Prieveiksmiai su formantu „-(i)ai“ šiaurės vakarų aukštaičių tarmėse

LIETUVIŲ KALBOS MORFOLOGINĖ SANDARA IR JOS RAIDA LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA ADVERBS WITH THE FORMANT -(i)ai IN THE NORTHWESTERN HIGHLAND DIALECTS1 E. GRINAVECKIENĖ 1. Formation There are probably more adverbs with the formant -(i)ai in the northwestern Highland dialects than in most other Lithuanian dialects. They are most often derived from adjectives and less often from participles. Every two-syllable adjective that can be inflected for degree usually also has its own adverb, e.g.: baisus: baisiai, drąsus: drąsiai, kėršas: keršai, klišas: klišai, pálšas: palšai, tuščias: tuščiai, žāṅgus: žāṅgiai “with a good stride” (: our mare walks at a good stride; I can't keep up behind her). Adverbs with the formant -(i)ai are not generally formed from adjectives that cannot be inflected for degree (e.g., bāsas, kniūpščias, mēklas “stutterer,” pėščias, raitas), although some occur, e.g.: berǵždžias: berǵždžiai. Adverbs with the formant -(i)ai are formed less often from polysyllabic adjectives. This is partly because most of these adjectives (e.g., derivatives with the suffixes -inis, -ainis, -ytis, -ėtas, -uotas, the prefixes po-, pro-, prie-, and all compounds) cannot be inflected for degree at all. The most commonly used adverbs derived from polysyllabic adjectives are: abejūtiškai “moderately” (: we live moderately), akylai, aklinai, balzganai, bereikalingai, gatau̇vai, gerokai (and gerókai, rare), kitoniškai, ligūstai, mėlynai, nežmoniškai, paviršutiniškai, raudonai, savotiškai, tolokai (and tolókai, rare), apýblogiai, atkāmpiai “aside” (: put those papers aside, so the children cannot reach them), nuodarbiai “diligently” (: he does everything very diligently), nuotakiai (: he dug a little trench neatly), paskliuōdniai “leniently” (: they threaded wire through the pig’s nose gently—it still roots around), lygmalai “level with the edges” (: the fat in that pot was level with the rim, but now it has settled). 1 This article examines adverbs with the formant -(i)ai used in the northwestern Highland dialects, which preserve the stress placement and accent of Standard Lithuanian. These dialects are spoken in the area between Smalininkai, Vadžgirys, Girgalnis, and Skirsnemunė. 12* 179 Probably the largest number are polysyllabic adverbs with the formant -(i)ai, derived from denominal adjectives with the suffix -iškas. The lexical meaning of some of these adverbs is highly generalized and has drifted far from the meaning of the words from which they were derived, e.g.: perkūniškai “very” (: perkūniškai šalta), piemenškai “thoughtlessly,” šuniškai “very,” velniškai “very.” Only a few adverbs with the formant -(i)ai are derived from participles. A few occur that are derived from active- and passive-voice present and past simple participles, as well as from necessity participles, e.g.: atsakančiai “very well,” šnabždančiai, šnibždančiai, šnarančiai, žvygiančiai; padūkus iai “very” (: time flies very fast), pagėdusiai “very” (: there are a great many mosquitoes in the marsh), papaikusiai “intensely” (: the children are shouting intensely), pasiutus iai “very” (: the dog is very angry), pašėlusiai “very” (: he bites and fights fiercely), neapsakomai “in great quantity” (: there are so many mushrooms this year already—an astonishing number), nesuskaitomai, pakeičiamai “moderately” (: we live moderately), suveriamai (: the door closes with a slam), thoughtlessly, unheard-of, unexpectedly, unexpectedly, unseen, shortened (: we speak with shortened forms “we speak, shortening word endings”), aptek tinai (: pour in water carefully so it will not burn), necessarily, incomprehensibly “unclearly” (: incomprehensibly, whether this is a fence or a net), netbūtinai (: he rushes off to town, headlong), repeatedly, sufficiently. Adverbs derived from a-stem adjectives, passive-voice present and past simple participles, and necessity participles take the formant -ai; adverbs derived from all other adjectives and participles take the formant -iai. An exception is the use, with different meanings, alongside drūtai “strongly” and senai “in old age,” of the adverbs drūčiai “intensely, very” and seniai “a long time ago.” It is possible that drūčiai and seniai, having distinct formants and independent meanings, did not arise from drūtas and senas, but from forms with another stem, which no longer occur in the area under study, e.g.: drūčiai may have arisen from *drūt-jas~drūčias; cf. also drūgālyš2. It is true that in the dialects under study, adverbs with the same root occur in parallel forms with the formant -ai and with -iai, e.g.: išlaidai and išlaidžiai, lenguai and lenguoiai, linksmai and linksmiai. However, in these dialects the adjectives from which these adverbs are formed generally also have forms with two stems (a and u), e.g.: išlaidus and išlaidus, lengūs and lengūs, linksmas and linksmūs. There are no cases in which adverbs with both the formant -ai and -iai are formed from the same adjective stem. This suggests that alongside senas, drūtas there must once have been other forms of these adjectives, from which the adverbs seniai and drūčiai were derived. 2 Alongside seniai, another adverb, nepèrseniai, is also used in the northwestern Highland dialects; cf. also J. O t r ę b s k i, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, III, Warszawa, 1956, § 647. 180 Not all adverbs of this type in the research area now have related words from which they could have been formed, e.g.: nepėrseniai, aptektinai, nakūnai, nesuprastinai, užtektinai, sausgėlai “dryly, without pus” (: visus kaulus gėlė sausgėlai), sausmirkai “dryly, without water” (: ištrink galvą į spiritą sausmirkai). This would suggest that at least some of these adverbs may not have had corresponding root adjectives or participles and may perhaps have arisen anew on the model of existing examples of this type of adverb formation. If adverbs with the formant -(i)ai were indeed locative singular forms of the neuter gender of adjectives³, these latter examples, as well as all adverbs formed from participles, show that adverb formation could later proceed independently, i.e. the formant -(i)ai was added directly to the stem of an adjective or participle. That some adverbs with the formant -(i)ai may indeed be more recent formations is also indicated, in part, by their generalized final stress (abygalai, abyšaliai, abypusiai). A few of these adverbs are also used prepositionally, e.g.: abygalai (: namas įrengtas abygaliai ir jie gyveno abygaliai namo), abypusiai (: kelias medžiais nusodintas abypusiai ir abypusiai kelio stovėjo kareiviai), abyšaliai (: abyšaliai vėliavos nukabinėtos ir abyšaliai kelio stovėjo mašinos). The dialects under study also have several adverbs with a pronominal root that, unlike all other formations of this type, have the acute-stressed formant -ai, e.g.: kadai “long ago,” tirtai (and tirtūs), visai, nė štai nė antai (: mes į rūpestį įkritę, o ji — ne štai nė antai). By their formation and stress, some root-stressed adverbs also belong to this type, such as pirmąi (and pirmái, rare), greitai (and greitais, greit), pėrnai, užpėrnai (and užpernai). Some of these adverbs are used in Standard Lithuanian, in other dialects, and in old written sources; however, only in the eastern and southern parts of the Lithuanian dialect area and in the standard language are some of them pronounced with a circumflex accent (the acute accent could have turned into a circumflex during the shortening of acute endings⁴; cf. lk. jįė<jiė, tuõs<túos and in the research area tiė, jie, jųo, ją~jа, katrą ~ katrą, anąs ~ anàs, šįtąs ~ šìtas, etc.⁵). Some of the adverbs mentioned also have variant forms in the dialects with added endings, e.g.: alongside kadai, pirmái, pėrnai, also kadais, pirmáis, pėrnais (the -s here may also have been added on the model of the plural instrumental). The acute stress on the endings of these adverbs, as well as their variant forms, have so far raised questions among linguists as to their origin⁶. ³ Plg. J. Endzelīnas, Baltu kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius, 1957, § 424; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka..., III, § 656. ⁴ See Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių kalbos įvardžiuotinių būdvardžių istorijos bruožai, Vilnius, 1957, p. 22, 24. ⁵ See E. Grinaveckienė, Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai, t. 1, Vilnius, 1957, p. 153, 157, 158; cf. Ю. Сенькуц, Говор северо-западных капсов, автореф. дисс., Вильнюс, 1955, p. 8. ⁶ Plg. J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, Rīga, 1951, § 473; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka..., III, §§ 657—658. 181 Most of these adverbs are undoubtedly very old. They are most likely adverbialized case forms of inflected parts of speech; cf.: visai: visas, pirmái: pirmas, pérnai: *pérnas, cf. Latvian pērns⁷. Adverbs with the formant -(i)ai, being the most numerous in the dialects under study, have most likely also influenced some instrumental singular forms (now adverbialized): forms ending in -(i)ai began to be used instead of apýčiupa, slaptà, tyčia, e.g.: apýčiupai (: morkùs apraũvėjo apýčiupai — tik žolių viršūnes aptraukė), slaptai, tyčiai. On the other hand, some adverbs lose this formant; e.g., alongside greitai, greit is used more often, while instead of the older forms ypačiai and beveikiai, only the shortened forms beveik, ypač are used⁸. 2. Inflection Most adverbs with the formant -(i)ai can be compared. Their comparative degree, as in Standard Lithuanian, always has the stressed formant -iau with a circumflex accent, e.g.: gražiau, tamsiau, trumpiau. This degree is also found in a few adverbs formed from prefixed adjectives, e.g.: atkàmpiai — atkàmpiau, nuolaidžiai — nuolaidžiau, nuošaliai — nuošaliau. A few adverbs used only in the comparative form occur in the research area, e.g.: lenkiau (: bulves pasodinom lenkiau ir nugėrė), (i)kalniaũ (: sėk šįmet rugiùs kalniaũ || kalniaũ), (i)lomiàu (: kur tik lomiàu || lomiàu, visùr rugiai nugėrė). In their function these adverbs resemble derivatives from u-stem adjectives, although adjectives with those roots are not found in the research area. However, they do occur in Standard Lithuanian (cf. kalnùs, lomùs)⁹. On the other hand, these adverb forms could also be later formations derived from nouns¹⁰; cf. also the comparative adjectives formed from nouns and used in the northwestern Aukštaitian dialects: lėpšis: lepšėsnis, põnas (rare): ponėsnis, piemuo: piemenėnis. The superlative degree of adverbs with the formant -(i)ai is formed with the acute-accented suffix -iaũ: geriau, aukščiau (: tu gausi tris rublius už tą vištą aukščiau “you will get three roubles for that hen at most”). In the speech of schoolchildren, as in Standard Lithuanian, this degree has the suffix -iausiai (baisiausiai, geriausiai) and is undoubtedly to be regarded as a new dialectal phenomenon. The absolute superlative of these adverbs is formed from various visas or from the genitive plural of an adjective sharing the adverb’s root, together with the adverb’s superlative form, e.g.: visų geriau, gerių geriau. If the first component of an absolute superlative adverb is the genitive plural form of an adjective, then regardless of the stem it always has the ending -ų after a soft conso- 7 See K. Mūlenbacha Latviešu valodas vārdnīca, Rediģējis, papildinājis un turpinājis J. Endzelīns, III. Rīgā, 1927—1929, p. 209—210. 8 See J. Otrębskį, Gramatyka..., III, § 647. 9 Žr. Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos žodynas. Vilnius, 1954, p. 305, 433. 10 Cf. J. Otrębskį, Gramatyka..., III. § 675. 182 vowel (mažių mažiau, pikčių pikčiau, smailių smailiau). It is possible that analogy with ia-stem and u-stem adjectives may have influenced the appearance of a soft consonant in the stem-final position of the plural stem of a-stem adjectives in all the components of the superlative. 3. Stress Adverbs formed with the formant -ai from disyllabic a-stem adjectives are usually stressed on the ending, e.g.: kietai, rainai, tikrai. Some adverbs derived from root-stressed adjectives retain stress on the root, e.g.: ilgai, kiáurai11. Adverbs formed from disyllabic ia-stem adjectives are generally stressed in two ways: on the root if the adjective root has acute stress (plókščias — plókščiai), and on the ending if the adjective root has circumflex or short stress (gulščias — gulščiai, tuščias — tuščiai). Deviations from the aforementioned stress rule also occur occasionally (stàčiai, kurčiai). Adverbs formed from disyllabic and polysyllabic u-stem adjectives always retain the stress position and intonation of those adjectives’ singular nominative12, e.g.: sūrus — sūriai, rūgštus — rūgščiai, baūgus — baūgiai, glitus — glìčiai, lipšnus — lipšniai, sūkrus — sūkriai, parankus — parankiai, pavydus — pavydžiai, apsūkrus — apsūkriai; aštrūs — aštriai, skanūs — skaniai, panašūs — panašiai, sandarūs — sandariai. Adverbs formed from polysyllabic -(i)a-stem adjectives and participles with fixed stress retain the stress in its original position, e.g.: akýlai, pūsdýkiai, neapgalvótai, savótiškai, though the stress of some of them (with the suffixes -okai, -iškai) is more often shifted to the ending (gerokai, tolokai, stakiškai ‘as in Stakiai’). This shifting of stress is undoubtedly not old, since in the area under study these adverbs are also stressed on the suffix13 (or on the root), alongside the other pattern, e.g.: gerókai, tolókai, stakiškai. Adverbs- 11 Plg. lat. caùrs, ìlgs, dar plg. K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, Vilnius, 1961, p. 73. 12 All u-stem adjectives in the study area with a long root (of acute or circumflex origin) or a short root (not lengthened under stress, containing the vowels i, u)—polysyllabic adjectives having a short or long penultimate syllable—always bear stress on the root in the singular nominative (polysyllabic forms on the penultimate syllable), e.g.: saldūs, graudūs, grūbūs, patogūs, paklusnus, but lepūs, gražūs, mandagūs (stressed a, e are lengthened in these dialects). The other cases of these adjectives are stressed as in the standard language, e.g.: saldūs, grūbūs, apsūkrūs. K. Būga (see his Rinktiniai raštai, III. p. 74) considers this stress pattern of the singular nominative of these adjectives a remnant of ancient root stress. Recently, under the influence of the standard language and neighboring dialects, as well as by analogy with adjectives in the dialects of the study area whose singular nominative stress falls on the ending (: našūs, trapūs), there has been an increasing tendency in the northwestern Aukštaitian dialects under study to replace this stress pattern of the singular nominative of adjectives with ending stress (gilūs, saldūs, paklusnūs), although polysyllabic adjectives retain the usual singular nominative stress more strongly. Non-final stress is regularly retained in adverbs formed from these adjectives. This shows that the stress of adverbs, as invariable words, is more archaic. 13 The adjectives gerók as, -a, tolók as, -a... in the study area always have fixed stress. This shows that the stress of adverbs cannot always be used to infer the stress of adjectives with the same roots; cf. J. Otręb ski. Gramatyka..., III, p. 293. 183 Adverbs formed from polysyllabic a-stem adjectives and participles of the third accentuation class with mobile stress are always stressed on the ending, e.g.: aklinai, atbulai, sveriamai. Most adverbs formed from necessity participles are also stressed on the ending. Negation does not change the stress position of adverbs, e.g.: neilgai, netuščiai, nesūkriai, nepanašiai. 4. Usage In the study area, adverbs formed with the formant -(i)ai, as in the standard language, usually occur in sentences with verbs and most often indicate the manner of their action, less often its quantity, time, or place, e.g.: gerai parvažiavo, slōgiai uždarė; tolokai nuėjo; pėrnai susirgo; gyvena atkampiai. In some cases, the same adverb may indicate the manner, quantity, and time of an action, e.g., in the sentence kūrė pririšau trumpai the adverb indicates the manner of the action; in mirė po Nauj[o] metų trumpai it indicates the time of the action; and in jį mačiau trumpai it indicates the quantity of the action. Moreover, not all adverbs formed with the formant -(i)ai directly denote only one or several circumstances of an action. Some of them (baisiai, drūčiai, labai, tikrai, visai, etc.) may be semantically associated not only with finite forms of verbs but also with adjectives, participles, and, rarely, even nouns, e.g.: jis buvo baisiai piktas; jų šuo drūčiai didelis; šįmet ruduo labai gražus; kiaušiniai tikrai kieti bus; ji dar visai jauna; jis gerokai sušalęs; jis neapsakomai geras; jie labai išalkę; tėvas drūčiai išvargęs; jis tikrai pasenęs; jis labai išdžiūvęs; jis visai pabalęs; jau visai pavakariukas; jau gatavai pavakariukas; ji baisiai gaspadinė; ji baisiai keliauninkė; jis labai girtuoklis; jis visai piemuo; jis tikrai ligonis. In the dialects under study, the adverbs labai, drūčiai, visai, tikrai, baisiai and others are also widely used to intensify the circumstance of an action expressed by another adverb and to specify its quality, e.g.: baisiai gražiai dainavo; drūčiai piktai šnekėjo; labai gražiai padarė; tikrai mažai pasėjo; visai juodai nud ažė; tamsiai raudonai žydėjo. As the examples show, some of these adverbs seem to give the adverbs they modify the meaning of a very high degree of a quality. Quite often an adverb has more meanings than the adjective from which it is derived, despite sharing the same root. For example, the adjective baisus has the meanings ‘ugly’ and ‘great’ (: baisus tavo pirštas; baisus tavo godulys), while the adverb baisiai is widely used with the meanings ‘very’, ‘quite’, ‘strongly’, ‘extraordinarily’, and ‘really’ (: ji baisiai graži; aš baisiai nepiktas; baisiai mudu susipykom; aš ant jo baisiai piktas; baisiai kvailai pasakė); the adjective drūtas means only ‘strong’ (: paklodė plona, ale drūta), while the adverb drūčiai has the meanings ‘strongly’, ‘forcefully’, and ‘very’ (: dūrys užtrūktos drūčiai; šuo drūčiai loja; jis drūčiai gražus). The adverb drąsiai is also used here in the sense ‘really’ (: kimbi už duo- 184 nose, and you won’t eat it boldly), the adverb stačiai—also meaning “straight” (: I came straight across the fields; I said it straight to his face), and so on. This shows that adverbs with the formant -(i)ai are a relatively vivid stylistic device of spoken language in the area under study. In individual cases, the polysemy of adverbs in these dialects could also be used to enrich the style of literary language. Having examined the derivation, inflection, stress, and usage of adverbs with the formant -(i)ai, the following conclusions can be drawn: 1. In the northwestern Highlander dialects, most adverbs with this formant are derived from disyllabic u-, (i)a-stem adjectives; derivatives from polysyllabic adjectives and participles are less common. 2. Adverbs derived from u-stem adjectives are always stressed on the penultimate syllable if it contains a circumflex diphthong or the vowel i, u. 3. Unlike in the literary language, the superlative degree of adverbs is formed with the suffix -iau, which bears acute stress, while formations with the suffix -iausiai are more recent and arose under the influence of the literary language. The superlative degree of all adverbs is formed from the superlative form and the pronoun visas or the genitive plural form of an adjective with the same root as the adverb, e.g.: gerų geriau, visų geriau. 4. Adverbs with the formant -(i)ai are most widely used with manner meaning, but there are also adverbs expressing quantity, time, and place. The same adverb may have different functional meanings in different contexts. 5. Adverbs with the formant -(i)ai most often denote the manner of an action. Some of them may also be semantically associated with adjectives and participles, and in rare cases even with nouns. 6. Individual adverbs have more meanings than the corresponding adverbs in standard Lithuanian. ADVERBS WITH THE FORMANT -(i)ai IN THE DIALECTS OF THE NORTHWESTERN AUKŠTAITIAN E. GRINYAVYATSKENE Abstract Adverbs with the formant -(i)ai in the dialects of the Northwestern Aukštaitians (occupying the territory of the Lithuanian SSR between the settlements of Smalininkai, Vadžgirys, Girgždalė, and Skirsnemunė) are mostly formed from bisyllabic adjectives that inflect for degrees of comparison. They are less often formed from polysyllabic adjectives and participles. The formant -ai is characteristic of formations from adjectives with an a-stem, from passive participles of the present and past tenses, and from participial forms expressing necessity, e.g.: kėrsas: kėrsai “variegated: variegatedly,” nelauktas: nelauktai “unexpected: unexpectedly,” būtinas: būtinai “necessary: necessarily.” The formant -iai is characteristic of formations from adjectives with ia- and u-stems, as well as from present and past participles 185 of the active voice, e.g.: tuščias: tuščiai “empty: emptily,” saldus: saldžiai “sweet: sweetly,” žvýgiantis: žvýgiančiai “shrill: shrilly,” pagėdęs: pagėdusiai “frightening: frighteningly.” If adverbs with the formant -(i)ai were historically local cases of neuter adjectives (as suggested in the relevant literature on the subject), then some examples of two-root adverbs (e.g.: sausgėlai “crematorially,” sausmir kai “thirstily,” abyrasiai, abygaliai “bilaterally”), as well as their numerous formations from participles, show that later the formation of adverbs of this type proceeded independently, i.e. by attaching the formant -(i)ai to adjective, participle, and other stems. Usually, each adjective or participle corresponds to only one adverb with the formant -(i)ai, but alongside the adverbs drūtai “firmly” and senai “oldly,” formed from drūtas “firm” and senas “old,” the dialects under investigation also use the adverbs drūčiai “strongly” and seniai “long ago,” which share roots with drūtai and senai but differ from them in meaning and form. The article suggests that the adverbs seniai and drūčiai may derive not from the adjectives senas and drūtas, but from other, related roots with different stems, which are no longer found in the dialects under investigation. This view is partly supported by a formation such as drūčgalys “thick end.” Unlike in the literary language, adverbs formed from adjectives with an i-stem are stressed on the penultimate syllable if that syllable is long or does not lengthen under stress, e.g.: baigus: baigiai “timid: timidly,” glītus: glīčiai “slimy: slimily,” pavydus: pavydžiai “envious: enviously,” apsūkrus: apsūkriai “nimble: nimbly.” This stress pattern is more archaic than that of the literary language and, as K. Būga noted, is considered a relic of ancient root stress. In the dialects under investigation, adverbs with the formant -(i)ai have two forms of the superlative. The first form, unlike that of the literary language, is formed with the suffix -iau and a falling intonation, e.g.: geriau “best,” baisiau “worst,” gražiau “most beautifully”; the relatively rare form with the suffix -iausiai (balčiausiai “whitest,” gražiausiai “most beautifully”) is explained as a result of the influence of the literary language. The second superlative form is formed with the genitive plural of the pronoun visas “all” or of an adjective sharing the same root as the adverb in the first superlative form, e.g.: visų geriau, gerių geriau “best,” gražių gražiau “most beautifully.” This is the highest degree of comparison for adverbs. In a sentence, an adverb with the formant -(i)ai is usually used with a verb and most often expresses manner, and less often quantity, time, or place of an action, e.g.: gerai dirbti “to work well,” brangiai užmokėti “to pay dearly,” seniai sirgti “to have been ill for a long time,” atkalniai gyventi “to live in a remote place.” Adverbs with multiple meanings also occur. Many adverbs in the dialects under investigation also modify other adverbs expressing circumstances of an action, e.g.: baisiai gražiai dainuoti “to sing very beautifully,” drūčiai piktai šnekėti “to speak very angrily.” In addition, some adverbs may be semantically associated with adjectives, participles, and sometimes nouns, e.g.: jis baisiai piktas “he is terribly angry,” jis visai pasenęs “he has grown completely old,” jau visai pavakariūkas “it is already quite late afternoon,” ji baisiai gaspadinė “she is a very good housekeeper,” and so on. In the dialects under investigation, there are cases in which an adverb has more meanings than the adjective from which it is formed. 186