Šiaurės vakarų dūnininkų tarmių kirtis

L-I5EE/T OVI K AL BOT. ¥ RIO'S KLAUS EiMA Li EF IPE P UV OVS TT S R ACADEMIC OF SCIENCES OF THE NORTHWESTERN DUNINE V. GRINAVECKIS I. Types of logging In Lithuanian dialects, the weakening or disappearance of the accent at the endings and the appearance at the beginning of the word or in syllables closer to the beginning of the word (e.g.: pdgaleis ~ pagaliais (Šakyna), /auk,ū——laukų (Laūkuva), malūnus ~ malūnai (Lyduokiai)) is usually called accent abduction. In the Northwest Swabian dialects (schvdt)! the consonant also in some cases is diverted from the ending to the beginning of the word. It is important to note here that in svdt, like in other Žemaičių dialects, the accent is not all concentrated in one syllable, but is divided into several or all syllables of the word. In words with a deductive accent, all syllables are pronounced, e.g.: dš,ės ~ ašis, darb,ū“-—darbų, la.uk,0 ~ laukū, led,i ~ ledų, blėzd,i'n.g,d ~ blezdinga, par,en,d.n.t,é ~ pareinanti. The examples show that those syllables that are accentuated in the literary language (Ik) also have an accent in the dialect. This accent at the end of the word, which corresponds to the lk accent, can be called ancient, because it is, as we will see later, older than the other accents of the same word. All other accents in the above examples are usually called diphthongs, because they appear as if they were diphthongs, as they are newly added to the initial syllables of the word. In this way, the terms themselves (antique and deductive) indicate the different origins of the deductive accents in the words. Not all accents in the same word are pronounced with the same intensity: some are pronounced weaker, others stronger. In words where the accent is broken, the first syllable is always pronounced stronger than the other syllables of the same word, so in this case the first syllable has the main accent. Since this main dialect, as already mentioned, is 1 North-western mud dialects (švdt) occupy the southeastern part of the middle Zemgalish, which includes Sildlés and Vafniai districts (without a few villages), Šilutės r., north-eastern, Priekulės r. southern corners, southeastern part of Rietavo r., Skaudvilės r., Pūežeris and Košių apylinkes. In the corners of the area are the following settlements: Švekšna, Pavandenė, VérsédZiai, Ž. Naūmiestis. The most important phonetic feature that distinguishes §vdt from other Dūnininkai is the absence of Africants (¢, dž < tj, dj) at the end of the unpronounced word before the Baltic d, e.g.: jd'ute ~ buodžio, mide mėdžio, pa*tes ~ pūčios, std‘tes ~ stūčios, but ~ pal,iios pačiūs. ~ | 109 deductive, then it will be called the main-deductive interjection. The remaining accents in words with a diphthong accent are pronounced weaker, so they are usually called secondary accents. However, the lateral accents are not equal among themselves either, for example, in the word blézd,i'n.- g,a ~ the blezdinga final syllable accent, as already mentioned above, is ancient, 0 second from the end of the word —detractive. In addition, these two lateral accents (we will see later) are of unequal strength, vowels are elongated unequally after them, they have unequal prefixes, and therefore they also need to be given separate names. Since the subordinate accent next to the end of the word is deductive, the term subordinate-deductive accent is best suited for it. The subordinate accent at the end of the word is ancient, but it cannot be called a subordinate-ancient accent, because in antiquity it was not a subordinate accent. There are also words in which the consonant is in the same place as and For example, "be", "become" and "become". It was previously discussed that such an interjection, which coincides with the place of the lk interjection, will be called the ancient one, and since the ancient interjection is also the main one in this case, it can be called the main-ancient interjection. In words that are pronounced with the main-ancient accent, in some cases there is also a secondary accent, e.g.: dérbdu~ worked, vira: m vyrai, val,ite ~ squeeze. (clean). In this case, as can be seen from the examples, the new syllable has appeared not in the pre-syllable, but in the post-syllable syllables. A dialect accent, which occurs in subdialectal syllables, is always pronounced weaker than the main accent; -antique accent, therefore, is secondary. In order to distinguish it from the other lateral accents mentioned above, it can be called a lateral-deferred accent, because it is as if moved from the beginning of the word to the final syllables or closer to the end of the word. Therefore, there are five types of accents in the svdt: two main accents—main- -deductive and main-ancient, and three secondary accents—lateral-deductive, lateral-terminal, and lateral-deductive. II. 1998-1999 Origin and Antiquity of Slash Abduction 1. In Northern Lithuanian dialects (including Žemaičių) the reason for the accent being withdrawn from the ending to the beginning of the word is usually considered to be the jtaka® of other languages —Latvian or Curonian and Ziemgalian. The first opinion immediately seems attractive because of its simplicity, but it is contradicted by the fact that the Lithuanians of Zarasai region, living next to the Latvians, do not withdraw the accent. The second opinion has one quite strong argument: the area of accent removal in Lithuanian dialects almost coincides with the area of the Curonian and Ziemgalian tribes that lived in the territory of Lithuania®. However, the Curonians themselves, assimilated by the Žemaites, did not have an accent at the beginning of the word*, so even if the Curonian influence is acknowledged here, the question remains unsolved: it still needs to be proved what reason led the Curonians to move the accent to the beginning of the word. It is believed that in the Curonian language such pronunciation will come from? Archivum Philologicum (hereinafter APh), 4, 33, Kaunas, 1933. 8 APh, 4, 33; The Samogitian dialects (toliau ZM), 204, Kaunas, 1930. 4]. Endzelins, Grammar of the Latvian language, 32, Riga, 1951. 110 Ugry-suomiy tribe — Lybians. It is possible that the Curonians passed on the inherited Lybian accent at the beginning of the word to the Žemaites. However, the process of diverting the arrow itself will have taken place gradually, according to certain laws, the influence of the Curonian here can only be considered as the first impulse for the appearance of the tendency of diverting the arrow. ; K. Jaunius believes that the accent in Lithuanian dialects will be diverted independently of the influence of other languages. He reasons as follows: "Usually we say that... the consonant has 'passed' or 'is moved'" from the ending to the root syllable. But in fact the accent does not move at all and is never moved, only this process occurs: depending on the weakening of the old main accent, the accent is strengthened before the going syllable, having... ascending prefix, which, gradually strengthening, does not change its acoustic structure, so that the secondary-retractive (nepejpHeBropuuHoe) accent always has a firm prefix. The gradual weakening and secondary strengthening of the old primary accent is proved by the fact that, if the old accent is on a long vowel, it does not fall to the level of weakly pronounced syllables in Darbėnai dialect when the primary-secondary accent appears in the preceding syllable, but retains part of its previous meaning, becoming a secondary accent: e.g., Darbėnai gė:i.sm,ičė, Fmiion,fios*®. In this theory, K. Jaunius proves that the accent from the ending to the beginning of the word was gradually withdrawn, initially leaving part of the accent in the old place, at the end of the word. This statement of K. Jaunius is confirmed by many dialects of the Lithuanian language that divert the accent. First of all, almost all of the dialects of Žemaitija (except for some places on the Latvian border: Akmenė, Vegeriai, Klykoliai) still retain some accent at the end of the word. The Western Highlanders, who live next to the Zemgales and who also use the accent, still have some accent at the end of the word, e.g.: diend ~ day (Krikés), šėkd ~ branch, vaikai ~ children (Šiauliai). These facts clearly show that the accent shift from the ending to the beginning of the word in the spoken dialects is not over. K. Jaunius’ theory of the declination of the syllable becomes quite plausible when we connect the declination of the syllable with the shortening of the acute endings. Prof. J. Endzelynas has responded to this reasoning of K. Jaunius in the following way: “How such a declination of the first syllable can also occur independently of foreign influences, is shown by J. Jaunius.” At the same time, Prof. J. Endzelynas adds from himself:,, This (consonant) in Latvian protospeech could have originated quite spontaneously, and thus the consonant is first of all diverted —just like in some dialects of Lithuanian language—from short final syllables in diphthongs and polyphonic oxytons to the first syllable, then the consonant of the first syllable could have been generalized under the influence of foreign languages*““- *. The theory of Jaunius and Endzelynas of the diversion of the strike can be summarized as follows: a) firstly the consonant was withdrawn from the short ending to the long first syllable, b) later the consonant of the first syllable may have been generalized (probably under the influence of other languages). 5 K, Slsuuce, [Namarnas kunxka Koenckoit ryGepuin ua 1898 roan, 183, Koena, 1897. 6 J. Endzelins, min, veik., 32. 111 2. The first proposition of the theory presented here is confirmed by §vdt data: a) The main-degressive consonant is pronounced stronger in bi-syllabic words with a long first syllable and a short second syllable than in all other bi-syllabic words (e.g. bd.u.g,0s ~ bailiai, ri'n,é ~ ryni (ryji). b) In three-syllable words with a long first syllable and a short second syllable, in some cases the accent is broken without leaving any trace of the accent in the other syllables (e.g.: kligdama ~ Klykdama). In both cases, the vowels and diphthongs pronounced with the main-abductive accent are elongated (including a, e, when they go through the first syllables of the diphthongs) and have a secondary-continuous prefix, which suggests that the accent will be abducted here before the elongation of the pronounced a, e. c) In polysyllabic words, where the final syllable is short and the second syllable from the end of the word is long, the consonant in the second syllable from the end of the word will be detached at the same time as in the first two (a, b) cases. This is shown by the same length of the second syllable from the end of the word, which has a lateral-degressive accent (e.g.: kérmv,dr.- p,a ~ kirmvarpd). 3.The first proposition of Jaunius and Endzelynas’ theory of flexion is the key for determining the further development of flexion. The history of accent deflection in the SVD cannot be examined in isolation from other Samogitian dialects, as well as from accent deflection in Eastern Lithuanian dialects, so we will also consider some more general issues of accent deflection in Lithuanian dialects. Usually in Lithuanian, if a consonant occurs in a syllable before the old consonant, the new consonant in the long syllable always has a strong consonant or a middle consonant (which is strong in terms of the movement of the voice). This is the case in the northern dialects of the Altai language, which detract the accent, e.g.: balta ~ balta, baltos ~ baltds, laitku ~ lauki (Šakyna), gi'va —gyva, jaiina ~ jauna (Obėliai). However, in the coastal Žemaičių dialect this is different: if the consonant is diverted to the strong-pronounced root, it gets the testing (~ lk strong-pronounced) prefix, e.g.: iūž,ė ee ūži (Es. 1. vns. 2 asm., ūžti), šd*s,ės ~ goose (Kretinga), or the middle consonant (which is just a shorter continuation), e.g.: lauk,a:~ fields, naw,ilos new ~ (Salantai); if the conjunction is detached to the solid root, it gets a pushing (~ Ik solid root) preposition, e.g.: bd'It,a ~ white, bd-It,iios ~ white (cf. klm., white). (Kretinga); pérm,iios ~ pirmds (vns. klm., pirma), vieš,įs m cancer (Salantai). ; This duality of the preposition of the degressive accent in the coastal Samogitians shows that they will have degressed the accent even at the time when they still used a double preposition: tvirtagalė and tvirtapradė in the pre-degressive syllables. Thus, we come to the conclusion that the coastal Samogitians removed the accent even before the unification of the preposition of unpronounced pre-pronounced syllables, and the other Samogitians already after the unification of the preposition of unpronounced pre-pronounced syllables. It is said that the first people came to the islands earlier than the others. The long syllables of the Pajūrio Žemaičių dialect were pronounced with a degressive accent after the time when the prefix of the prefixed syllables became a degressive accent, and therefore could no longer replace the prefix, because only the prefixes of the undegressive syllables are uniform: in the prefixed syllables there is a generalized degressive accent priegaidé, in the postfixed syllables a strong prefix priegaidé, e.g.: kalnai, bet kdlnus, vėgėlė, bet vėgčles", The fact that the Žemaičių dialect was degressed earlier than other Dūnininkai Dūnininkai is shown by the greater lengthening of the diphthongs of the vowels pronounced with a degressive accent. For example, the length of the vowel diphthongs of the Dūnininkai diphthongs, whose both syllables are long, the prefix of the deductive accent is the middle one, does not differ from the length of the unpronunciated ones, for example, the length of the words /auk,ū“ ~ laukd, dondantį of the first syllable diphthong au, does not differ from the length 112 of the unpronunciated syllables of the diphthongs themselves, for example: laukd'ms laukams, o donti'ms ~ — dantims, and the first diphthong of the coastal Žemaičių in this case is half-length: la.uk,ūūm laukų, domntiim dantį, bet laukams laukams, donti's dantims (Salantai). Based on the above statements, it is už possible to conclude that ir the deflection of the accent will ir have begun in the north-west of the Žemaičių dialects and then shifted to the ir south. o ir ti ~ on tų ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ į This conclusion is supported by the following data of the Žemaičių dialects: (a) the withdrawal of the dounists is pronounced more firmly than that of the dounists. b) in the area of the Dūniniai dialect, the retractive accent weakens as you go from north to south, until it becomes completely muffled at the southern edge of the dialects, c) the terminal vowels of the Dūniniai, especially the northern ones, pronounced with the ancient kitsch, are pronounced weaker as švdt, and the ancient (lateral-terminal) accent is less audible, e.g.: grads ~ gražūs, 207,° ~ turiū (Salantai). Since the strength of the diphthong, the lengthening of the vowels and diphthongs after it indicate the age of the diphthong, it is possible to assume that the Žemaičių diphthong will be diphthongized, in accordance with the K, Jaunius and Endzelynas theory, not immediately, but gradually. First, the consonant will be diverted from the short end to the preceding long syllable, then from the long end to the long and from the short to the short root, and finally — iš the short į root of the long limb. These two stages of accent deflection are also found in the present Lithuanian dialects: a) from the short ending to the long preceding syllable, e.g.: malii'nus ~ malūnūs, vilkus ~ vilkis (Lyduokiai), laikus ~ laukūs, bet laukū' ~ laukų Obeliai), diend ~ diena, bet diend's ~ diends (Krakės), gi-va~ gyva, merga ~ mergd, ainu ~ einu, bet miski: ~ mišką (Debeikiai), rdnk,a ~ rankd, vdd.k,ūs ~ vaikūs, bet šaka ~ Saka, vaika" ~ vaikai (Kražiai); b) from a long and a short ending to a long and a short preceding syllable, e.g. : Ug, uos ~ level, dukštįias ~ high, šak,ilos ~ branch (Darbėnai), ds*fis ~ usnis, §ak ~ branch (Šeduva). The age of the Svdt accent retraction is evidenced not only by the continuous or intermediate preposition in a long syllable with a retractable accent, but also by other dialect data. In particular, shortening of the limb. As already mentioned, the consonant is not withdrawn from the second and subsequent syllables of the word, but in those cases, Pgl. * K. English-Lithuanian dictionary, XIX, Kaunas, 1924, 8, Questions of Speech 113 when the final second ir from the end of the word syllables are merged into one due to the shortening of the ending, the į consonant is separated by the second ir iš syllable from the end of the word, e.g.: gri'b,Oks grybūkas, kéri,¢ks kirtikas, vieš,dks ~ vėžūkas. ~ ~ This is due to the fact that ne both the long and short vowels are pronounced with the same accent. ir If the accent is detached in the dialect of the unabbreviated iš word ending, in which the ancient accent is on a short vowel, then the detached long syllable accent always has a continuous prefix, vowels diphthongs, accented with this detached į accent, are elongated, e.g.: grib,ės grybūs, ld.u.k,ds laukūs, but in the above mentioned case, "where we have exactly the o same ratio of ir syllable length ~ ~ (— 0), a withdrawal accent has a middle prefix, the accentuated o vowels are the same length as in the ir unaccentuated syllable ir (e.g.: gri"bo.ka ~ grybūką, kertė.ka ~ kirtiką, vied ams crabs). ~ Ką shows this inequality in the lengthening of the ir prepositional and diphthong vowels in words with the same ratio of syllable lengths (— )? Taking examples with both long su syllables, we see that we have here exactly the same length of the syllables with a deductive accent, as in the examined examples with a fractured ending (e.g.: lauk,ū-—laukų and lauk,dks ~ laukiūkas; ki-m,i-~ kiemų and kim,0ks ~ ir kiemūkas). The strength of ir both the main-deductive su and the secondary-final (ancient) accent in these examples, despite the uneven ratio of syllable lengths, completely coincides. From all that has been said here, it appears that at the time when the consonant was rising from the short final syllable to the preceding long syllable, the final syllable had not yet merged into one syllable with the preceding one (in other words, the laukiuka had not yet turned into laukuks). If there had been a laugh at the time of the accent rise from the short final syllable to the preceding long syllable, it would have been pronounced lū.u today. R,dks, just like /d.uk,0s ~ fields. This means that the ending has been shortened after the first accent has risen from the ending to the beginning of the word. By the second stage of the accent rising to the beginning of the word, the ending will already have been shortened, i.e. the accent was broken at the same time in the words lauky and laukiuks. At the same time, the consonant will be diverted from the short final syllable to the short preceding syllable, both from the final syllable that has not been abbreviated in the dialect, and from the newly formed from the two final syllables of the word due to the abbreviation of the ending (e.g.: šak,a ~ branch, kleb,dts ~ Klebdtas). This is shown by the strength of the deductive and lateral-rear (ancient) accent and by the data of other dialects. 5. K. Būga writes about the antiquity of the detachment of the accent:,,The vowels a, e, i, u, which when they are under the accent in the dialects of the Žemaites and Eastern Highlanders (Zieminiai) become semi-long vowels under the repulsive accent, the Lithuanians pronounce briefly: a. Saks, šnėko, ego (Pnv.), Pog Dvd., godu || 2. branch, šnėkd „šnekū“, lėga, godi Skd. gudijn Mžk. The elongation of the vowel indicates that the accent has been relegated here not long ago““*, However, in the Žemaičių dialects, during the elongation of short vowels after the accent, the detractive accent (at that time, of course, still weaker than now) could already have been present, but because 8 K. Būga, min. veik., LI, 114 of its weakness, it could not have elongated the short vowels. This is demonstrated by the fact that ir su main-s:short vowels with novel accent (in the majority of the dialects of the Dūnians, which divert the accent, only e, o, and in the northern dialects of the Dūnians a, e, are not prolonged in cases where a secondary-substituted accent has appeared, which has weakened the e, 0) main-ancient accent. The shortness of the vowel only indicates that the deductive accent has risen on it later than from the short end to the long syllable, where the short vowels forming the diphthongs are elongated. Thus, in long syllables, in which the accent is detached from the short syllable, the detached accent of the short vowels after the accent has already become the main accent during the prolongation. In short syllables, when short vowels were prolonged, the degressive accent could be present (weak) or absent. The vowel length does not indicate this. The most recent rise of the accent from the long final syllable to the short second syllable from the end of the word can only be proven by the weakest pronunciation of this diphthong and by data from other dialects. In polysyllabic words, the declination may have occurred in the third and subsequent syllables of the word later than in the first declination stage. This is shown by the middle prefixé in long syllables and in non-elongated vowels and diphthongs. 6. The withdrawal of the accent from the word. end most likely at all is inextricably linked to the weakening, decline, shortening of the limb. This is shown firstly by the fact that dialects that detract from the consonant shorten the endings, and furthermore, those dialects whose consonant is more detracted to the beginning of the word shorten the endings more (e.g., Mūšos upynas) and whose consonant is less detracted, the less the endings are shortened (e.g., Šiauliai, Krakės). This partly explains why the syllable disappears primarily from the short ending. After all, it is the short endings that weaken, disappear and disappear primarily in dialects. The fact that the withdrawal of the accent from the ending to the beginning of the word is associated with the declination of the ending is also shown by the fact that the accent has moved to the beginning of the word only from the ending. From the imperfect, even short syllable, the consonant has not moved to the preceding long syllable, e.g.: druobo.le ~ drobulé, auge.na ~ augino. In the above-cited reasoning of K. Jaunius about the accent retraction, the following statement is given: “depending on the weakening of the old main accent, the accent before the preceding syllable is strengthened”. The weakening of the final accent is clearly shown by the shortening of the acute endings. As we know, some of the strong-headed limbs are shortened, and others have replaced their strong-headed premolar with a strong-headed premolar. Not all of the dialects of the Lithuanian language have the same shortened endings. The western, middle, Dzūkian, and a large part of the eastern and southeastern Zemgalian have short vowels like Ik instead of long solid-end endings, e.g.: balta (< *baltd, cf. baltėji), sausa (<<*sausi),. shown (< *visd). Most of the Žemaičių dounininkai, as well as the northern dounininkai, pronounce the final vowels derived from the long strong vowels weaker, somewhat reduced, e.g.: bd, ~ balta, rdnké ~ ranka, sd.u.s,d~ sausa: (Kretinga). In Žemaičių donininkai these vowels are hardly heard, e.g.: saus" ~ sausa, rds’ ~ rasa, Vės" ~ visa (Priekulė). The Eastern Pontians about Šeduva have no more firm-ending final vowels at all, e.g.: balt baltd, rds rasa, Sak ~ — ~ Say. 115 Thus, the abbreviation of the long (dialectal and non-dialectal) endings of strong verbs is common to the whole Lithuanian language. The long strong-early final vowel, which has become short, has not stopped shortening in some Lithuanian dialects and has disappeared further, so balta > bd:It,d (Kretinga). Here, in the words of K. Jaunius, after the weakening of the ancient final accent, the accent of the preceding syllable was strengthened, remaining without an accent, the vowel had to disappear even faster, and so from balta only balt remained (Šeduva). Thus, the shortening of the endings of the strong-started words will have contributed to the decline of the accent at the end of the word, in other words, the accentuated strong-started endings shortening forced the accent to retreat to the beginning of the word. Long syllables are pronounced with a stronger voice, and a stronger voice syllable in a word is called an accented syllable. Since the long syllable is more firmly pronounced, the consonant may have moved more easily from a short syllable to a long (e.g. baltd > bū.l.t,d) than from a short to a short (e.g. šaka > šak,a). With this in mind, it is easy to understand why the first syllable was diverted from the long preceding syllable of the short ending, only followed by the short ending of the long preceding syllable of the last long ending of the short preceding syllable. iš į o iš į ir iš į ir iš į Regarding the subsequent diversion of the strike (from the short end of the į short from ir the long to the long preceding syllable, as well as from the long end to the short preceding syllable), it is necessary to bear in mind the previous stroke digression ir (from the short ending to į the long preceding syllable) analogy, which, doubtlesbe s, has also contributed to the generalization of the first syllable accent?. It is also important to note the effect of ir shortening and decay of uncut limbs on cut limbs. After all, the be uncut limbs shortened faster, the cut ones slower. o This is shown by dialect ir data, for example, the vowels of the unpronounced strong-ends of the Kretingiški dounininkai are more extinct than those of the pronounced ones. (e.g. bdlt)s mo white ir shark ~ shark). The faster decay of the uncut limbs may have accelerated the shortening of the cut limbs and thus contributed to the cut diversion. This means that the shortening of the stern limbs will have been one of the most important factors in the withdrawal of iš the knuckle. The Curonians will have left to the Zemgalians only the tendency to turn off the cut. How the pronunciation of the long second syllable from the end of the word is strengthened (if the final syllable is short), convincingly shown by some Lithuanian dialects that do not draw accent. For example, about Ignaliną is pronounced viend, but ve.nd's, diena, but de.n0's. Ką indicates the non-abbreviation of the diphthong if the limb is short? Sure, it ir works here K. The law of youth. When the accentuated vowel of the end was shortened due to the weakening of ir the accent of this to vowel, the pronunciation of the preceding long syllable was strengthened and thus ceased to be monophonic. ie In all other cases, ie, being unpronunciated, is abbreviated into suonobalséjes in the spoken dialect. III. The lateral-translative accent svdt, like in other Žemaičių dialects, is only found in long syllables ir (if it occurs on the short vowel, the latter is usually elongated). This type of strike is already suitable for explaining the occurrence of * Plg, J. Endzelins, min, act., mention32. 116 ed K, Young's theory about the emergence of the deductive inflection, only in the spoken case the process of the rise of the inflection to its place iš has taken place in the opposite direction as the deduction. The retractive accent, as we know, has originated in the pre-retractive syllables (that is, the accent rose at the end of the word at iš the beginning of the word: į <=), o — (here the interjection rises iš to the end of į the word: =>). It may be assumed that the deferred accent, as a deductive, ir will have appeared first in those words where the main-ancient accent has short syllables. This is shown by the fact that in this case the lateral-deferential consonant is stronger, and the vowels and diphthongs with it are more elongated, as in words where the ancient consonant is in long syllables, e.g.: lép,dm~ lipama (1) (we climb), ~ déd,é'ses the ~ great, rézd,d'ms (2) risdamas, ~ but n@3,6n7 ~ nėšant, d'ug,d'm dugama (Growing up), diiob,é ls ~ clover. In the first (1) case, the length of the vowels and diphthongs accentuated with the lateral deflection accent is the same as that of the diphthongs accentuated with the deflection o accent, (2) — where the accent is deflected from short to ir long syllable, in the second case the vowels are the same length as the unaccentuated ones, 0 diphthongs have a slightly shorter first syllable than the už diphthongs accentuated with the main-ancient accent and having a broken prefix, but longer semilongitudinally. The age of the appearance of the lateral-nuclear accent helps to determine the age of another Žemaičių dialect, Dounininkai, words with a lateral-nuclear accent, in which the ancient accent is on a, e, pronounced as follows: ndkt,ė'i ~ naktie (nights), véseé-is ~ vėsties (Kretinga), and svdt the same words are pronounced na:“kr,f* ~ nūktie, vėsri's ~ vėsties. Thus, the downians' pronounced ag, e with the main-ancient accent here are short, and svdt — long. This suggests that the dounininky lateral deflection would have occurred even before the elongation of the short a, e after the deflection. With the emergence of the secondary-subordinate accent, the weakened primary-antique accent could no longer prolong these vowels. The lateral-nodal interjection of svdt will have already occurred after a, e elongation. ; The vowels e, 0 (~17, u) and dounininkų, and švdt with the main-ancient accent have been elongated (e.g.: ke.ta mv kitą, T0.0a ~ siūvo), but in words with the secondary-nuclear accent, these vowels have remained short (e.g., švdt: seépr,é:~ stipriai, sokr,é* ~ sūkriai, Kretinga: /¢p,d'm ~ lipama (we climb), bdv,siom ~ būvoma (we were). Thus, and dounininky, and svdt Salutinis-nukeltinis interjection will have appeared before e, 0 pailgéjima. The elongation of the vowels a, e with the ancient-main accent in words with the secondary-subtractive accent and the unequal strength ratio of these accents in the SVD area (and also in the Dounininkai dialects) indicate that the subtractive accent, as well as the deductive accent, first appeared in the northern Zemgalian dialects and later spread to the southern ones.