнотабунного оленеводства у тундровых ненцев
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la ge scale eindee he ding o he Tund a Nene s］. In So e skaia e nog a iia 1976(2), 57
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1989　Арктическая этноэкология ［A c ic e hnoecology］. Moscow: Nauka.
Lau e , B.
1917　The eindee and i s domes ica ion. In Memoi s o he Ame ican An h opological Associa ion
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Minenko, N. A. (Минеико, Н. А.)
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очерк ［No h-wes e n Sibe ia in he eigh een h and he beginning o he nine een h cen u ies:
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P oko e a, E. D. (Прокофьева, Е. Д.)
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Sasaki. S.（佐々木史郎）
1984　ネネツ族の社会：トナカイ飼養の発展とその影響 ［A socie y o he Nene s: De elopmen
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2000　クストゥール村周辺での狩猟活動の歴史と現状―サハ共和国北部エヴェノ・ブィタンタ
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2005　Reindee Nomands Mee he Ma ke . Cul u e, P ope y and Globaliza ion a he ‘End o he Land’.
Be lin: Li Ve lag.
Sy oechko skii, E. E.
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2008　エヴェンキ：トナカイ飼育の崩壊と狩猟への転換 ［E enki: Collapse o he eindee he d-
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Vainsh ein, S. I. (Ваинштеин, С. И.)
1970　Проблема происхождения оленеводства в Евразии I (Саянский очаг одомашнивания
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106 N. Mazzullo
con ac s be ween he he de and he eindee a e limi ed o wice a yea ; o he
emaining pa o he yea con ac is me ely isual, h ough binocula s. In gene al
e ms, his app oach o eindee he ding is wha dis inguishes i om ca le b eed-
ing. Animals a e no kep in s ables, bu oam eely h oughou hei li es and, un il
ecen ly, la ge-scale a i icial win e eeding was no widely p ac iced5.
wild e sus domes ic: he saami app oach o he ding
The symbio ic aspec o Saami eindee he ding is in une wi h he no ion o symbi-
o ic domes ica ion, as sugges ed by Beach and S ammle . Thei a gumen is ha he
p ocess o domes ica ion is no a one-way p ocess bu a he he esul o a ci cula
and ecip ocal p ocess o communica ion be ween he human and he animal ha
implies lea ning a a deepe le el by bo h eindee and he de s (2006: 10).
Among he Saami, a dis inc ion be ween he wild and he domes ic may once
ha e exis ed, bu only in p ac ical e ms, bea ing on he di ision o asks be ween
men and women, be ween o es and illage, and be ween mo e o less un amilia
en i onmen s. These di isions we e always lexible and suscep ible o change. In he
Saami language, he dis inc ion be ween wild and domes ic is po ayed in a ious
ways: e ms ha de ine he na u e o an animal as wild o un uly, such as ilddas;
and o being wild— isky, li ely, spi i ed—such as ilddáski . To become wild is
meahcáidu an, meaning “ o become hun able.” This e m also applies o ained
eindee ha may ha e become e al again (Takaku a, in his olume; Beach & S am-
mle , 2006: 8). The opposi e is ep esen ed by he e ms lodji o lojes ha ansla e as
domes ic, docile, calm, and humble. To domes ica e o o calm is lodjudi , and o
become domes ica ed, calm, is lodju .
Acco ding o he Saami dic iona y (Sammallah i, 1993), he e ms used o desc ibe
he condi ion o such animals a e, o a wild animal, luonddueal’li, which can be
ansla ed as “na u e[na u al] animal,” and o a domes ic animal, šibi . Howe e ,
whene e I asked Saami iends abou he meaning o šibi , hey would explain ha
i mean “ca le” a he han “domes ic animal.” Hence, al hough šibi is ansla ed
in he Saami-Finnish dic iona y as a gene al e m o a domes ic animal, i is, in eal-
i y, unde s ood by Saami people as e e ing o he only animal hey see as domes ic:
he cow. A simila dis inc ion applies o he e ms eallu and oami , pl., (oamas i , o
possess, o own). Al hough hese a e ansla ed in o Finnish as ka ja, “ca le,” in ac ,
he e m eallu is used o e e only o eindee he ds. Oami e e s o domes ic ani-
mals in gene al. The la e e m is applied o animals ha a e en i ely dependen on
human help and in ha sense in he possession o hei ca e ake s. Du ing my ield-
wo k i became clea o me, om con e sa ions and in e iews, ha Saami eindee
he de s ake p ide in saying ha hei eindee a e wild, i.e., independen . To ha e a
ame he d is, o hem, he same as ha ing šibi o oami , a ca le he d, which could
no su i e in he o es . Thus, in his sense and in con as o he Wes e n app oach,
Saami p ize wild animals mo e han domes ic ones p ecisely o hei cha ac e is ic
5　In mos Saami he ding coope a i es odde and eed a e b ough o he hills by snowmobile a
he end o ha sh win e s, in sp ing ime, and only when hey a e su e ha mos o animals a e oo
weak o make i h ough he win e . In con as among Finnish eindee he de s his p ac ice is
mo e popula .

107Mo e han mea on he hoo ?
independence. Pe haps also o his eason, he no ion o domes ici y is no ex ended
o pe s. Pe s, pa icula ly dogs, which a e ypically no kep in cap i i y, a e ega ded
as au onomous membe s o he amily. Al hough dogs a e employed hese days o a
lesse ex en in he ding han in he pas , hey ha e s ill e ained an impo an place
in Saami socie y.
In Saami language, in addi ion o speci ic e ms o iden i ying a eindee acco d-
ing o gende and age, he e a e also e ms o dis inguish eindee bucks acco ding
o di e en deg ees o domes ica ion. Fo example a eindee buck ha has been cas-
a ed he p e ious yea bu no ha nessed is called spáilli . I i is kep ali e o g ow
a e o slaugh e , i is called nulppu. A d augh eindee ained o pull a Saami
sledge o anspo ing people is called uoján, whe eas an animal ained o pull a
sledge o anspo ing goods is called geasehanhea gi. Howe e , gi en he p agma ic
na u e o such dis inc ions, hey a e no acknowledged by he Saami in he epo s o
he he ding coope a i e o he Finnish o icials, and all cas a ed bucks a e included
wi h he cas a ed and domes ica ed bucks unde he gene al e m, hea gi. Wi h he
in oduc ion o he snowmobile in he six ies, eindee a e no used as hey once
we e o anspo ing people and goods; on he o he hand, eindee ha e been
edisco e ed as aluable esou ce in he ou is indus y, pa icula ly by hose com-
panies ha o ganize eindee -sa a is, hence making hose adi ional dis inc ions
s ill alid.
The linguis ic aspec s o he eindee e minology illus a e he accu acy o he
Saami language in di e en ia ing be ween ce ain e ms; in o he cases, such di e -
en ia ion is blu ed, as i s ansla ion applies ac oss bo h he human and he animal
domains as a emnan o he hun ing and ga he ing pas . Mos impo an ly, in he
Saami case e en whe e dis inc ions a e appa en , hey a e no o ganized hie a chi-
cally, bu a he as desc ip ions o beha io al cha ac e is ics, o example, o he sub-
jec s.
Challenging he dis inc ion commonly made be ween “wild” plan s and animals
ha “jus g ow” and “domes ica ed” plan s ha a e “p oduced” h ough human
in e en ion in na u e, Ingold a gues ha he wo k people do, o example in a m-
ing o he ding, “does no li e ally make plan s and animals, bu a he es ablishes
he en i onmen al condi ions o hei g ow h and de elopmen ” (1995: 20). Ingold’s
posi ion is in une wi h ha o he Saami he de and w i e Johan Tu i (1910), who
quo es a Saami yoik, juoiggus, sung by a he de o “mo he ea h,” ea nan, on his
e u n o he p e ious yea ’s pas u e (Helande , 2000: 175). As he he de a eled o
his pas u e he would sing he yoik o hank ea nan o ha ing nou ished he he d in
he p e ious season. The in oduc o y lines o he yoik a e as ollows:
“Welcome my he d and ake ca e o i
jus like you ha e done be o e
be now, li le mo he , my iend again
li le mo he , eed now my eindee s well ...” (Tu i, 1979: 99).
In he his o ical con ex desc ibed in he yoik, he he de knew ha i was “mo he
ea h” who nou ishes he eindee so ha hey can g ow, while he assis s by a end-
108 N. Mazzullo
ing o he he d, hus ensu ing he bes possible condi ions unde which he he d can
d aw sus enance om he ea h, unmoles ed by p eda o s, insec s, and o he haz-
a ds. Simila ly, among he Kabile peasan s o Alge ia, desc ibed by Bou dieu, he
ea h is he “alma ma e , he nou ishing ea h, a he han ma e ies” (Bou dieu 1963:
57). The ea h b ings o h; he he dsman assis s. Likewise, he peasan a me s o
Boyaca, desc ibed by S ephen Gudeman and Albe o Ri ie a (1990: 25), say ha he
ea h gi es bi h o c ops, while he a me ac s as a midwi e.
The Saami a i ude owa ds eindee owne ship e lec s he no ion ha he de s
a e only assis ing, ha hey do no ully con ol he he d. Owne ship becomes
appa en and meaning ul only when eindee ha e been d i en om he o es o
he co al. Whils he eindee a e in he co al, e e y he de mus be able o dis in-
guish his own animals om he es o he he d. As soon as he eindee a e eleased
back o he o es , owne ship ceases o be ele an , and he eindee a e once again
pe cei ed as, and become, wild. In he same way, he no ion o b eeding is limi ed o
a speci ic si ua ional con ex . Unlike a me s, who ha e ull con ol o e which ani-
mals a e allowed o ma e, he only momen when Saami he de s a e able o handle
he eindee bucks, a e he ma ing season, is du ing he win e sepa a ion. I is a
his ime, he e o e, ha hey can ha e some con ol o e he ep oduc i e p ocess o
he he d. By means o cas a ion and slaugh e , he he de s, each one ac ing inde-
penden ly o he o he s, lea e only he bucks ha ha e he bes chances o su i e
un il he ollowing ma ing season. F om hese bucks he whole he d s ands o bene-
i . In his con ex he Saami de ini ion o he beau y o he he d, čappá eallu, is ep e-
sen ed by i s he e ogenei y ins ead o a a ionalized homogenei y ha would o he -
wise inc ease i s ulne abili y. The he d is beau i ul because i s di e si y allows i o
su i e unde changing o un a o able condi ions (Tyle e al., 2007: 197). Hence he
b eeding skills o each he de a e, in he end, pe cei ed as pa o he bigge pic u e,
e lec ed in he beau y o he coope a i e’s he d.
eindee he ding as a sou ce o saaminess
Al hough Saami li e and li elihood s ill e ol e a ound he eindee , in ac , only a
small pa o he Saami popula ion p ac ice eindee he ding as a p ima y occupa-
ion. In Finnish Lapland, he Saami ep esen only abou 20 pe cen o app oxima ely
5,000 eindee owne s; he es a e Finnish owne s who p ac ice ag icul u e and o -
es y as a p ima y occupa ion and eindee he ding as a seconda y sou ce o income.
Saami subsis ence has been adi ionally based on a mix u e o he ding, hun ing,
be y collec ing, and ishing. I is s ill common e en o people who may ha e occu-
pa ions ha do no ela e o eindee he ding o ishing o p ac ice some o m o
ga he ing, o ish om ime o ime, and o ha e a ew eindee . Howe e , he signi i-
can di e ence be ween Finnish and Saami eindee he ding is, as Saami in o man s
ha e always said, ha o he Saami, eindee he ding is essen ially a way o li e in
i sel . Mos impo an ly, i is inex icably linked o he ich ocabula y ha e e s o
all aspec s o he he ding. Fo ins ance, in he Saami language eindee ha e many
di e en names. These depend on hei age, gende , he colo o hei hide, he ype
o an le s—shape, size and inclina ion—and also hei cha ac e . The esul ing name,
a combina ion o all hese quali ies, can speci y a eindee almos uniquely. Table 1
109Mo e han mea on he hoo ?
shows he names used o indica e age and gende .
This ichness o he e minology o he ding, as well as ha ela ed o geog aphical
ea u es and clima e condi ions, o example, pa icula ly applies o he ding as i
was p ac iced un il he ea ly pa o he wen ie h cen u y. None heless, he Saami
s ill alk abou p esen -day eindee he ding in he same e ms. The exis ence in hei
language o such a ich and p ecise e minology ha de ines he eindee in all pos-
sible and di e en ways accen ua es he exis ence o he long- e m ela ionship
be ween he Saami and he eindee . On he con a y, he Finnish he de s’ main con-
nec ion is o he a m, and, as no ed by Ingold, he o es and li es ock belong o i
and a e esou ces o be cul i a ed and ha es ed. Fo example, Ingold says (1988),
al hough in Finland bo h Saami and Finns p ac ice eindee he ding, he undamen-
al s yles a e based on wo di e en wo ld iews: one, he Saami, is based on he
eindee ; and he o he , he Finns, on he o es .
A undamen al di e ence be ween Saami and Finnish husband y is ha
whe eas o he Sami he he ds adi ionally cons i u e a eposi o y o weal h
and alue, o he Finns eindee a e ega ded as hings which, like c ops, a e
o be g own and ha es ed, o in o he wo ds, o be a med. The eposi o y o
weal h o he Finnish a me is his ese e o s anding imbe , held on a p i-
a e, bounded plo , o as a ixed sha e in common o es (Ingold, 1988: 130).
Ingold u he ein o ces his s a emen in ano he a icle in which he e e s o he
di e ence be ween Finnish and Saami he de s:
Mos e ealingly was ha when asked o gi e he size o a sepa a ion, ein-
dee men om Salla usually epo ed he numbe o ca casses i yielded,
whe eas Saami in o man always p esen ed an es ima e o li ing animals col-
lec ed o he ence (Ingold, 1997: 56-7).
As his accoun illus a es, eindee he ding, despi e being in eg a ed bo h o he
Saami and o he Finns in he same ma ke logic, he pe cep ion o eindee is un-
Table 1. Saami names o eindee acco ding o age and gende
Age Gende
Male Neu al Female
up o 6 mon hs Miessi
F om 6 mon hs un il abou 15 mon hs Čea bma
F om 1¼ o 2¼ yea s Va i Vuonjal
F om 2¼ o 3¼ yea s Vuobi s Ál'do
F om 3¼ o 4¼ yea s Goddudas Njiŋŋelas
(age neu al)
F om 4¼ o 5¼ yea s Goasuhas
F om 5¼ o 6¼ yea s Mákkan
F om 6¼ yea s and olde Nammaláppan (name-los )
110 N. Mazzullo
damen ally di e en . The Saami a e s ill embedded in a cul u e ha in he pas ep-
esen ed he eindee on he memb anes o hei d ums as a sac i icial animal o as a
wild eindee (goddi), as game o hun ing, o as a domes ica ed animal (sa is).
The e is no a single shaman d um on which he eindee would no be ep esen ed.
O cou se, shamanism has los i s o iginal impo ance; howe e , much o i s mean-
ing emains close o he Saami hea and s ill exe cises a s ong in luence.
he no ion o siida as he epi ome o saami iden i y
The adi ional he ding cycle among he Saami was based on h ee main ea u es:
he he d (eallu), he he ding g oup (siida), and he seasonal mig a ion (joh in). The
cycle e ol ed a ound he communi y o he de s, he eindee and he shi be ween
he summe and win e pas u es. The he d was he basic uni on which he he de
could ely. The e m in Saami is eallu, which li e ally means li e, he d, weal h, pos-
session. I is ela ed o o he simila e ms ha indica e i s impo ance in Saami li e:
ealli, meaning animal, o ali e; eallin, li e; and ealli , o li e. Al hough he numbe o
eindee ha o m a he d, eallu, can a y, he e should be a leas a couple o hun-
d ed eindee pe amily in o de o p o ide a li ing.
The second concep is he siida. The siida is no he illage, which in Saami is gilli
and e e s only o s a iona y se lemen s wi h ixed dwellings. The siida is, ins ead,
he he d, eallu, oge he wi h hose who end i . I is an indissoluble union be ween
he he d and a band o he de s. Acco ding o Emilie D. Ha , a siida used o be “The
name gi en o a collec ion o Lapp en s, oge he wi h hei he ds. This name is also
gi en o a single en wi h i s he d, o he ds” (Tu i, 1931: 239).
This de ini ion does no apply oday because Saami ha e se led in illages, no
can we ollow he de ini ion gi en by I konen, ha a siida has o include a leas one
housand eindee (I konen, 1984: 114). None heless, he siida e okes no ions o soli-
da i y and coope a ion ha a e s ill undamen al o eindee he ding. Today he siida
is a he e ogeneous g oup o siblings, a ines, and some ou side s no di ec ly con-
nec ed o he main kin g oups. Hence he idea ha he “basis o he sii’dâ is a ne -
wo k o kinship ies” (Whi ake , 1955: 57) s ill gene ally holds ue, as well as he ac
ha “a ce ain dominan g oup usually o ms he nucleus in he composi ion o a
siida” (Manke , 1953: 15; in Whi ake , 1955: 57). Bu his is no a gene al ule. The
concep o siida6 as a undamen al ma ke o Saami iden i y comes om i s geo-
socio-poli ical p ope y o being ully inclusi e. When Saami use he e m siida, hey
s ill e e o he pas u e, he place whe e he he de s camp, he eallu, and he social
ela ionships sha ed among i s membe s.
In he he ding coope a i e o Salli aa a, whe e I did my ieldwo k, all he amilies
a e in one way o ano he ela ed h ough consanguineal o a inal ies. He ding
ac i i ies a e conduc ed in eams, o “bands” (Ingold, 1980), and he e is a g ea deal
o solida i y, pa icula ly among hose who a e closely ela ed. In he egion whe e
he Salli aa a coope a i e was es ablished he e was o iginally only one local siida.
A he beginning o he wen ie h cen u y, when o he siida mig a ed o he same
egion, each siida ca ed ou pas u es and looked a e i s own he d because he e -
i o y had no ye been enced. In e ma iage did e en ually c ea e kinship bonds
6　In Finnish, okkakun a; li e ally ansla ed okka, means “he d” and kun a means “communi y.”
111Mo e han mea on he hoo ?
be ween di e en siida , bu ein-
dee he ds we e s ill ca ed o
au onomously by each siida.
Kinship bonds ex ended he
le el o solida i y beyond he siida
i sel , so ha whene e eindee
wen as ay, hey would be
e u ned o hei legi ima e own-
e s. I was only wi h he imposi-
ion by he Finnish go e nmen o
clea and ixed geog aphical and
adminis a i e bounda ies in 1932
ha a di e en concep o solida -
i y and coope a ion g adually
de eloped. As Leh ola (1997)
a gues, al hough eindee he d-
ing laws had been issued a he
same ime (in 1898) in No way,
Sweden and Finland, in Finland
hey had a g ea e impac on he
cul u al and socio-economic land-
scape. Al hough eindee he ding
has always been an occupa ion
open only o he Saami in No -
way and Sweden, in Finland i
has also been p ac iced as a sec-
onda y ac i i y by Finnish se le s
o almos wo cen u ies (Leh ola
V-P., 1997: 42). Thus when he
Reindee He ding Law was
enac ed in Finland, in 1932, he
coope a i es we e shaped o
ma ch exis ing Finnish o ganiza-
ions. As Leh ola no es, he e m
in Finnish o he head o he
coope a i e, po oisän ä, is based on he Finnish alonisän ä, a peasan p op ie o .
This concep has no coun e pa in he adi ional social o ganiza ion o Saami ein-
dee he ding. Leh ola’s poin is ha he Finns ega ded he headman as a ep esen a-
i e, bu he Saami ins ead ega ded each he de as ep esen a i e as any o he . Gi -
ing impo ance o one he de o e he o he s clea ly goes agains Saami ideals o
au onomy. Such a igid economic s uc u e g ea ly in luenced he ding as a whole. In
pa icula he es ablishmen o coope a i es wi h bounda ies, called in Finnish pal-
iskun a, led o he agg ega ion o di e en siida ha had o he wise ollowed di e -
en he ding cycles.
T adi ional pa e ns o kinship we e also a ec ed. Ma iages, once a ma e o
Fig. 4. Diag am o cu en kinship and ma iage pa e ns in
he Salli aa a he ding coope a i e be ween di e en siida
ha we e once sepa a ed (Mazzullo, 2005: 136)
Legend:
La ge ci cle = Coope a i e (paliskun a) ;
Medium ci cle = band, siida ( okkakun a);
Small ci cle = households;
Low-case le e s:
a = male household head; b = emale household head;
c, d, ...= o he membe s/ esiden s o he household;
A ows indica e he exis ence o kinship bonds among he household
membe s.
(Roman nume als co espond o he ding band a ilia ion)

112 N. Mazzullo
absolu ely ee choice among people o neighbo ing siida , we e e ocused wi hin he
bounda ies o he coope a i e. Figu e 4 illus a es kinship pa e ns. The i e di e en
ci cles indica e he siida p esen a he he ding coope a i e be o e he imposi ion o
he coope a i e sys em (paliskun a), and he ou e ci cle ep esen s he coope a i e’s
ou e bo de a e he cons i u ion o he paliskun a . The ma iage pa e n o he
coope a i e is hus cha ac e ized by a shi om an ini ial exogamic pa e n indica -
ing mo emen and lexibili y o one ha becomes mo e ocused wi hin he bo de s
o he coope a i e, leading o a kind o endogamy, a pa e n ha in ol ed membe s
o he same coope a i e bu om di e en siida. Kinship, a ini y and locali y o e -
lap. In he pas , exogamous ma iages occu ed, bu hey we e no mechanically
de e mined by he ela ionship i sel . When such exogamous ma iages did ake
place, hey ei he c ea ed new alliances o ein o ced exis ing ones. A e he Finnish
go e nmen issued he bill o he ins i u ion o he coope a i es o eindee he de s,
he siida (pl) p esen in he designa ed a ea we e inco po a ed in o a single pal-
iskun a and hus, h ough in e ma iage, an ex ended siida was c ea ed.
In sho , he siida de eloped a new o m, while main aining adi ional alues. In
ac , he no ion o siida, based on he p inciple o au onomy, is s ill in lux, encom-
passing ela ionships among a gi en g oup o people, he eindee , and he land-
scape. In he 1950s Peh son was led o say abou he Swedish Saami ha “ lexibili y,
a iabili y and he absence o ex ensi e co po a e g oups a e undoub edly he mos
s iking cha ac e is ics o Könkämä Lappish social s uc u e” (Peh son, 1957: 107).
My in o man s cons an ly emphasized ha he ding is based on in e nal coope a ion
and pa icipa ion. These a e ai s ha also cha ac e ize he o he communi ies o
eindee he de s o he A c ic (S ammle , 2005; Ande son, 2000; Ke ula, 2000).
Acco ding o my in o man s, success ul coope a ion en ails ca e ul a en ion o one’s
own social and pe sonal ela ionships wi h he membe s o he g oup, a ma e o
g ea impo ance o hem. Wi hin he Saami cul u al uni e se, eindee he ding has
played, de ac o, he undamen al ole o social ca alys in hese p ocesses o dis up-
ion and eapp op ia ion.
ela ionship wi h he landscape and mo emen
The Saami ela ionship wi h he landscape is, indeed, e y in ima e, despi e he
nume ous echnological changes ha ha e a ec ed he ways in which people alk
abou , engage wi h, and mo e in i . Saami cosmology sha es many simila i ies wi h
ha o o he ci cumpola indigenous peoples. Ande son, who has ca ied ou ex en-
si e esea ch in Sibe ia, desc ibes his ype o mu ual ela ionship by in oducing he
concep o “sen ien ecology.” This concep con eys he idea ha “ he E enki hun -
e s ac and mo e on he und a in such a way ha hey a e conscious ha he ani-
mals and he und a i sel a e eac ing o hem” (Ande son, 2000: 116, oo no e 1).
Acco ding o Ke ula, among he Chukchi he spi i ual connec ion wi h he und a
was exp essed in hei ela ionship wi h he eindee and in he belie ha hey we e
he einca na ion o he eindee . The Yup’ik, simila ly, d ew spi i ual p o ec ion
om sea mammals (Ke ula, 2000: 123
-
137).
The Saami shaman was su ounded by animal “helpe s,” om whom he7 ecei ed
7　The shamans we e mos ly, bu no exclusi ely, men.
113Mo e han mea on he hoo ?
powe and wisdom. Du ing he p opi ia o y o healing i uals, pa icula ly when he
had o a el o he ealm o he dead (Jábmeáibmo) in o de o eclaim he soul o a
ic im, he shaman made use o shape-shi ing powe s o ans o m himsel in o a
eindee , a bi d, o a ish (Pe e sson, 1957: 166). The sieidi, cons i u ed by moun ains,
lakes, ock, o ees, was ano he aspec o he sac ali y wi h which he landscape
was imbued. The sieidi (pl.) we e, and o a ce ain ex en s ill a e, impo an ea u es
o Saami cosmology, bu hei ele ance was also ex ended so ha hey we e geo-
g aphical and social e e ence poin s in he landscape, no only places o wo ship.
Each sieidi, whe he i was a p i a e, amily o illage one, had a delimi ed a ea o
in luence, and all hese a eas we e in e connec ed. Thus he sieidi was he nexus
be ween geog aphical, social, eligious, and poli ical domains o Saami li e. Because
people we e no mo ing in a landscape ha was sepa a ed om hei “sel ,” hey
could eel pe ec ly com o able in any place. This in ima e ela ion mus be unde -
s ood no only in spa ial, social, eligious, and poli ical e ms, bu , as men ioned, as
he ully encompassing concep o he “sel -in- he-wo ld.”
changes in mig a ion pa e ns
The his o ical de elopmen o eindee he ding may oughly be di ided in o se en
main s ages ep esen ing he di e en o ms o Saami ela ionships wi h eindee , as
shown in Table 2. Al hough he able is somewha a bi a y in he choice o his o ical
landma ks in he ding p ac ices, ne e heless, i se es o ou line he majo s ages in
he his o ical de elopmen o he ding and he co esponding social and economic
changes among he Saami people.
Table 2 illus a es ha om he o iginal hun ing mode o subsis ence, on skis and
using a ows as desc ibed by ea ly sou ces, he Saami en e ed a phase in which hey
s a ed o keep eindee as decoys o hun ing wild eindee . In he hi d phase hey
had al eady s a ed o use eindee as d augh animals and o milking. In he ou h
phase, he pa e n o mig a ing wi h he ds was well es ablished, and his cus om
con inued, a leas in Finland8, un il he beginning o he wen ie h cen u y. In Swe-
den, and pa icula ly in No way, mig a ions a e s ill p ac iced oday; in Finland,
cus oma y mig a ions came o a hal wi h he se ing up o he eindee he ding
8　Excep in he in e io o es o Kemi-Sompio and Pe samo
Table 2. S ages in he de elopmen o Saami eindee he ding
S ages in he Saami ela ionship wi h eindee
I II III IV V VI VII
S age Hun ing Hun ing,
Taming
decoys
Hun ing,
Taming, small
he ds
In ensi e
he ding,
Hun ing
Ex ensi e
he ding
Ex ensi e
he ding
Ex ensi e he ding
Me hod T aps, Pi s T aps, Pi s T aps, Pi s Mo ing
wi h he ds
F om
wooden
encing o
me al ne s
Snowmobile,
Mo oc oss
Vaccina ion
Mobile phones,
A i icial eeding,
Quad bikes,
Ai planes,
Helicop e s
Pe iod An e VII c. VII c. XVI c. XVIII c. ea ly XX c. mid XX c. la e XX c.
114 N. Mazzullo
coope a i es. This i h s age is he phase in which encing became necessa y o sepa-
a e he coope a i es’ pas u e g ounds wi hin he eindee he ding dis ic s in he
no h o Finland. In he six h s age he in oduc ion o he snowmobile u he accel-
e a ed physical mo emen wi hin he enced e i o ies o he coope a i es. Finally,
in he las s age, he in oduc ion o ai planes and helicop e s, used o sea ch o and
ound up he he ds, has u he accele a ed he speed wi h which he de s can gain
access o in o ma ion abou he he ds and di ec he d mo emen s.
Mos li e a u e abou Saami s udies (Pel o, 1973, Pel o & Mülle -Wille, 1987) mos
s ongly emphasizes o all hese changes he six h and se en h s ages as shown in
Table 2. Howe e , o he p e ious changes, such as encing, may ha e had an equally
impo an ole in he o e all social and cul u al change in Saami socie y. Wha is
undamen al is ha he cons uc ion o ences elie ed he de s o he need o supe -
ise he he d day and nigh , allowing hem o pay quick isi s o he he d and e u n
home he same day.
A compa ison o he map o he mig a ion ou es o some Saami amilies, acco d-
ing o Aikio a he end o 19 h cen u y (Figu e 5), and he new mig a ion ou es in he
Salli aa a eindee he ding coope a i e (Figu e 3) poin s up he di e ences in mig a-
o y pa e ns. These maps e eal he d as ic poli ical changes which ans o med he
shi be ween inland pas u es in win e o coas al pas u es in summe in o a ci cula
pa e n wi hin a much smalle e i o y; o example, Salli aa a’s e i o y is abou
3,600 squa e kilome e s. Bu his change b ough ano he signi ican change om a
mig a o y pa e n ha included people o one ha is execu ed only by he eindee ,
hus a ec ing he e y meaning o siida as a comp ehensi e e m ha holds oge he
he pas u e, he he de s, and hei he d as a meaning ul social uni .
The wo maps clea ly demons a e how adical is he change ha has occu ed
Fig. 5. Map o he mig a ion pa e ns o en Saami amilies be o e hei inal mig a ion o he Sompio Dis-
ic , acco ding o Samuli Aikio. Each a ow indica es he amily name and i s ou e be ween summe pas u es
by he sea and win e pas u es inland (Map ep oduced om Aikio, P. & M. Aikio 1989: 124).
115Mo e han mea on he hoo ?
and he se e i y o i s impac on Saami cul u e. A co ela ion o a summa y o he
changes and Ingold’s model on he ansi ion om hun ing o pas o alis o anche
socie ies allows o a connec ion be ween his ansi ion and pa allel social changes
as illus a ed in Table 3.
Wi h espec o he Finnish case, he change o ype o subsis ence om hun ing
h ough pas o alism o anching has b ough abou a change in he ype o mo e-
men , and as can be seen om Table 3, hose changes poin o a e u n o he o iginal
hun ing pa e ns. The a ionale ha guides he pa e n is he same, bu he ype o
mo emen e e s o he hun ing s age. Howe e , despi e hese changes, Saami peo-
ple emphasize mo emen ; i is h ough mo emen ha hey connec o he place
whe e hei eindee a e g azing:
The bodily expe ience o he Saami pe son is no howe e con ined wi hin a
soma ic shell bu a he ex ends as i g ows and is laid down along he mul i-
ple pa hs o he pe son’s mo emen h ough he o es . Thus o be, o a Saa-
mi, is o be no in bu along. The pa h, no he place, is he p ima y condi ion
o being, o a he o becoming. (Mazzullo & Ingold, 2008: 32).
Hence, despi e he changes in hei modes o subsis ence and o mo emen , ou -
lined in Table 3, he ela ionship o Saami he de s o he eindee con inues h ough
place. Du ing my ieldwo k among he he de s o he coope a i e o Salli aa a,
whene e a he de e u ned om a pa ol and was old he las loca ion whe e he
eindee had been spo ed, e e yone else knew how long he eindee would s ay
he e, wha hey could ea , whe e would hey go. Tha is, he de s could ollow hei
eindee , i.e., he d hem, albei emo ely.
conclusion
In conclusion, i is impo an o s ess ha adi ionally Saami subsis ence has ne e
been based on one pa icula ac i i y bu has comp ised a mix u e, in acco d wi h
he his o ical pe iod and he season, o hun ing, ishing, ga he ing, and he ding.
Hence he Saami app oach he use o na u al esou ces wi h a holis ic a i ude o
Table 3. Changes in he Saami ela ions o landscape, mo emen and li elihood
Change in modes o subsis ence
Hun ing mode/hun e s Pas o alis mode/
pas o alis s Ranching mode/ anche s
Type o mo emen Mo ing sepa a ely Mo ing oge he Mo ing sepa a ely
S a egy In e cep ing he d’s
ou e Nego ia ing ou es In e cep ing he d’s
ou e
Technology needed Making pi s ( ixed) Making Saami en s,
la u, (mobile) Making ences ( ixed)
App op ia ion Lack o di ec con ol
due o na u al
a iables
Di ec con ol,
slaugh e ing
acco ding o needs
Lack o di ec con ol
due o na u al o
adminis a i e
a iables
125Be ween ca le and Islam
days o ms he seden a y illage Fulbe socie y o No he n Came oon and he adi-
ional Muslim powe eli e o he egion, had i ually inished i s mig a ion om
Bo nu Empi e o he Cen al Sudan Bel in o he egion by he u n o he nine een h
cen u y. In my ield si e in he Adamaoua P o ince o Came oon, as in many o he
places in Wes A ica, he illage Fulbe ha e in e mingled wi h he local people. In
Adamaoua his has occu ed wi h such g oups as Mbum, Wu e, and Hausa o Nige-
ian o igin h ough in e ma iages. The second g oup, known as he Mbo o o Fulbe,
s a ed o mo e in o Came oon in he second hal o he nine een h cen u y om
Bauchi, loca ed in p esen -day Nige ia, and hei mig a ion in o he egion has con-
inued un il ecen imes. Unlike he illage Fulbe, in e ma iages be ween pas o al
Mbo o o and o he e hnic g oups a e a e.3
Si ua ed a he bo om o he local powe hie a chy o Adamaoua, he Mbo o o,
who a e o he mos pa illi e a e, a e cul u ally and poli ically ma ginalized. Con-
comi an ly, hey a e conside ed as “ he leas Islamic” Muslims o he egion i espec-
i e o he ac ha nowadays mos o hem pe o m he Islamic daily p aye s, as
du ing he Ramadan, and an inc easing numbe o hose who ha e enough ca le o
in es in a cos ly jou ney go on a pilg image o Mecca. Fo subsis ence, he Mbo o o
p ac ice animal husband y and also cul i a e land. This is enabled by he humid cli-
ma e o Adamaoua whe e he pas o alis s can s ay wi h hei he ds mos o he yea
in he same place, so ha only some o he camp membe s mo e ou o anshu-
mance o h ee o ou mon hs om he main camp.4 Howe e , hey conside hem-
sel es i s and o emos ca le he de s, he ca le p o iding hem wi h a cul u al
iden i y dis inguishing hem om o he s. Apa om ca le, many Mbo o o ha e a
ew sheep and some also keep chickens. T adi ionally he Mbo o o ha e been so
called milk pas o alis s, bu he inc eased comme cializa ion o ca le ea ing in
Adamaoua has led o a g adual shi om milk yielding pas o alism o mea p oduc-
ing one, meaning ha an inc easing numbe o animals a e sold o mea . I espec-
i e o his de elopmen , ca le s ill symbolize he deep mo al alues and he in eg-
i y o he pas o al g oup. Fo he Mbo o o, he close socio-mo al bond be ween
hemsel es and hei he d is e lec ed, o example, in he cul u al ideal o ci cula -
ing he ca le only in one's own g oup o “own people” (himBe am), o en concei ed
as one’s lineage (lenyol).
In explo ing he ways in which he possession o aising o ca le media es social
ela ions and gende among he Mbo o o, I will examine wo speci ic cul u al con-
ex s in which his media ion akes place. Fi s , I will look a he cen al ole ha ca -
le ha e in media ing kinship, especially in he ep oduc ion o he pa ilineal ies
h ough he Mbo o o ca le inhe i ance sys em, which is unde pinned by in e gene -
a ional ca le ans e s h ough bo h male and emale lines.5 Second, I will look a he
3　I should be added ha , ega ding he o e all si ua ion in Adamaoua, he dicho omy be ween he pan-e hnic
Muslim popula ion li ing in illages and owns and he Mbo o o li ing in he bush is an o e simpli ica ion, as
he e a e also Ch is ian people li ing in illages o Adamaoua, and in he sa annah. In addi ion o he Mbo o-
o, o example, he e a e nume ous Gbaya a me s, bo h Muslim and Ch is ian, li ing in his a ea.
4　While s ill li ing in No he n Nige ia, he Mbo o o we e o ced o be much mo e mobile because o he
long d y season o he egion.
5　The Mbo o o ha e a pa ilineal descen sys em in which indi iduals belong o hei a he ’s descen g oup.
In addi ion, hey p e e endogamic ma iages he mos app ecia ed o which is he ma iage be ween pa ila -

126 T. Vi anen
ole o animal sac i ices in he Mbo o o adi ional li e cycle i uals, and, a he same
ime, discuss he gende ed meanings o ca le in hese i uals. Thus, in my analysis
he social signi icance o ca le e e s o di e en le els o “social,” including bo h
gende ed indi iduals and hei ela ions o o he s, as well as kin g oups and he
pas o al communi y a la ge.
li es ock and cul u al change
A e he heyday o he B i ish s uc u al- unc ionalism in an h opology, he cul u es
ha had been he subjec s o hese s udies we e g adually s ipped o hei ahis o i-
cal acuum. This de elopmen enabled esea che s o s udy cul u al change. A ques-
ion o be asked hen was: wha happens o key symbols o objec s ha ha e ep e-
sen ed he social and cul u al con inui y o people when he g oup is aced wi h a
p ocess o change? One way o sea ch o an answe is o look a he symbols hem-
sel es, and ocus on wha Vic o Tu ne (1967; 1968) has de ined as hei mul i ocal
and mul i- ace ed cha ac e . Fo Tu ne , whose main in e es conce ned dominan
symbols equen ly used in collec i e i uals, he symbols o i uals we e s o age
uni s o in o ma ion, i.e. “mul i- ace ed mnemonics, wi h each ace co esponding
o a speci ic clus e o alues, no ms, belie s, sen imen s, social oles and ela ion-
ships wi hin he o al cul u al sys em o he communi y pe o ming he i uals”
(1968, 1). Due o his mul i- ace ed cha ac e , a symbol ac s as a magne ha d aws
new meanings, and so i can accommoda e i sel o new si ua ions. To pu i di e -
en ly, ce ain symbols ha e he capaci y o ich conno a ional enla gemen , and hus
hey can p o ide a sense o con inui y in he p ocess o change, e en hough hei
meaning can be al e ed (Swan z 1970). Fu he mo e, i is no su icien o examine
he changes aking place in he meanings o he symbols as such, bu also, as Jean
and John Coma o (1990, 196) ha e s a ed, “ he ans o ma ion o any socie y
should be e ealed by he changing ela ions o pe sons o objec s wi hin i .”
An h opological esea ch has o e ed desc ip ions o how p essu es o change
ha e a ec ed he socio-symbolic meaning o animals in socie ies keeping li es ock.
An illus a i e example o his is gi en by Hu chinson (1992; 1996) in he s udy o
how coping wi h he long Sudanese ci il wa has shaped he Nue ’s concep ualiza-
ion o hei ca le in ela ion o mo e ecen ly in oduced weal h ca ego ies such as
money and guns. Fe guson’s s udy (1985, 659
-
662), in u n, indica es ha among he
Baso ho in Leso ho ca le canno be isola ed in o a dis inc “ adi ional” sphe e o
exchange, as in es men in ca le, and he social p es ige ha his in ol es, is
ex emely dependen on he money ha he adul men ea n as mig an labo e s in
Sou h A ican mines. Fe guson’s example shows how li es ock is also o en consid-
e ed a special ca ego y o p es ige in socie ies in which animal husband y does no
o m he main sou ce o subsis ence (see also e.g. Bohannan 1959).
In his a icle he ques ion o change is aken in o accoun by paying special a en-
ion o how he Islamiza ion and seden a iza ion o he Mbo o o ha e eshaped he
meanings a ached o animals in he inhe i ance sys em, and o he o ms o ca le
ans e , as well as in he i ual sphe e. I will desc ibe he ways in which he pas o-
alis s’ con inued cul u al app ochemen wi h Muslims li ing in illages has in lu-
e al pa allel cousins.
127Be ween ca le and Islam
enced hei iews o alloca ion o ca le o women. I will also gi e an example o how
he Islamiza ion o he Mbo o o has a ec ed he use and cul u al anking o di e en
animals in a speci ic i ual cen al o he social ep oduc ion o he whole pas o al
communi y. He e he analysis will emb ace s ill ano he laye o “social” by in o-
ducing he eme ging Islamic in e p e a ions o he signi icance o animals, especially
sheep, in Mbo o o cul u e.
media ing social bonds h ough ca le
In A ican ca le he ding communi ies, animal ci cula ion has gene ally been con-
nec ed o he mos impo an e en s in he human li e cycle, i.e. bi h (animals o
he newbo n as p esen s), ma iage (b ideweal h, dow y e c.), and dea h (animal
inhe i ance). M. M. Ring (1990, 94) has emphasized ha , among he Eas A ican
Dinka, igh s o use inhe i ed ca le uni ies he hei s, and hus cemen s social ela-
ions. As o ca le ci cula ion du ing he ma iage p ocedu e, in he Baso ho com-
muni y in Leso ho, b ideweal h paid in li es ock is he mos impo an in e -gene a-
ional ans e o weal h (Fe guson 1985, 666). Among he Nue , in addi ion o he
“o dina y” b ideweal h ca le ha a e dona ed o speci ic ela i es o he b ide and
o be a ilia ed o he so called ances al he d, a kinsman is obliged o ma y a ghos
wi e in he name o a deceased ela i e ha ing died hei less. In bo h cases, i is ul i-
ma ely h ough ca le, no semen, ha pa ilineal descen is aced among he Nue
(Hu chinson 1996, 62, 140, 173).
Unlike many o he A ican ca le he de s, he Mbo o o, o “bush Fulbe” (Fulbe
ladde) as many o hem s ill call hemsel es, o Came oon do no pay ca le b ide-
weal h. Ins ead, an indi ec dow y, which is in ended o be used o buy necessa y
goods o he b ide, is paid in cash by he g oom’s pa en s o hose o he b ide in
wo pa s. Wi h he i s pa o he indi ec dow y money pe sonal u ili y goods
such as clo hes, sandals, bijou e ie, soap, a sui case, and bedclo hes a e bough o
he b ide by he pa en s when she mo es o he husband’s camp o he i s ime.
The co e o he second pa is composed o household u ensils such as calabashes,
po s, bowls, pails, a ma ess, and a blanke . These hings a e bough o he young
wi e when she e u ns om he a he ’s camp o he husband a e ha ing weaned
he i s child, ha is, when he la e is app oxima ely 18
-
24 mon hs old. I should
be added ha , e en hough Mbo o o do no pay ca le b ideweal h, he indi ec
dow y money comes om ca le sales. Ne e heless, he absence o ca le b ide-
weal h means ha i is h ough he ca le inhe i ance sys em ha he la ge majo i y
o animals a e ans e ed wi hin he pas o al g oup. Mos o a man’s ca le a e
inhe i ed by his sons in a sys em ha Ma que i e Dupi e (1970, 152) has called “p e-
he i age” (F . p éhé i age) in which each son inhe i s his sha e o he a he ’s s ock a
he ime o his i s ma iage.6 To be mo e accu a e, he ounda ion o his he d is laid
a he age o se en, when a cow, called hoo eeji, is chosen o him om his a he ’s
he d, so ha a he ime o his i s ma iage he e is al eady a small he d wai ing o
6　Wi h he e m p éhé i age Dupi e (1970, 152) emphasizes he di e ence be ween he ca le Fulbe
(Mbo o o) and o he Muslim people in he Sudan bel . Among he la e he di ision o inhe i ance,
whe he his consis s o ca le o o he so s o weal h, is pos poned o he momen o he a he ’s
dea h.
128 T. Vi anen
him. G adually he young boy s a s o he d and ake ca e o he ca le, bu ecei es
he igh o decide he a ai s his ca le (e.g. ca le sales) only a e ha ing ma ied.
Some o he Wes A ican pas o al Fulbe g oups a e known o hei adi ional
ca le lending and ci cula ion sys ems which ha e gua an eed ha also hose who
ha e los hei ca le o some eason a e o e ed he oppo uni y o econs uc hei
he ds. Fo example among he Wodaabe o Nige , he mos nomadic Fulbe in he
Wes e n Sudan bel , he e is an ins i u ion called habbanae (“ ying cows”) which
means ha people lend each o he cows, and he bo owe can keep h ee cal es o
he bo owed cow be o e e u ning i o i s owne (e.g. Maliki 1988, 178
-
179; Swi
ed. 1984, 301, 315). Acco ding o Me e Bo in (1990, 52), hese ins i u ions ha e, how-
e e , ha e died ou in places such as no he n Bu kina Faso. As Mi jam de B uijn
and Han an Dijk (1996, 316) no e, e y li le has been w i en abou ca le lending
sys ems in o he Fulbe g oups. Rega ding he Fulbe o Cen al Mali, who a e he
ocus o he esea ch conduc ed de B uijn and an Dijk, he au ho s s a e ha “Some-
one owning a la ge he d is ce ainly no obliged o gi e ca le o o he s, e en his
b o he ” (ibid., 327).” They con inue la e , “The si ua ion… does no seem o con-
o m o a gene ally held pic u e o social secu i y a angemen s and li es ock ans-
e s in pas o al socie ies. Ve y ew li es ock ans e s ake place ou side he ci cle o
close kin” (ibid., 329).
In Adamaoua, as in many o he places in Came oon and beyond, he e a e Mbo-
o o who ha e only ew animals o no ca le a all. The o e all si ua ion is no , how-
e e , as di icul o many pas o alis s in Came oon as i has been o hose Malian
ca le he de s who ha e su e ed om d as ic ca le losses due o se e e d ough s.
Bu al hough he ci cums ances in Cen al Mali and he ield si e in he Adamaoua
Highlands o Cen al Came oon a e qui e di e en , de B uijn and an Dijk’s desc ip-
ion could be applied o he la e loca ion as well. The same indi idualiza ion o
“p i a iza ion” o ca le owne ship can be obse ed in bo h coun ies. Among he
Came oonian Mbo o o, one cen al ea u e ha has accele a ed his de elopmen is
he in ensi ied seden a iza ion ha has b ough abou changes in he socio-economic
o ganiza ion o his pas o al communi y. One such change, obse ed by Réné
Dognin (1975) in Came oon and by Moses Awogbade (1983) in he Jos Pla eau in
Nige ia, is he concen a ion o decision-making in he hands o he household head,
ha is, he a he . As Awogbade (ibid., 22) no es, due o he ex ended au ho i y o he
a he , i now akes en o i een yea s longe o a pas o alis man in he Jos Pla eau
o se up his own au onomous camp han i has in he pas . Simila ly, Dognin (1975,
310−311) no es ha he pa e n o segmen a ion o amilies h ough he ou -mig a-
ion o young adul men has d as ically declined as he pas o al Mbo o o Fulbe ha e
mig a ed o Came oon. Ano he change, ela ed o he inc eased au ho i y o he
a he , is he eme gence o he a omis ic h ee-gene a ion camps, each pu suing i s
own economic in e es s wi hou signi ican pas o al co-ope a ion wi h o he camps
(Awogbade 1983, 21−22). In addi ion, he seden a iza ion i sel has dec eased he
need o co-o dina ion o seasonal mo emen s.
As Tim Ingold (1986, 168) has ap ly ema ked “ he pas o al animal ca ies a ound
he pas o alis ’s social ela ions.” In he p esen -day Came oon, mos in ag oup ca -
le ans e s a e es ic ed o inhe i ance om a he o son, and hus he mos impo -
129Be ween ca le and Islam
an ela ionship ha is ca ied by hese animals is he one be ween lineal male ela-
i es. In addi ion, I ha e obse ed occasions when Mbo o o men who ha e g ea e
ca le weal h dona e cal es o he sons o hei less weal hy pa ilineal male ela i es,
bu hese dona ions a e ex emely a e in compa ison o he numbe o animals
inhe i ed h ough he a he -son line. Ano he o m o animal ans e wo h men-
ioning is ha o ca le gi en o women, ei he as inhe i ance o h ough ma iage. In
numbe s he ca le owned by Mbo o o women a e ew, o he poin o being a subjec
o de ision among hei owne s. This is because ca le a e gi en o gi ls acco ding o
a e y di e en se o p inciples han hey a e o boys. In he daugh e ’s case, he
a he chooses a cow o he , bu only when she has gi en bi h o he i s child, and
e en be o e ha , ano he cow (sadaaki) has been gi en o he by he husband as a
seal o hei ma iage, which inc eases he numbe o he cows o wo.
The ea lie iming o men’s inhe i ance ensu es ha a woman’s ca le weal h can
ne e each he same le el as ha o he b o he . Addi ionally, al hough p incipally
none o he ca le belonging o he women including he cow gi en by he a he , he
sadaaki cow, and any o sp ing o hese animals can be sold wi hou he woman’s
pe mission, he exclusi e powe o decide he a ai s o he ca le is no always
espec ed in p ac ice. The ac ha usually a woman does no hu y o mo e he cow
gi en by he a he o he husband’s camp bu , ins ead, is inclined o keep i and i s
cal es in he a he ’s ca e e en yea s a e he bi h o he i s child illus a es ha in
hese ma e s a husband is ne e as us ed as one’s a he . I ha e ollowed se e al
cases in which i was clea ha he husbands had qui e ca eless a i udes owa ds he
animals o hei wi es (see Vi anen 2003, 210−211).
I espec i e o how many o ew animals women manage o acqui e and keep,
he e exis s a gene al consensus o wha hey should inally do wi h hem. Thus, i a
woman has managed o build he sel a small he d, he p incipal aim is o do as he
husband does and dis ibu e mos , i no all, o he animals among he own child en.
Du ing my ieldwo k I no iced ha some Mbo o o women ha e a endency o gi e a
sligh ly la ge numbe o animals o he a o i e child en han o o he s ( o an
example, see Vi anen 2003, 211−212), bu he quan i a i e di e ences be ween he
ca le gi en o a o i e child en and o o he s on he one hand, and o sons and o
daugh e s on he o he hand, we e no la ge, e en hough boys usually ecei e
sligh ly mo e animals han do daugh e s. The di e ence be ween he ca le gi en by
he a he and he mo he is ha , while he mo he gi es ca le o each child only
when he child has eached adul hood, he a he gi es he s anda d numbe o one
cow o each daugh e a he ime o he ma iage, bu ea s animals o his sons li le
by li le so ha , a he ime he sons se up hei own households, each o hem ha e
a he d o hei own. Mos o women’s ca le, i.e. hose gi en o sons, s eng hen hei
husbands’ pa ilineage. A he same ime, howe e , many o hese inhe i ed cows
and bulls unde pin he mo he ’s pa ilineage as well, as he Mbo o o p e e endo-
gamic ma iages, and hus a husband and his wi e a e o en pa ila e al pa allel
cousins o pa ilineally ela ed in some o he way.
Finally, i is in e es ing o examine o wha ex en he Islamiza ion o he Mbo o o
and hei con inued app ochemen wi h he Muslim illage s has a ec ed he Mbo-
o o ca le inhe i ance sys em. In ea lie s udies i has been highligh ed how he
130 T. Vi anen
adop ion o he Islamic Maliki sys em o inhe i ance, in which he daugh e inhe i s
hal o he b o he ’s sha e, has imp o ed women’s posi ion among he mo e seden-
a y pas o al Fulbe in Nige ia (Hopen 1958; Wa e s-Baye 1988). In he da a I ga h-
e ed, howe e , he e is no he sligh es indica ion ha he pas o alis s in Adamaoua
in Came oon would eshape hei inhe i ance p ac ices owa d a sys em o ha so ,
and so he bulk o he ca le a e s ill ans e ed om a he s o sons. In addi ion,
du ing my ieldwo k I ha e e en obse ed a endency among some pas o alis men
o subs i u e he sadaaki cow wi h a gi o money, and hus u he cu down hei
wi es’ connec ions o ca le. This p ac ice was jus i ied by he men as a “new” in e -
p e a ion o Islamic law.
li es ock and gende in i uals
When conside ing he social signi icance o li es ock in pas o al socie ies, analysis
canno be es ic ed o li ing animals ci cula ed among pe sons and g oups. A leas
as much a en ion should be paid o he impo an ole ha he pas o al p oduc s
ha e in objec i ying social iden i ies and ela ions. The an h opological li e a u e on
ca le he ding socie ies is illed wi h desc ip ions o he impo ance o animal sac i-
ices and milk sha ing o people’s communal iden i ies and indi idual ansi ions
(e.g. E ans-P i cha d 1956; Hu chinson 1996; Lienha d 1961; Llewelyn-Da ies 1981;
Rigby 1971). Among he Mbo o o, as in many o he ca le he ding g oups in A ica
(e.g. Dahl 1987; Talle 1988), he e is a symbolic di ision be ween he “masculine”
ca le and “ eminine” milk which can be obse ed in he daily schedule o men and
women. I is he men who, a e milking he cows in he ca le co al, ake hei he ds
o pas u e and wa e ing places, o o he local ca le ma ke on ce ain weekdays, o
e u n only a sunse . Many o he women’s ac i i ies, in u n, a e cen e ed in he
place whe e he milk is ese ed, ha is, in he woman’s own hu (cuudu) whe e a
pa o he milk is dis ibu ed among he child en, and ano he pa “pu o sleep”
o one nigh o become sou milk o bu e , which is sepa a ed by shaking in a
gou d. A e hese p epa a ions he woman pou s he sou milk wi h bu e balls
in o a calabash and akes i he ma ke place o sell.7
To be e unde s and he male/ca le s. emale/milk dicho omy in he Mbo o o
socie y, I would like o employ Ma ilyn S a he n’s (1988) discussion o gende ed
gi s, which she de ines as objec s o subs ances in which men’s and women’s in lu-
ence in he socie y is objec i ied o , o pu i di e en ly, h ough which hei in luence
is media ed. She w i es: “By objec i ica ion I unde s and he manne in which pe -
sons and hings a e cons ued as ha ing alue, ha is, a e objec s o people’s subjec-
i e ega d o o hei c ea ion” (ibid., 176). Among he Mbo o o, i is he ca le o
men, and milk o women ha objec i y hei e ec by mo ing o lowing h ough
di e en sphe es o hei ac i i y.8 In he ollowing, I will ocus on how his objec i i-
ca ion o media ion akes place in he i ual sphe e o he Mbo o o social li e.
Among he Mbo o o, he mos cen al i uals in he social ep oduc ion o he
whole pas o al communi y a e hose ela ed o he ma iage p ocedu e. Al hough
7　In ac many women sell mos o he dai y p oduc s o hei p i a e clien s on hei way o he ma ke .
8　Fo a mo e nuanced analysis o he socio-symbolic alue o milk o Mbo o o women, see Vi anen (2003,
196
-
209).

131Be ween ca le and Islam
he numbe o hese i uals has dec eased due o Islamiza ion,9 he e a e s ill some
i e o six i ualized occasions ela ed o con ac ing a ma iage. A sho desc ip ion
o hese i uals is as ollows.10 The p ocedu e begins wi h a i ual called koggal, he
name o which de i es om he koggal ma iage, ha is, om he a anged i s ma -
iage o which his ce emony se es as a commencemen . Du ing koggal a symbolic
hu is cons uc ed in he camp o he b ide’s pa en s o long b anches o a speci ic
ee called ba keehi (Bauchinia e icula a), which in Mbo o o unde s anding has a
blessing e ec , by ying hei ops oge he . This i ual is o be pe o med app oxi-
ma ely wo yea s be o e he b ide is aken o li e wi h he g oom, i.e. when she is
11
-
13 yea s old. Amongs he desc ibed i uals desc ibed he e, koggal is he one ha
is cu en ly mos a ely ca ied ou in Adamaoua, and people a e in no way expec ed
o pe o m his ce emony. Ano he i ual ha can be seen as ha ing become a subs i-
u ion o he koggal is he Islamic kaBBal (li e ally “ ying o ma iage”) in which a
mallum, i.e. a pe son wi h Ko anic schooling, con i ms he ma iage in he p esence
o wo wi nesses, p esen ing he b ide’s and g oom’s kin espec i ely. He e he ma -
iage is sealed by he dis ibu ion o cola nu s among hose p esen and by he
g oom’s ep esen a i e paying he ubu, he ma iage ee o 5,000 CFA ancs,11 o he
ep esen a i e o he b ide. Nex , usually se e al mon hs a e he kaBBal, he
g oom’s emale ela i e, ypically he mo he , comes o e ch he b ide o li e wi h
he son. Be o e he b ide lea es, he mo he p esen s he hings bough o he b ide
wi h he i s indi ec dow y. A e a i ing in he husband’s camp he young woman
helps he mo he -in-law wi h daily ou ines and hen e u ns o he pa en s’ camp
du ing he las mon hs o he i s p egnancy. This boo iiDo (“ha che ”) pe iod will
co e he ime ill he weaning o he i s bo n child. Meanwhile, se en days a e
he bi h o he baby, he woman’s amily a anges a name-gi ing ce emony, indee i,
o he child. This is an impo an e en in which he child is inco po a ed in o his/
he a he ’s lineage, he pas o al g oup, and he Islamic communi y a la ge. A he
same ime, his e en also ele a es he pa en s o he child in o he s a us o ull
social adul hood. In he case o he husband, i is only wi h he bi h o his i s bo n
ha he ge s ull igh s o decide he a ai s o his he d, e en i he has been aking
ca e o his ca le long be o e becoming a a he . While he indee i o he i s child is
especially c ucial o he pa en s’ new s a us, he bi hs o o he child en a e also
impo an . E e y succeeding indee i eas ein o ces he adul hood s a us o he pa -
en s, especially so in he case o he i s wo o h ee child en. As o he child en
hemsel es, indee i is a anged o all o hem in p incipally he same way. The only
di e ence being ha , apa om he i s bo n, he ce emony akes place in he
a he ’s camp.
The succeeding i ual, called Ban al, is pe o med in he na al camp o he new
mo he , immedia ely be o e she lea es he pa en s wi h he i s child. In he i ual
he mo he ’s new weal h, consis ing o he hings ha ha e been bough wi h he
second indi ec dow y money (ceede Ban i de) and gi s om ela i es and iends, is
9　This de elopmen is linked wi h a wide socio- eligious change dec easing cul u al elemen s ha
a e conside ed non-Islamic among he Mbo o o, see mo e e.g. in Bu nham (1996) and Dupi e (1970).
10　Fo a de ailed discussion o hese i uals in Adamaoua, see Vi anen (2003, 152
-
176).
11　The sum is equal o 7,62 eu os.
132 T. Vi anen
laid on he g ound o be admi ed. The hings belonging o he indi ec dow y a e
picked ou one by one by he mo he ’s emale ela i es o app o al by he male ep-
esen a i es o he new a he ’s pa ilineage. Finally, when he new mo he has
mo ed o his husband’s camp wi h hei i s child, and se led down in he new hu
cons uc ed o he , i is ime o a ange de ol (“cooking”), a ce emony ha concludes
he en i e i s ma iage p ocedu e, and i ually ma ks he woman’s s a us as a wi e
and mo he o ull s anding. Among he mos cen al episodes du ing he de ol a e
he admi a ion and p aising o he new hu , u nished and deco a ed wi h he new
weal h o he wi e, by o he women, and he symbolic se ing o he “ i s meal,”
p epa ed by he wi e wi h he help o he iends, o he husband and his pa ilineal
male ela i es. I is ac ually a e his i ual ha he wi e ge s ull igh s o he milk o
he cows allo ed o he by he husband.
To e u n o he ini ial ques ion, namely he meaning o mea /milk in he i ual
sphe e, he e is a ia ion in he sha ing o hese oods u s in di e en ma iage i u-
als. The sac i ice o ca le (ki sol) and sha ing o mea o all o hose p esen is accen-
ua ed in he i s i uals. The way his is done is simila in all Mbo o o celeb a ions
in which a bull is sac i iced: men cu up he ca cass, ake one o bo h o he o elegs,
oas hese o e a camp i e nea he ca le co al, and consume ha special mea
among hemsel es. They gi e he es o he mea o he women, who cu i in o
smalle pieces and p epa e he mea along wi h ice in cooking po s. Finally, women
di ide he ood, he ice and he sauce wi h pieces o mea in o po ions ha a e i o
be se ed o each age g oup, and o men and women espec i ely. O en, i he e has
been enough mea , po ions o aw mea a e also gi en o depa ing gues s o ake
home. Be o e he common meal, i is also a cus oma y p ac ice o o e he people
maize o manioc g uel cooked wi h milk.
Towa ds he end o he se ies o ma iage i uals mea g adually loses i s cen al
ele ance, and he sha ing o milk akes a mo e dominan ole. Thus, while ca le
sac i ice, usually pe o med by slaugh e ing a bull, is o he mos impo ance in kog-
gal and indee i, i is no expec ed o be pe o med in Ban al and de ol. In Ban al, how-
e e , mea , which migh consis o a slaugh e ed bull o a smalle po ion o mea
bough om a bu che , can be se ed in he same manne as people se e i in di e -
en kinds o communal ga he ings i hey ha e he means o do so.12 On he con a y,
he de ol, being he i ual ha mos symbolizes emale agency, boiled milk se ed
oge he wi h cooked ice and oil is he cen al ood, while mea is o ally absen .
Addi ionally, milk has an impo an ole in indee i du ing which he hai o he baby
is sha ed wi h a azo blade and hen h own in o a calabash illed wi h milk and
some lea es o a ba keehi ee. The impo ance o his speci ic ac o he Mbo o o
iden i y is nicely exp essed by Ndoudi Ouma ou, a Mbo o o man om Came oon,
who w i es in his biog aphy ha nobody can claim o belong o he Mbo o o i he/
she has no been “ asé au lai ,” i.e. sha ed in milk (Bocquené 1986, 118). Finally a
woman, o en he mo he ’s sis e -in-law, h ows he con en s o he calabash on o he
12　A bull is o en sac i iced also in yea ly Islamic eas s such as he eas inishing he mon h o Ra-
madan, as well as he eas ha is a anged o he hono o a pe son who e u ns om he pilg im-
age o Mecca. P incipally, among he Mbo o o, all animal slaugh e s can be conside ed Islamic sac-
i ices, as he slaugh e e is supposed o ask o God’s blessing while killing he animal.
133Be ween ca le and Islam
oo o he mo he ’s hu , high abo e i s doo way. When asked, my in o man s com-
men ed on his p ac ice by saying, o example, ha he milk-hai mix u e is h own
on o he hu in o de o ensu e he g ow h o he child. In some Mbo o o g oups he
whole calabash along wi h i s con en s is bu ied in he ca le co al, and s ill in o h-
e s pa o i s con en s a e consumed by adul men (see Dupi e 1962; 1970). Despi e
he di e ences be ween hese p ac ices, hey all seem o be connec ed o he analogy
ha he pas o alis s d aw be ween he e ili y o ca le and e ili y o humans (c .
Hu chinson 1996, 61−62), and o he human/ca le equa ion in pas o al socie ies mo e
gene ally (Hu chinson 1992, 296).
ca le e sus sheep: nego ia ion o
pas o al and islamic alues
As men ioned ea lie , along wi h Islamiza ion, some elemen s o i uals, o e en
whole i uals hemsel es, ha a e conside ed non-Islamic ha e g adually been
emo ed om he Mbo o o cul u e. Along wi h his de elopmen , one can obse e a
ce ain dec ease in he alue o he ca le sac i ice. A good example o his is kaBBal,
he Islamic ce emony in which a new ma iage is con i med h ough he dis ibu ion
o cola nu s, while no animal sac i ices a e pe o med. Ano he i ual ha me i s dis-
cussion is koggal, he g adual disappea ance o which has also emo ed he bull sac-
i ice ha ea lie se ed as he i s seal o he p ospec i e ma iage. I is, howe e ,
in e es ing o no e ha , al hough he e is no eligious obliga ion o sac i ice ca le in
o de o con i m a ma iage, my Mbo o o in o man s emphasized ha one yea
be o e he b ide’s a i al he g oom’s a he should sac i ice a bull. Indeed, people
openly showed hei mo al disapp o al o hose pa en s who p e e ha he g oom’s
amily gi e hem money o gi s ins ead o sac i icing an animal when ma ying
hei daugh e . Thus, i seems ha , in he subs i u ion o he bull sac i iced ea lie in
koggal wi h ano he bull slaugh e ed a yea be o e he coming o he b ide, many
Mbo o o s ill ega d hei ca le as he cen al cu ency in he media ion o ma -
iages, as well as o he in ag oup social ela ions. In hei own wo ds, he use o
money in hese ma e s demeans he whole idea o ma iage as “pu e comme ce”
(coggu mee e). A simila mo al disapp o al conce ning he endency o mo e o
money- ela ed ansac ions om he animal- ela ed ones can be ound when indi ec
dow y money is men ioned, which, in he Mbo o o iew, has nowadays eached an
amoun ha is oo la ge. Wha uni es he wo successi e dow ies discussed ea lie is
ha hey bo h belong o new ypes o money- ela ed ma iage paymen s, which
ha e inc eased in impo ance, a he expense o ca le sac i ices, and oge he hey
cons i u e he main pa o he gi s o he b ide’s amily. These a e gi s ha , in
Dupi e’s (1970, 29) wo ds, ha e “ aken he o m o b ide p ice,” and his p ocess has
occu ed along wi h he inc eased seden a iza ion and Islamiza ion o he pas o al-
is s.
The con e sion o he Mbo o o o Islam and hei app op ia ion o he cus oms o
he Muslim illage s ha e also led o a shi om ca le o sheep sac i ices in some
i ual con ex s due o he mo e impo an symbolic weigh gi en o sheep in Islamic
eligion.13 Pe haps he i ual ha bes highligh s he ension inhe en in his shi is
13　One o he mos impo an e en s in which sac i icing a sheep becomes a eligious symbol
134 T. Vi anen
he name-gi ing ce emony, i.e. indee i. The o de commonly ollowed in indee i eas s
in con empo a y Adamaoua is ha he sheep is slaugh e ed ea ly in he mo ning bu
ca le a e only slaugh e ed a e he name-gi ing and p aye s. This o de echoes
wha Dupi e (1970, 160) obse ed ea lie in he name-gi ing ce emony among he
Wodaabe Fulbe o Nige , namely, he pe o mance o sepa a e “Muslim” and “ adi-
ional” i es. Among he Wodaabe he spli can be seen in he empo al delay as he
slaugh e ing o he sheep, conside ed as a Muslim sac i ice, is pe o med on he se -
en h day a e he bi h, while he slaugh e ing o ca le akes place only when he
la ge pas o al g oup ga he s o hei annual wo so mee ing du ing he we season.
In Adamaoua, whe e he pas o alis s no longe p ac ice hese annual ga he ings, he
spli is less e iden , bu i can s ill be disce ned in he mu ual o de o he wo sac i-
ices.
An in e es ing de ail is he p io i y ha my in o man s ga e o he ca le sac i ice.
Fo example, when I asked people how indee i is pe o med hey always spoke o he
ca le sac i ice bu qui e o en o go o men ion he sac i ice o he sheep. The same
p io i y came up when people spoke o name-gi ing ce emonies in which only a
sheep was slaugh e ed, as he e we e always hose who complained abou he
absence o ca le sac i ice and said a e wa ds “indee i was no pe o med.”14 Whe he
app op ia e o no , complain s o his so e lec he deep a achmen ha he Mbo-
o o ha e o hei adi ional ca le sac i ices. Indeed, he Muslim idea ha a g ea
pa o he sac i iced animal should be gi en as alms (sadaka) o he poo (S enning
1959, 117) has no gained much g ound among he Mbo o o in Adamaoua o whom
he i ual slaugh e ing o ca le and he dis ibu ion o he mea among hose p esen
s ill has mo e o do wi h he uni y o he pas o al g oup han wi h any wide eli-
gious ideals. In ac , as I ha e discussed in mo e dep h elsewhe e (Vi anen 2007, 11),
his is also he case in he Mbo o o li e-cycle i uals, Islamic yea ly celeb a ions, and
he ca le sac i ice ha he Mbo o o occasionally pe o m in he hono o a isi ing
ela i e, and hus i is o en qui e di icul in p ac ice o di e en ia e be ween he
“ eligious” and “pas o al” mo i es behind he animal sac i ices in a ied si ua ions.
discussion
Fo he Mbo o o, he mig a ion om Nige ia o Came oon has esul ed in a mo e
seden a y way o li e, which in u n has ied hem in a close , and mo e hie a chical,
ela ionship wi h local Muslim chie s and Muslims illage s in gene al. This ap-
p ochemen has le i s aces on he Mbo o o socio- eligious p ac ices, bu much
con inui y can also be obse ed he e. In looking a he ca le inhe i ance sys em, one
can no ice he pe sis ence o he an icipa ed inhe i ance sys em, and he ela i ely
small amoun o animal ci cula ion ou side he lineal kin, which is pa ly ela ed
among Muslims is he g ea sac i icial eas Eid-al-Adha (A ab.) ha concludes he pilg image o
Mecca. I is a ememb ance o he e en in which Ib ahim (Ab aham in he Judaeo-Ch is ian adi-
ion) planned o sac i ice his son Ismael ( eplacing Isaac in he Ko anic e sion o he s o y). When
he sac i ice is pe o med a home, Muslims can eplace he sheep wi h a goa o a camel.
14　The absence o ca le sac i ice o en esul s om he simple ac ha he amily o ganising he
i ual is oo poo o a o d i . Thus, he Mbo o o socie y can be unde s ood as an unequal sys em, a
leas in he cul u al sense, as he “ igh way” o pe o ming i uals is ou o each o hose, who do
no ha e enough ca le o in es in animal sac i ices.
142 T. Nakamu a
In ac ual socie ies, hese h ee meanings o alue a e in e mingled. The e o e, an
examina ion o he unc ions o alue o e s a use ul app oach o unde s anding his
o en complica ed in e mingling. Fo example, in he case o he ela ionship
be ween animals and human beings in Mongolia, alues can be di ided in o wo
ca ego ies, ei he p agma ic o symbolic, acco ding o he unc ion o each alue.
These wo ca ego ies a e ela ed o he main h ee s eams o meaning. The deg ee o
he p agma ic alue is measu ed by he deg ee o which li es ock unc ions as a
p ac ical ool. An analysis o ho ses in Mongolia, along wi h o he animals, delin-
ea es he dynamism and changing alues o li es ock.
P e ious esea ch on he alue o animals in Mongolia ocused ei he on he p ag-
ma ic o he symbolic aspec s. In es iga ion in o he p agma ic alues was concen-
a ed on ways ha li es ock managemen has changed o e ime (Nakamu a 2003).
Fo example, he ypes o li es ock aised by pas o alis s ha e changed in acco -
dance wi h he ising p ices o cashme e in he Ejina-Qi banne in Inne Mongolia.
An illus a ion o he o he ype o esea ch, he symbolic alue o animals, is sug-
ges ed in Konagaya’s wo k (1994). Re e ing o he ela ionship be ween wild ani-
mals and human beings, she s a ed ha wild animals a e he mos sac ed o he
Mongolian animals. O nas (2003) analyzed o al poems called “I ügel,” o cong a u-
la ions, sung in i uals o s allions. He poin ed ou ha Mongolian people see
impo ance in he spi i ual meaning o ho ses as “ iends” a he han he p agma ic
alue o he animals as li es ock. His analysis demons a es how ho ses add s eng h
o i uals and es i als as symbols o powe and weal h.
Al hough p e ious esea ch has illus a ed he symbolic alue o animals in a
a ie y o cases, he change o his symbolic alue bea s u he in es iga ion. In
o he wo ds, symbolic alue has been p esumed o be s able om pas o p esen .
Howe e , in eali y, he na u al and social en i onmen o he pas o alis s and hei
li es ock has d ama ically changed. In esponse, a shi o p agma ic alue due o
en i onmen al change has also occu ed (Komiyama 2007 e al.).
The alue o ho ses in Mongolia be o e and a e socialism illus a es ha he
symbolic alue shi s om one animal species o ano he o e ime and ha he
symbolic alue which one animal has changes o e ime.
he eas e n pa o he mongolian plain:
a h i ing a ea o aising ho ses
In he Mongolian Plain, loca ed om he eas e n pa o he na ion o Mongolia o
he su ounding a eas o he Shilingol banne in Inne Mongolia, aising ho ses is a
majou li ing. Al hough hese a eas span di e en coun ies, hey sha e he same
geog aphic cha ac e is ics and lie in he same plain.
Conside ing he cu en si ua ion, he di e ence o na ionali y su ely a ec s he
li es yles o he people. Fo example, in China, se lemen o he pas o alis s was ca -
ied ou h ough na ional go e nmen policy (Humph ey & Snea h 1999). As a
esul , he numbe o pas o alis s who se led in o aise li es ock sui able o hei
a ea has inc eased. On he o he hand, in he na ion o Mongolia, he majo i y o
pas o alis s a e s ill nomadic. These di e ences equi e ha he wo a eas be in es i-
ga ed independen ly o each o he ; i would be inapp op ia e o mix hem.

143Fluc ua ions in he alue o ho ses in Mongolia be o e and a e Socialism
Conside a ion o he ea lie
pas o alis s, be ween he end o
he 19 h cen u y and he begin-
ning o he 20 h cen u y, howe e ,
is a di e en ma e . Du ing his
e a, na ional bo de s we e di e -
en om now, and he e was no
di e ence in he s yle o pas o al-
ism be ween Inne Mongolia and
Mongolia. Fu he mo e, du ing
hese ea lie imes, he numbe o
people who c ossed na ional bo de s was much la ge han i is now, as he e we e
many Chinese me chan s who conduc ed hei business in he a ea which co e-
sponds o he cu en Eas e n pa o he na ion o Mongolia. Consequen ly, du ing
his e a, he Eas e n pa o he na ion o Mongolia and some pa s o Inne Mongo-
lia could easonably be analyzed oge he .
Much o Mongolia is loca ed on a pla eau, whe e he a e age al i ude is 1580
me e s. The a ea highe han he a e age al i ude co e s 40 pe cen o he whole
coun y, and he a ea highe han 1000 me e s abo e sea le el occupies mo e han 80
pe cen (Mo inaga 2008: 28). Eas e n Mongolia is a ela i ely low, la a ea. Ga sha
-
in he Hen i p e ec u e, in Eas e n Mongolia is a hilly a ea wi h ele a ions be ween
1000 and 1500 me e s abo e sea le el.
Acco ding o he Ins i u e o Me eo ology and Hyd ology, he a e age annual
empe a u e o Eas e n Mongolia anges be ween
–
0.9 and 1.5 deg ees Celsius. July
is he wa mes season; he a e age empe a u e in he pla eau anges om 20 o 24
deg ees Celsius. Janua y is he coldes season; he empe a u e a ies be ween
–
19.1
and
–
23.7 deg ees Celsius. The mon hly a e age ain all is 188 o 399 millime e s.
Nine y pe cen o he ain alls be ween Ap il and No embe , also he season when
he g ass g ows, making his a ea geog aphically sui able o aising ho ses.
Pas o al li e can be desc ibed in he ollowing e ms. Acco ding o in o man s, he
a e age s ockman aises 360 goa s, 275 sheep, 200 ho ses, 16 cows and 16 camels.
The goa s a e indigenous, no cashme e goa s. Mos income de i es om he ma -
ke ing o wools and li es ock. In a amily, men engage in pas u age, while women
milk cows and sheep. Men help wi h he milking o ho ses. The people mig a e wi h
hei animals om one pas u e o ano he h ee imes pe yea . Each pas u e is abou
20 kilome e s dis an om he o he . Fo mig a ion, places close o wa e a e bes .
The people enclose pas u es in summe , bu disman le hem o he win e . Al hough
hey do no p epa e hay o ho ses, hey pu chase and s o e 25 kilog ams o hay o
cows, sheep, and goa s.
Figu e 1 shows he change in numbe s o camels, ho ses, and cows since 1990 in
Mongolia. The d ama ic educ ion o ho ses and cows esul s om d ough and
snow disas e since he yea 2000. The numbe o cows is almos equal o ha o
ho ses. A e 1960, a la ge numbe o na ional collec i e a ms we e es ablished
h oughou he a ea wi h assis ance om he So ie s. Fo y- i e la ge-scale mecha-
nized dai y a ms had been buil by 1990. Howe e , many o hese a ms we e la e
Map 1. Fieldwo k A ea Map
144 T. Nakamu a
p i a ized a e he in oduc ion
o a ma ke economy; as a esul ,
mos o hem had o shu down
due o lack o unds and o eign
echnicians (Komiyama 2007: 36).
La ely, howe e , in esponse o
he demand o dai y p oduc s
and in o de o a oid u he
na u al disas e s, in ensi e li e-
s ock ag icul u e among inde-
penden a me s has been g ow-
ing apidly. In gene al, a small
a m includes 10 o 20 cows. The
numbe o a ms o his ype
inc eased o 400 by 2006 (Komi-
yama 2007: 36), illus a ing he
high p agma ic alue o cows.
On he o he hand, ho ses
seem o ha e a di e en alue
om ha o cows e en when
hei numbe s a e simila . As
Map 2 shows, ho ses a e aised
ex ensi ely in he Eas e n pa o
he Mongolian plain o di e se
pu poses. Fo example, people may make alcohol om ho se milk (kumis) in he
summe . People also use he ho ses o anspo . Howe e , ho ses a e no necessa -
Fig. 1. The T ansi ion o Camels, Ho ses and Cows since
1990 (Komiyama 2007: 38)
Map 2. Dis ibu ion o Ho ses in Mongolia 2002
145Fluc ua ions in he alue o ho ses in Mongolia be o e and a e Socialism
ily conside ed o be li es ock wi h high p agma ic alue. Pas o alis s enjoy kumis in
hei homes a he han selling i o o he s and hus ea n no income om i . Fu he -
mo e, ho ses used o anspo ha e been g adually eplaced by ca s o mo o bikes.
Consequen ly, he p agma ic ole which ho ses play is no so la ge as ha o cows.
he meaning o ho ses be o e he in oduc ion
o socialism
Ho ses as P oduc s　　Mongolian pas o alis s es eemed ho ses as commodi ies and
i ems o ade in his a ea up un il he ea ly 20 h cen u y and he in oduc ion o
socialism. Du ing his ime, a eling me chan s engaged in ac i e ade wi h pas o-
alis s. The e was a g oup o me chan s, wi h i s cen e in Guihua Dis ic ( he cu -
en Huhho ), who h i ed in he a ea co esponding o he cu en Mongolia and
he Xingjiang Uighu Au onomous Region. Al hough some o li es ock p oduc s
which me chan s in he g oup collec ed in he Mongolian Plain we e consumed in
and a ound Guihua Dis ic , mos o hem we e sold in Beijing and Tianjin.
Guihua Dis ic was well known in he egion as a ading ma ke o sheep and
ho ses (Chinese People’s Poli ical Consul a i e Con e ence 1984: 134). A he end o
he Ching dynas y (1616
-
1912), me chan s a ound Huhho collec ed abou 800,000
sheep and 100,000 ho ses, mainly om ou lying a eas o Huhho , pa icula ly he
a ea now known as Mongolia. Sheep and ho ses om Ou e Mongolia accoun ed o
70 o 80 pe cen o all sheep and ho ses o sale; and hose om Inne Mongolia, 20
o 30 pe cen (Chinese People’s Poli ical Consul a i e Con e ence 1984: 134
-
136).
Acco ding o Kondo, no eco d could be ound showing anspo o li es ock om
he Xingjiang Uighu Au onomous Region by way o Huhho . The e o e, li es ock
b ough o Huhho mus ha e been om Ou e and Inne Mongolia (Kondo 1995:
77). Conside ing he con empo a y social si ua ion a he ime, ho ses o anspo ,
such as mili a y ho ses, we e mos likely o ha e been exchanged. The Ching
dynas y also se up se e al a ms in he Mongolian plain, and pas o alis s in he
egion paid a hi d o hei he ds o he go e nmen (La imo e 1941
-
1942: 25).
Because o hei use as anspo and use as paymen o he go e nmen , ho ses
enjoyed a high p agma ic alue a ha ime. Especially, ho ses o me chandise plau-
sibly had alue in he economic sense desc ibed in G aebe ’s heo y. The use o
ho ses as anspo is also close o he economic sense o alue.
Ho ses in Hun ing　　Up un il he ea ly 20 h cen u y, hun ing played an impo -
an ole o all Mongolians, and he ho se was an essen ial ool o hun ing. In Mon-
golia, whe e he e a e many ypes o hun ing, he scale o hun ing a ies om an
indi idual le el o a la ge g oup le el. Hun ing me hods also a y om simple
aps, in which people sow beans soaked in alcohol, o example, o cap u e d unken
pheasan s, o hun ing which makes use o ho ses o ca ch bigge animals. In he la -
e ype o hun ing, people gene ally hun as a g oup o 4 o 5 people on ho seback.
B inging en s wi h hem, hey would some imes hun o many mon hs in a single
session (Joseph 1941: 43).
Hun ing wi h ho ses can be di ided in o wo ca ego ies: hun ing as a seconda y
occupa ion o hun ing as mili a y exe cise. In he la e pe iod o he Ching dynas y,
146 T. Nakamu a
hun ing as a mili a y exe cise came close o being compe i ion. Hun ing as a second-
a y occupa ion o pas o alis s seems o ha e p e ailed in Mongolia be o e he col-
lec i iza ion o ag icul u e. Du ing hose imes, in he a ea close o moun ains, wo
hi ds o all ood was de i ed om hun ing. I was a way o ob aining animal p o-
ein wi hou necessi a ing he killing o li es ock (Yoshida 2004: 33)1.
Acco ding o eco ds om Wo ld Wa I, hun ing as compe i ion exis ed as a way
o ain youngs e s. F om childhood, Mongolian boys lea ned o ide ho ses and o
hun , and hus hey gained skills in shoo ing a ows om a ho se (The Kan o A my
1916: 161). His o ically, he e we e also se e al o he kinds o hun ing compe i ions.
Fo ins ance, du ing he Ching dynas y, a is oc a s in Mongolia we e called by he
empe o o pa icipa e in an annual e en (The Kan o A my 1916: 161). A eas desig-
na ed o hun ing we e hen dis ibu ed o he a is oc a s by he Empe o . Each a is-
oc a compe ed o hun he mos animals. Kings om e e y coun y in Mongolia
b ough hei subjec s, and he king himsel led he hun ing (Tamai 1931: 125).
Ano he ype was hun ing in a league. All o some o he banne s in a league
uni ed o go hun ing. This s yle, howe e declined apidly in popula i y, and only a
ew banne s con inued he p ac ice (The Kan o A my 1916: 161). Hun ing o a whole
banne , howe e , was conduc ed on an annual basis. Led by he chie o a banne ,
soldie s uni ed o hun .
Hun ing by he ding g oups was a kind o p ac ice o hun ing wi h he whole
banne and hun ing led by he Empe o . Soldie s o a couple o illages joined
oge he and hun ed be ween h ee and six imes pe yea . In addi ion, he men in
amilies wen hun ing and compe ed wi h one ano he in a show o skill. Some imes
a couple o houses go oge he and had a compe i ion. They ode on ho ses, ook
along some dogs, and used i les and poles (The Kan o A my 1916: 161).
In gene al, Mongolian people hun gazelles, ha es, wild sheep, and p ai ie dogs.
The social posi ion o he winne s o he Empe o ’s hun is s ill unclea and equi es
u he esea ch. Howe e , conside ing ha people ce ainly made an in ense e o
o p epa e o he Empe o ’s hun by hun ing in he ding g oups and as indi iduals,
i is a leas possible o guess he social impo ance o he Empe o ’s hun . Thus,
be o e he in oduc ion o socialism, Mongolian people conside ed hun ing skills o
be as impo an as he skill equi ed o ide ho ses. Mo eo e , hese skills signi ied
he capabili y o he men as wa io s among he Mongolians. In o he wo ds, hey
hough ha he abili y o ide ho ses was a good quali y o humans o ha e. In his
sense, alue is conside ed o be o sociological impo in G aebe ’s heo y.
On he o he hand, looking a he a ge s o he hun o e s ano he pe spec i e o
he alue o ho ses. Hun ing o e s a way o supplemen p o ein o pas o alis s
wi hou equi ing hem o kill hei li es ock, a p agma ic alue. A he same ime,
pas o alis s use he bones o wild animals o i uals (Yang 2006: 516). Acco ding o
Konagaya (1994), Mongolian pas o alis s conside wild animals o be sac ed, and in
he animal hie a chy, wild animals ank highe han li es ock2. Using wild animals
1　Ho ses we e used o hun o he wild animals no om he same species. In compa ison,
gene ally speaking, no he n eindee he de s use one animal species o hun hei own kind: using
domes ic eindee o anspo o hun wild eindee .
2　I don’ ha e any ield da a abou wild animals, so his pape does no de elop a gumen s abou
147Fluc ua ions in he alue o ho ses in Mongolia be o e and a e Socialism
as an o e ing, he e o e, enhances he sac edness o i uals. An old manusc ip
abou he Camel Fi e Ri ual says: “W ap a ib o a whi e gazelle wi h a blue clo h
and pu i in o i e. I you canno ge a bone o a whi e gazelle, you may use a ib o a
goa o a abbi ” (Yang 2006: 516). A gazelle can be caugh only by ho seback hun -
ing. Gi en ha bones o he gazelle a e seen as sac ed, ho ses a e cons ued as he
agen ha connec s human beings o sac edness. In 2006, when hun ing had al eady
declined, he Camel Fi e Ri ual allowed he subs i u ion o a ib o a cow o a abbi
o ha o a gazelle, sugges ing ha an objec o symbolic alue possibly shi s o e
ime.
alue o ho ses a e socialism
Be o e socialism, he pas o alis s used ho ses o anspo ; in con as , nowadays
he pas o alis s in Mongolia mainly use ucks o mo o bikes o anspo . Al hough
hey make kumis h oughou he summe , i is made o sel -consump ion, no o
sale. Fu he mo e, being di e en om sheep o goa s, cas a ed ho ses a e no usu-
ally killed o sold o mea p oduc s. Consequen ly, he alue o ho ses as me chan-
dise in he economic sense has weakened o e ime. Despi e his, many ho ses con-
inue o be aised in Eas e n Mongolia, so hey mus s ill e ain some alue.
Pa o his alue seems o lie in ho se acing in Naadam, a adi ional summe
es i al in Mongolia. The e is a na ional Naadam and many local Naadams. People
enjoy Mongolian sumo, a che y, ho se acing, and so on du ing his es i al. Race-
ho ses a e o special in e es o people in he Eas e n pa o Mongolia. In ho se
aces, he ho ses un abou 30 kilome e s. Jockeys a e child en unde he age o 4 o
5. Fo example, when I wen o Suhbaa a Aimag, a mo he who has wo daugh e s
said, “My elde daugh e s ayed away om ho ses, so she doesn' pa icipa e in
ho se aces. I don' le he ide on ho ses now. My younge daugh e likes ho ses
e y much, so she pa icipa ed in ho se aces las ime.” Gene ally, when child en
ge olde , hey e i e om acing and begin o lea n how o ain ho ses.
The cha ac e is ics o he h ee Eas e n p e ec u es o Sukhbaa a , Khen ii and
Do nod illus a e he i al ole o ho ses in he a ea. As indica ed on Map 2, he pe
capi a numbe o ho ses is mo e han ou . This egion has long been amous among
Mongolians o good ho ses, hanks o a p edominan ly la en i onmen which p o-
duces high quali y g ass. A he same ime, cul u al aspec s a e also impo an o
p oducing good ho ses. The ollowing in e iew, conduc ed in 2004 in Galsha il-
lage in Khen ii p e ec u e, exempli ies how highly pas o alis s app ecia e he alue
o hei ho ses: “Galsha ha e collec ed and aised good ho ses since he 1960s. As a
esul , Galsha has become amous o p oducing good ho ses. Now, he e m ‘ho ses
om Galsha ’ is a so o b and.” Clea ly, he pas o alis s ha e a s ong desi e o
choose ho ses o good bloodlines. Thus, bo h en i onmen al and cul u al ac o s a e
necessa y o a ho se- aising a ea o h i e.
In e iews wi h aceho se aine s, known as oyachi, also expand he unde s and-
ing o he cul u al meanings o ho ses. The oyachi use many me hods o s eng hen
hei ho ses o win aces. Winning a ho se ace depends 50 pe cen on he ho se’s
abili y, 30 pe cen on aining, and 20 pe cen on he abili y o he jockeys (Nozawa
animal hie a chy any u he . In he u u e, howe e , I in end o esea ch his impo an opic.

148 T. Nakamu a
1991: 82). The e o e, i is impo an o ha e a good eye o choosing good ho ses
(Nozawa 1991: 82). Commen s om an in e iew wi h a 66
-
yea -old in o man om
he Khen ii p e ec u e in 2004 show how eage ly people made an e o o ge good
ho ses 60 and 70 yea s ea lie and how sec e i e he whole ma e was:
In he gene a ion o my g and a he s, people a eled o Sukhbaa a and Do -
nod o look o ho ses which had a good blood line3. They ook many days o
ge he e and b ough ho ses back o Khen ii p e ec u e. They exchanged a
good emale ho se wi h 70 ponies. My g and a he s and my uncles we e alk-
ing abou whe e o go o buy ho ses and so on. Con e sa ions abou ho ses
we e held sec e ly behind a closed doo o hei yu (ge ) les o he people
hea . Thus i was impossible o me o si nex o hem and lis en o hei alk.
Since hen, howe e , he way o choose ho ses has changed as demons a ed in he
ollowing in e iew o a 68
-
yea -old oyachi in 2004:
Wi hou a doub , in my g and a he ’s gene a ion, people possessed he skill
and knowledge o choose ho ses. Howe e , nowadays, people [he e ‘people’
means oyachi in gene al, including he in o man ] canno ecognize good
bloodlines o ponies. In o he wo ds, hey do no ha e he skill o choose
ho ses.
This sugges s ha he echnique o choose ho ses has weakened. Howe e , people
s ill ake good ca e o p oduce as ho ses o Naadam.
We a e ca e ul o he amoun and kinds o g ass ho ses ea les hey ge oo
hea y o oo hin. Managemen o weigh is he mos di icul pa , and i is
impo an o con ol hei exe cise and nu i ion be o e Naadam. Running
ho ses inc eases hei b ea hing capaci y, while allowing hem o d ink sal y
wa e om a oun ain helps hem o gain weigh wi h a .
As he in e iew implies, he e a e many special ways o ain ho ses, and he ech-
niques a e so aluable as o be kep sec e e en among ela i es. Ho ses ained in
hese ways pa icipa e in aces in Naadam. The oyachi clea ly emembe ed in which
aces his ho ses achie ed good esul s. “Ho ses o my ela i es won all he p izes in
he 1984 Naadam,” said he oyachi. “My ho se won a p ize in las yea ’s ace.” I
o dina y people a e asked, “Who is a amous oyachi?” hey can hink o se e al
names wi hou hesi a ion. This sugges s ha amous oyachi a e well known no only
among colleagues bu also among local people.
Fu he mo e, he winning ho ses hemsel es a e amous and a ac many kinds
o people o hem:
A good ho se o my own caugh he eyes o a ich pe son in Ulan Ba o who
3　Sukhbaa a and Do nod a e be ween 300 and 500 kilome e s om Khen ii p e ec u e.
149Fluc ua ions in he alue o ho ses in Mongolia be o e and a e Socialism
chea ed us ou o him la e . This ho se won he i s p ize in a na ional
Naadam, which I saw on ele ision. Recen ly, ho ses in Ulan Ba o ha e been
gi en s e oids and nu i ion supplemen s, and consequen ly, ho se aces in
he na ional Naadam bea li le esemblance o adi ional aces in which only
na u al s eng h o ho ses compe ed. The adi ional essence o he aces is in
he local Naadams.
This accoun implies a leas h ee hings. Fi s , buye s, who a e gene ally affluen ,
a e highly in e es ed in good ho ses. Second, owne s wi h aceho ses in he na ional
Naadam wan o win, no ma e wha . Thi d, ho se owne s in pas o al egions ake
p ide in aining ho ses in he adi ional ways, which do no ely on d ugs o sup-
plemen s.
Winning aces in Naadam is ex emely impo an . I b ings owne s celeb i y and
g ea hono . Poli ically and inancially powe ul people in u ban a eas pay a en ion
o as ho ses in he local Naadams and hen buy hem o achie e a ic o y in he
na ional Naadam. Some imes, hey e en chea local people o ge good ho ses.
Why is i so impo an o possess s ong ho ses? Why do people pe sis in b eed-
ing s ong ho ses? Cul u al backg ound seemingly plays a la ge ole in such desi e.
In his 1992 book, A Hea o Eques ian People, Wanibuchi explains: “Mongolians ha e
long li ed hei pas o al li es wi h ho ses. Thei lo e o ho ses is much deepe han
we can e e imagine. Ho ses a e hei p ide as eques ian people. Ho ses a e hei
peace” (Wanibuchi 1992: 26).
I people we e o walk on oo —wi hou ho ses— h ough he ields, hey would
likely be conside ed begga s. Ho ses ha e no only a p agma ic alue bu also sym-
bolic ea u es (Wanibuchi 1992: 26). The exis ence o ho ses exempli ies he Mongo-
lian iden i y as ho se- iding people.
Acco ding o Konagaya, he e is a Mongolian saying ha “…good ho ses, sym-
bolize human capabili y” (2005: 222). Thus, people’s de e mina ion o aise ho ses in
he adi ional way and hei ha ed o he use o g ow h-enhancing d ugs may be
seen as a show o p ide in which Mongolians equa e hei skill o aining ho ses in
he adi ional ways o hei abili y as pas o alis s. He e he high symbolic alue o
ho ses is e iden .
Acco ding o G aebe ‘s heo y, ha ing skill o aise s ong ho ses wi hou d ugs
co esponds o sociological alues. In addi ion, he alue o possessing “s ong
ho ses” o “good ho ses” co esponds o alues in a linguis ic sense.
conclusion
An examina ion o he animals, p ima ily he ho se, in Mongolia e eals dynamism
and changes in he a ious alues o animals. Hun ed wild animals, like gazelles,
ha e p agma ic alue as a sou ce o supplemen al p o ein o pas o alis s and as
ood and p oduc s o be sold o people in Mongolia, China, and o he coun ies. As
hun ing has declined o la e, he p agma ic alue o wild animals is consequen ly
declining, oo. As well as he p agma ic alue, hese animals also ha e a symbolic
alue, as hei bones a e used o i uals o signi y sac edness. Because o he decline
o hun ing, pas o alis s ha e ecen ly begun o subs i u e bones o li es ock o hose
150 T. Nakamu a
o hun ed wild animals. Consequen ly, he symbolic alue which wild animals hold
is shi ing o li es ock. This endency illus a es he possibili y o posi ional change
o a alue om one kind o animals o ano he .
On he o he hand, analysis o he unc ions o ho ses in Mongolia e eals
ano he ype o change o alues. Be o e he in oduc ion o socialism, ho ses we e
objec s o ade as li es ock o anspo , and hus hey had a signi ican p agma ic
alue. Due o he appea ance o mo o bikes and ca s, howe e , his p agma ic alue
has declined. The milk o ho ses (kumis), which has long been consumed among pas-
o alis s, has e ained i s p agma ic alue. Ho ses also ha e symbolic alue. Be o e,
he abili y o ide and hun on ho seback symbolized people’s la en abili ies as wa -
io s. Cu en ly, possession o s ong ho ses symbolizes bo h he capabili y o hei
owne s as pas o alis s and he social powe o affluen people. Thus, al hough ho ses
do and did ha e symbolic alue o signi y human capabili y, he ype o capabili y
has changed o e ime. Howe e , i is s ill unclea whe he ho ses had alue as a
“symbol o human capabili y” in he e a o socialism. The e is he possibili y, o
cou se, ha he symbolic alue disappea ed and was hen e-cons uc ed in he pos -
Socialis e a.4 Fu he mo e, ho ses ha e ano he symbolic alue, which is o connec
people o sac ed wild animals. The symbolic alue o ho ses is hus di e se.
Based on analysis o alues o animals in Mongolia om he iewpoin o hei
unc ions, i is possible o make a close e alua ion o hei alues in ela ion o G ae-
be ’s sys ema ic alue heo y: (1) alues in he sociological sense; (2) alue in he
economic sense; and (3) alue in his linguis ic sense.
The cu en pas o alis s gain p o ein mos ly om hei own li es ock. In his
espec , he p agma ic alue can be conside ed o be applicable o alue in he eco-
nomic sense.
Howe e , looking a he p agma ic alue o ho ses o anspo , alue in he eco-
nomic sense and alues in he sociological sense coexis . Quo ing Clyde Kluckhohn,
G aebe dis inguishes he economic sense o alue om he sociological sense o al-
ues as he ollowing: The o me is he deg ee o he objec s which a e desi ed, and
he la e is he deg ee o he objec s which a e desi able. Desi able, in his case,
desc ibes some hing which is no only desi ed bu also ough o be desi ed in a cul-
u e (G eabe 2001: 2
-
4, 25
-
26). Ho ses o anspo , which a e objec s ha a e
desi ed as use ul ools, a e aded be ween pas o alis s. Simul aneously, he ho ses
a e objec s which a e desi able in he sense ha ideal pas o alis s ough o be able o
aise s ong ho ses, ide hem well, and possess hem as hei symbol. The la e
alue is so signi ican ha e en a e he ole o anspo has declined, ho ses used
in Naadam a e s ill highly es eemed.
Fu he mo e, as he saying abou he possession o a s ong ho se eminds us, he
alue o ho ses is also ela ed o alues in he linguis ic sense”. Tha is, in Mongolia,
he no ion o possessing good ho ses in desc ibing a pe son has a “meaning ul di -
e ence” om possessing o he animals. The alue o ho ses is a mul ilaye ed s uc-
u e o he h ee senses o alues wi h con inuous change o i s con en o e ime.
In conclusion, he ac ual unc ions o animals in ela ion o human beings in Mon-
4　Value o ho ses du ing he e a o socialism o e s ich po en ial o u he esea ch.
151Fluc ua ions in he alue o ho ses in Mongolia be o e and a e Socialism
golia canno be sepa a ed om he h ee senses o alue o G aebe ’s heo y. Since
each ca ego y is in e mingled and lexibly changeable, he ac ual condi ion o alues
om only one pe spec i e o he h ee is inapp op ia e. The ela ionship be ween
animals and human beings is explained mo e ully by he dynamism o a ious al-
ues which include he posi ional and in e nal change o hei unc ions.
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