Žemaitiškos morfologinės ypatybės Šakynos tarmėje

LITHUANIAN LANGUAGES MORPHOLOGY SANDARA IR JOS RAIDA LTE CT U VO S TaS:R A. JONAITYTE MORPHOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ZEMAITIS SENTENCES IN THE TARME Adjacent dialects always influence each other slightly. This effect is not only of one do dialect to ne the other, but of two differeir nt dialects to the third. The ar strength of the influence of that other adjacent dialect is determined by various ir historical, economic and linguistic factors. Especially strong influence of neighbours is observed in so-called transitional dialects, in the area of which many different features of neighbouring dialects intersect: phonetic, morphological, lexical, syntactic. ir One of these iš more characteristic transitional dialects is ir Šakynos? dialect, whose morphological characteristics in relation to neighbouring su Žemaičių dialects are examined here. The basis of the investigated ir dialect is 'aukštaitiškas, therefore its morphological system is essentially iš highlandish: it is close to the morphological ir systems of the neighboring northwestern ji middle highland dialects. The differences are mainly due to the ir Žemaičių peculiarities that affect the western part, sometimes the entire area of the dialect. The newer ones are used alongside the older High Tithian genders as more frequent and rare o neighbouring ir forms, the older ones have encompassed the entire area of the dialect and often completely displaced the High iš jų Tithian forms. ar ir Ne It is always possible to say precisely, separate forms ar of the Šakyna dialect came į from the Žemaites, formed iš independently ar only similar to the ir corresponding Žemaites forms. į It is particularly difficult to establish the true origin of the forms of the descriptive dialect used by the neighbouring Žemaičiai, ir North-West, and even ir Middle Highlanders. ir Finally, individual rarer morphological features, possibly, have long been present in the Šakyna dialect, but iš so far they have been helped to survive here by the same features of the neighboring Žemaičių dialects, so it seems as if they had come from Žemaičiai. ir iš For the to article in many cases only states that ta ar another dialect feature is the same as the neighboring Zemgale dialects, but ar ji surely came to the iš Zemgalen is — not determined. In addition to the morphological features of the Šakyna dialect, the article attempted to ir present the distinguishing features of the neighboring Zemgalių dialects. Specific features of Žemaitijos are examined consistently according to the parts of the language. ! The general name of the Šakyna dialect refers to all the north-western Highland schnets of the Latvian SSR border, in which the law of universal declination applies. (Around the towns of Žagarė, Skaistgiris, Kruopių, Sakynos, Gruzdžių). 165 A noun. On the western edge of the dialect (Auksučiai, Kruopiai, sometimes Šakyna) vns of individual ia-stem nouns. the pronoun and the adjective have iu stem forms, e.g. vns. kilm. : krūpaus, rūiūaus, séiaus, spalaus; vns. tablespoons : krūpau, rainau, sėnau. These forms of the iu stem are used alongside the more common ia-stems. In neighbouring Žemaičių dialects (Kuršėnai, Papilė, Akmenė, Vegeriai) the iu stem forms are used very widely in this case, so it seems that they will be brought to the western part of the Šakyna dialect from Žemaičiai. In the same part of the Šakyna dialect area, another phenomenon typical of the Zemgalians is observed: vns of individual ė stem nouns. paradigm are invaded by the forms of the root noun, e.g.: katis, kiit'tis, upis, and the i root vns. paradigm occasionally infiltrates ė root noun forms, e.g.: d'nte, d'pkšte, vi'tė". About Kruopiai, Auksutiai, Šakynas and even Dilbinas a-stem nouns with suffix -ukas vns. The pronoun has occasionally a Žemaičių form with the ending -uo (~ -o), e.g. blu'džūkuo, daržūkuo, laukūkuo Skn, kaklūko“ Dilb. "Krasnodar, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnodar Krai". ia root nouns ké'ls, vėjes, vė:lns, as in the adjacent Žemaičių and North-West Vysočiny dialects, vns. has the ending i (kéli, värji || véje, vä'Ini), derived from those nouns of the ia stem, which here have the -i (axe, felt). j Closer to the Žemaičių border (Kruopiai, Auksučiai, partly Šakyna) ia, i and consonant stems vns. the pronoun quite often has forms with the Zemgale ending -ie (—ė) in addition to the Upper Zemgale forms with the ending -y(je), e.g.: gFd'vie, médie; no'sie, pirtie, vadenie. For example: lūopšiė, miolie, viejie Krš, gardėlie, svirtie, pirtie Akm, bū'rie, mienesie, pirtie* Vgr. In the same places of the Šakyna dialect Žemaičių pajūrio the feminine gender i and consonant stems of nouns dgs. the noun and the adjective occasionally have Žemaičių forms of the root ė: d'ntes, d'okštes; dúkteres, séseres (see srces, untes Krš, žousts Akm, avs, kliet’s Vgr), o dgs. pronoun —adjacent Žemaičių forms with -iese (—-ėse), e.g.: akies(e), d'okšties(- e), sėseries(- e) Skn, Krp, klé‘té's(e) Žg. The female gender dgs of all stems and all conjugated parts of the language. The pronoun, in addition to the forms with the ending -os(e), has more or less frequent forms with the ending -uos(e), e.g.: ‘akuos(e- ), pievuos(- e), rūnkuos(- e) Skn, Jaujuos Darg, pūšuos Dilb. The same phenomenon is observed in many Žemaičių dialektai (Kuršėnai, Kaunatava, Šaukėnai, occasionally Akmenė and others), where the feminine gender words dgs. pronoun has a masculine form alongside its true form. It appears that the first forms with -uose in the Šakyna dialect were given by the Zemgalių dialects. It can also be mentioned that the local form with -uose from the Šakyna dialect sometimes returns to some of the adjacent Žemaičių dounininkų dialects, e.g.: dėdėldus véitpus ~ dideliuosė viétuose Vgr (Giepaičių k.). In this case, the a, i, o, u, and u's are sometimes used as adjectives. local form with the ending -uos(e) phonetically unchanged, e.g. méskiios, taukiios, ve-? For the origin of these forms, see H. Kaamnayckae, Cokpamtenne ynorpe6jienHs HMeH CYLIECTBUTENbHBIX C OCHOBON Ha i B JIKTOBCKOM A3bIKe, «BonpoCki CJIABAHCKOTO S135IKOauanua», T. 5, Mocksa, 1961, p. 82—89. 166 lū'čūos ~ Veldiškės Vgr (Giepaičių, Velaičių, Aukštųjų k.), crippled ~ Kruopiuosė Akm (Sablauskių k.). In the same way, in the villages of the Aukštaitija region, there ir are occasionally high Aukštaitijos dgs of all parts of the language. Limbs of ir the servile be infinitive forms -s, e.g.: jaunēm (Giepaičiai), Spūka'm (Aukštieji), vi‘tim (dgs. in.) Velaičiai, pūšim (dgs. in.) grasses (dgs. in.) 1996) 1912 – L. L. Zamenhof, Latvian writer (d. u-, iu-kamieniy nouns vns. viceroy in these Samogitian conversations has a powerful -uo, e.g. vélidu ~ Vilnius, torgou. However, in all the villages of the elevated dounininky occasionally occur ir aukstaitisky vns. local forms, e.g. védoi (Gypsy). ; Adjective. Many of the features of the neighbouring Zemgalių dialects are present in the Šakyna dialect ir adjective. For example, multisyllabic adjectives vns. the noun usually has a less common noun next to the old noun ending ir (I 'tingam || li"tivgui, plg. gailingam || gailingu“, sveimd'm || svė'timu' Krš), at ia the end of stem su adjectives -Is yours. the final has an adjacent form at su the end -i (pė'šče || pėsti, stū"če || stati, tūšče || tūšti), characteristic of neighbouring Žemaičių o ė dialects, stem adjectives didelė, dešinė, kairė vns. origin, place, dgs. servile, subordinate pronoun ir next to ė-stems has adjacent ir io-stem forms, e.g.: didelo's didelė's, dėšinė“ || dėšino“, didelė:m(s) || didelé'm(s), didelė's(e) || didelo's(e). || Next to the old u trunk of adjectives vns. In the dialect of the nobleman- 's form, the ir adjacent ia stem form (li'gaus || li'ge, sitraus | sire) is sometimes already present. ia trunk forms could have formed in the Šakyna dialect itself, but could have come ir iš neighbouring Žemaitijos dialects (Kuršėnai, Papilė, Akmenė), in which the u ir ia uniformization of the forms of stem adjectives has progressed much further. Adjectives of the upper masculine gender vns. user dgs. ir the noun next to the old forms has the adjacent forms of the ir root nouns ia (aukštešnd'm auksté || Shui, Higher Height'Snei). || The females of the upper class. kilmininko, vietininko, dgs. the old forms of ir the noun, the indefinite noun are finally replaced by io the corresponding stem form, e.g.: || baltesiio’s baltesné's (ret.), baltešno“ || baltesnė'(ret.), baltesid m(s) ) || whiter"m(s) (ret.), baltesio'm(s) || baltešnė'm(s) (ret.), baltesno's(e) || baltesnė's(e) (right). All of these features of conjugation of adjectives of the higher ir degree of masculine feminine gender are characteristic of neighbouring Žemaičių ir dialektai, pg. baltėšnu’ (v.s. caud. ), baltėsne' (dgs. ward. ), bdaltešnūos (v.s. kilm.) Krš, sénesiiios (v.s. kilm.) Pp. Adjectives of the upper masculine gender vns. the denominator has an ending -is (gerd'usis), a noun ending — -ui (gefd'ušui), t. y. as in ir neighbouring Žemaičių ir middle Highland dialects, e.g.: baišd'usis, aukščd'ušui Dnr, dj'usis, gefd-usu' Krš, joudža'usis, poikdus's Pp. But vns. the ending as ir in Žemaitijos dialects has an ending -i, e.g. : gefd'usi (plg. DJ's Krš, baiša'us' Ver), ir differs from vid. Highland, plg. skasid use Mr. Tų dgs of adjectives. the noun also has a noun ending, as in the adjacent Žemaičių dialects, e.g.: ilėd'usei (cf. didžd'use' Krš, ramū'usė“ Pp, gerd usé: Akm). In addition to the désning Vysočina forms, jvardZiutinės adjectives made from adjectives of the u and ia stems sometimes have those of the neighboring Zemgaly 167 dounininkų or dūnininkų, e.g., vns. ward. : d'iškiūsis || aiskésis®, tamsi'sis || tamsėsis; Zali'sis (e.g. smélki's'- s, stombi's- 's Pp, siwki's's, nduji's Akm, “astri's'- s, brūngi's'- s, Zali's Ver, brungé sis || brungésis, grazésis* Krš); vns. gal. : graZi'ji || graže'ji; "Zal'ji" (pl. smolkiji Pp, tūbvki'ji, tusti'ji Akm, brūngt'ji, prasti'j' ® Vgr, gra Zi'ji Krš). IvardZiuotiniy adjectives vns. but has only noun ending as in neighbouring Žemaičių dialects, e.g.: d'ukšto'- jui*. ZemaitiSkas works are in the Šakyna dialect. pronoun, e.g. juodamė- 'je" (cf. didemi'jie, Krš, didemėijie Pp, dedemėj“ Vgr). Dgs. the noun and the servile, as in the adjacent Žemaičių dialects, have noun endings, e.g.: baltiejei, baltiešū- "m(s)?. By the way, the noun dgs. The form of the noun is already used in the adjacent middle-highland Daunorava dialect (geriejei || gerieji), but, possibly, it came there from the Šakyna dialect. In the western edge of the investigated dialect area (Auksučiai, Kruopiai, sometimes and Šakyna) the dgs of unnamed masculine adjectives and pronouns. the noun sometimes has adjacent forms with the ending -im(s), e.g.: didelim(s), mažim(s), tim(s), visim(s), e.g. anėms, jaunėms Pp, geri'ms || gerims Krš, patéms, jaunėms Akm, ketėms, jaunėms, mažėms Vgr. Skaivardis. Closer to the Žemaičių border (Šakyna, Auksučiai, Kruopiai) the number of two, two, kilmininkas, utilitaristas, įnagininkas and vietininkas sometimes have Žemaičių contiguous forms with i: dviju', dvim(s), dvim(s), dvijuos(- e), dvijo's(e- ). Numbers from 11 to 19 are made with 2 formats: -lika and -leka. The form -lika is more prevalent in the eastern part of the dialect area (Kyburiai, Skaistgiris). "2000-2001 2nd Division, 3rd Division, 4th Division" (PDF). In the western part, i.e. closer to the Žemaitijos border (Kruopiai, Šakyna, Auksučiai, Šiupyliai), the formant -leka is used. Plg. vi'ūū'leka, dvi"leka Krš, dvi'lek*, tri"lek* Pp, veindulek“ || viAduleke, dvi'lek® Akm, veindulek® || vi.idulek® Vgr. In fact, the formant -lika occasionally occurs in some villages of the Žemaičių aukštumos, e.g.: devi.nūolek“, pebkūolek“ (Giepaičiai, Velaičiai). In addition to the numerical noun viemioleka || -lika (compare with the middle-highland dialects, e.g., Daunoravos vemioleka), the form vieniuoleka || -lika is widely used. The form with the soft n, as we have seen from the examples, is used in the adjacent Žemaičių dialects. Kelintinio skaitvardžio trečias, trečiasis vns. the noun and the suffix in the subterranean (Šakyna, Kruopiai, Auksučiai, sometimes even Dilbinai) quite often have Žemaičių nearby forms tréc, treti'sis, trė'ti, trėti'ji. Plg. trėti, trétiji Kis, tréti's's Pp, trėt', trėti'sis, trėti"ji Akm. Pronoun. Pronouns dns, he; what, every, nobody, this, that, tatras, everything vns. In addition to such forms as Ik., the conjugator has several more frequent or rarer conjunctive forms with -m, e.g.: anuo || anuom || anum, jūo || jūom, kūo || kilom| kūm, šūo || šūom || šūm.. Vns. 3 Such forms occur around Šiupyliai, Auksučiai, sometimes Šakynas, i.e. at the border of the Zemgalių mudininkai kuršėniškiai. 4 See also. Z. Zinkevičius, The History of Substantive Adjectives, Vilnius, 1957, p. 83. 5 Indefinite form: prasc, prū-šče. 6 For the pre-terminal syllable -ojkilmys, see -ojkilmys. Z. 10. Zinkevičius, min. I'm sick. p. 93-94. 7 For origin, see K. SAsunc, TlepeBojn rpaMMaTHKH JIHTOBCKOrO GS13biKa HCINOJIHeHHbiū K. Byra, Ilerporpan, 1908—1916, p. 149. 8 For their origin see. Z. Zinkevičius, min. veik., pp. 83-85. 168 (Steel, Wood, Woodworking, Woodworking). The pronouns dns, kic, that numeral viens in the ir western part of the dialect area, pažemaitė, quite often have Žemaičių adjacent vns. local forms dnem(i), kito(i), tėm(i), vienm(i). This form, even with the su phonetically unchanged Žemaičių ending, appears to have come from the iš neighbouring Dounininkai dialects, cf. dnem’ kit’, vēiem’, tēm’ Vgr; tjem", weaned, gntrém¢ Akm. On dgs. beneficiary forms su -im(s) see 168 psl. Pronouns dns, katras, šis, tas, tatras dgs. adjective next to such forms as It has the forms ir anus, katrus, tus, Šūs, tatrus, plg. tos Pp, anus Krš, tos Vgr. Such adjacent forms are most widespread in the western part of the dialect area closer to the Žemaičių border, although in individual jų cases they occur even around Žagarė. ir "Skaistgit. y. ris, prie vidurio aukštaičių ribos". Įvardžių ana, ji, katra, ši, ta, tatra vns. in the whole dialect area the noun has usually only noun forms: and je, jė'je, katrd je... Be to, about Goldfish, Croup, o sometimes ir Dilbinus appears in abbreviated forms of nouns, e.g. and'i, katrd'i, šė'i, tdi. Such abbreviated forms of jvardZiuotinés are usually used in some adjacent Žemaičių dialects, e.g. : Kuršėnų andi, katrd'i, šė'i, tdi. Pronoun ta vns. the pronoun next to the feminine form has the widely used 6" masculine ir form tam(e). This form is used almost throughout the entire area of the Šakyna dialect, except for its very south (Gruzdžių apylinkės), e.g.: 16 daržinė“ || tame daržinė" Kyb, to“ ja-ujé:, to" priepirtė“ || tame ra'štinė“, tame vančė'lo: Sk, 16° kakto", to" pačo" kirté, 167 virtūvė" || tame būr'lo", tame lietuvo“, tame ri"go' Žg, 16° vieto', 16° tro bo || tame duobė“, tame valgi"'klo" Skn, tūo prieglauduo || tame pusie Auks, témi vietuo, tami jd ujuo, témi kamisijuo Krp. About Sakyna and Kruopius and next to the pronouns ana, ši, kita, toki and numeral Zio viena (sometimes and antra) vns. The local forms of ano", kito", §6°, t6-ko', vieno", antro" are anam(e), kitam(e), šėm(e), td'kem(e), vienam(e), antram(e), e.g.: šėme trd'bo", šėm pūsė', aname vago", vienam Id'vo', antrame ravko, tė"*keme bė'do'. The same phenomenon can be observed in neighboring Žemaičių dialects, e.g. tami klebuonijuo, tudkėmi šalčd'ušuo "in such a cold" Krš, vėinamė pli die, kėtamė rgnkuo Pp, tam patem kii'tie, tėm" biržie Akm, tėm" dusie, kito" véitiio, šėm" pūsie Vgr. In the subterranean pronouns ana, ji, katra, tatra, ši, ta greta dgs. the final forms and's, jas katrd's, tatra's, Šd's, td's have also forms with short a: anas, jas, katras, tatras, šės, tas. The forms with a short a are used in neighboring Zemgalian dialects. In addition to the regular pronouns kas, tas vns. The forms of the last noun kū, ta' sometimes occur in the adjacent forms kūo, tio, e.g.: tur būrė labai svéiks Emo gus, kas tuo da'ra Skn, kilo ans pasū'ki, tas viss bd'ikas; You know what? Krp. Such forms are also found in the neighbouring Zemgaling dialects of Akmena and Vegeri, e.g.: brovg*s i“, ale kūo padari's' Akm, tio aš paži*st“, tio žendū'u; Kiio tén tei špūū' on tuo glouksn® gal“ tūisuos, a kin' Vgr. They are used in the territory of Turkey, Turkey. The origin of the forms is unclear: they may have originated in those dialects, but they may also have been Latvian. Many common features with Žemaičiai, and sometimes with Žemaičiai and middle Aukštaitija together have personal pronouns of the Šakyna dialect. The most important of them are as follows. The third person pronouns ans, ana, he, she are not used equally throughout the dialect. In the western part of the dialect area closer to Žemaičiai (Šiupyliai, Šakyna, Auksučiai, Kruo169 piai, partly also Dilbinai) usually use the pronoun ans, dna. Further away from the Žemaičių border (Dameliai, Žagarė) he, she is also found. About Skaistgiris (the northern border of the middle Highlands) he, she and ans, ana are used in parallel, in the southern border of the middle Highlands (Kyburiai, Dargaičiai) he, she already prevail. The personal pronouns I, you and the conjunctive pronoun self vns. The final forms mani, tavi, savi end coincide with the forms of the neighbouring Žemaičių (e.g.: mun’ ~ muni, tavi ~ tavi Krš, mon“, tav“ Pp, sev“, mūn“, tév¢ Akm, Vgr) and the middle Highlands (e.g., Joniškio mani, tavi) dialects. About Kruopiai, Dilbinai and Šakyna near ravi, savi sometimes told and tėvi, sėvi. It is a mixture of stone and wood. The pronoun més also has the form ma's. This is also the case for the adjacent Žemaičių dialektai (see Papilės, Kuršėnų ma-s). The personal pronouns we, you are derived from mui su, ji su and have the widely used, characteristic of the neighboring Žemaičių dialects, forms musa, jū'sa, and the final forms of these pronouns beside the forms mūm(5), jūm(s) have the forms mūmis, jus. This form is used by neighbouring Žemaičiai (Kuršėnai, Papilė, Akmenė, Vegeriai). In the Šakyna dialect, they are used only closer to the Žemaičių border (Kruopiai, Auksučiai, Šakyna). In the basement next to dgs. The forms of the noun and adjective amglis, ža'“sis appeared in the forms angles, Za'ses. According to them and near mums, jums in the same places (Auksučiai, sometimes Šakyna) we sometimes say mums, jūmes. The plural noun and adjective of the personal pronouns I, you of the feminine gender in the pažemaitė, as in the adjacent Žemaičių dounininkų Vegeri and Akmena dialects (cf. mėdv“ || modves abėdvės Vgr, mėdv“ dvė || modves abėdvės Akm), sometimes has the adjacent forms mūdyves, jūdves. In addition to mūdviem, jūdviem, anūdviem, the double noun and conjunct of personal pronouns of the masculine gender about Kruopiai, Auksučiai, Sakyna has the widely used Žemaičių nearby forms mūdum, jūdum, anūdum (cf. mūdum, jūdum Krš, jūdom, vėdom Pp, modom, abg.dom Vgr). The demonstrative pronoun ši next to vns. the final form §a° sometimes has the form ši", e.g.: ši" nakti Auks, ši: va'sara Skn. This form is particularly common in the adverbs ši-ndrki, šindie, etc. It may have been the result of a male-male intercourse. the analogy of the final (§i'ri‘t, i'ma, ši'vūa"kar), and then from the adverbs to the vowel, i.e. ši'nda'kf appeared from §i'rit, ši'vū“kar, and from §i'nd ki in turn —ši" na'kti. But this form may also have come from neighbouring Žemaičių dialektai (see Papilės, Vegerių, Kuršėnų mot. g. vns. gal. ši“), in which ši“ from Šū' appeared for phonetic reasons: the nasal contraction g here in certain cases turns into i". It can also be used as a substitute for the PDC. forpatem(e), plg. ma "Stonehenge, Stonehenge". A verb. The verbs with the prefixes be-, ne-, nebe-, te-, tebe In the root dialect, as in the neighboring Žemaičių dialects, the sangrąžos particle is usually at the end of the word, e.g.: bėšnakas, nėsukas, nebėsupas, tėkepas, tebespa'rdo's. In dialects, the prepositional verbs often have two prepositional particles: one between the root prefix and the other at the end of the word, e.g. neacimenas, nesitveres, pasigeres, susidures, tebesibaras, usikišas. ir o The two fractions of the noun are usually in the third person, much less often in the forms of other persons, e.g. susigrė'pšuos (1 person), usistati'stė's (2 person). Prepositional verbs with two conjugation particles are regularly used in 170 adjacent Žemaičių dialects (Krš, Pp, Akm, Vgr). Dialect i-stem verbs have crossed the trunk, to the Žemaičių i ia border o (Auksučiai, Kruopiai, ir etc.) ia-trunk verbs, though, do not pass the trunk very regularly, e.g.: d'udu, apsišeru, apsivertu, į a vėrku (v.s. 1 asm.); bėgird, grievance, grief (3 asm.); d'udam, kėntam (dgs. 1 asm. ). However, į a the root all ia-root verbs pass. Most of ne the time, those who have retained some of their stem in the adjacent Žemaičių dialektai do not ir change, for example: gūlem, mi-lem, nebega'lem, iš ti"lem, tūrem tūram, žitrem žū'ram. ia || || Plg. ga'lem, nuūoram, niorem, || ti"lem, žū'ram žūrem || Krš, ga'lem, ti"lem, to.ram || tė.rem Pp, golem, ga'lem Vgr, guu'lem, ti'lem Akm. The verbs of the old consonant stem in the Šakyna dialect, as in the adjacent ir Žemaičių dialects, have retained the relative form in the present tense, e.g.: giest, liekt, miekt, skaust. f, But now beside such forms are already used forms gied, liek... ir be f: as 1k. ActionZodZiy personification. The current time. Near the Žemaičių border, sometimo es a little ir further (e.g., Šakyna) beside the Upper Lithuanian forms of conjugative verbs there are purely ir Lithuanian ones, e.g.: asm. 3 bdiga's, pride's, mėlda's, nebrieža's, vadina's, minais Auks, kė'leis, nė*ša's, prisieina's Krp, ba'rais, darbiiojeis, glūudžeis, mūšais Škn. Plg. neighbouring ka samogitians: lds, nėša's, sekas Krš, lé°idas, rēndū's Pp, prasededū's, presedoudū's, sokū's Akm, duds, jdukė's, foot's Vgr: It is believed that the landmark is extended here due to the lateral downward strike. Šakynos ir iš Part 1 Auksučių and Careful 3 person shaped su limb -ais (mines, kė"leis...) can be some hypernormalism: e.g., žem. Vird's corresponds to Šakyna dialect vi'rais, so ir žem. rėnda's in Šakyna dialect can turn into rūndai. True, based on P. Aruma®, it is still possible to assume that these forms of Žemaičių dialects were su made by formantu - Ai. Then the Shakina dialect forms of the prayer's, which would have retained the phonetically healthy o Žemaitiška ending, in groups of forms, will "let the Žemaitiška ending change according to the laws of the phonetics of the Shakina dialect. It is also possible that the northern Žemaičių dounininkai (Akmenės, Vegerių apylinkės.) In villages near the border of the Altay people, in turn, occasionally you can hear Altay personal forms, e.g.: ir nenusėtepas 3 (Giepaičiai), dėrbas (Sablauskiai). About Auksučiai, Kruopiai, less frequently Šakynas and returning verbs dgs. The 1st person often has adjacent Žemaičių forms, e.g.: juookamuos Auks, na samuos, vé&'rdamo's Skn. Plg. Kuršėnai and Papilės n@ Samuos. (The northern Schnecks of the Dounists — Akmene, Vegeriai — have differently made dgs. forms, e.g.: nésames Vgr.). As can be seen from the given examples, even in this case the phonetic lowness of the word end is sometimes preserved in the Šakyna dialect. These occasionally occurring Žemaičių forms have also other regressive verbs dgs. 1 person, e.g.: past tense kieliemuos, miokiemuos Auks, Krp, šildė'mo*s, vė'žė'mo's Skn; past frequency time kdė'Idd"'vuomuos, pikleviiodd vuomuas Auks, šė:lo'darvo'- mo"s Skn; future time in kde'Isamuos Auks, n@samo's || nėšmoss Skn. 9 See. P. Arumaa, Investigations into the History of Lithuanian Personnel Pronomina, Tartu, Estonia 1933, p. 19—21. 171 In some cases, there are returning Žemaičių communes with the ending -i's, e.g. dirpti's, nėšti's. This is probably not a borrowed ending from the Dūninininkai dialect, because the forms of communication with this ending are also found in the dialects of the Dūninininkai of the Upland which are far from the Dūninininkai area, e.g.: maitinti'- s, parsenėšti's, osepelni- ‘ti-s Giepaičių, Velaičių k. (Vgr), sūkti's Sablauskių, Menčių k. (Akm). Basic. Closer to the middle highland dialects (Sk, Kyb) the adjective with the ending -te (mo'ki'te išmo'kai, skūste nuskūs) is more commonly used. Closer to the Žemaičių border (Škn, Krp, Auks, Dilb) the characteristic Žemaičių attribute with «tinai, e.g.: dauži'tinai, nėščiai, is mainly used. Participant. Operating species. The current time. Some of the masculine participles derived from the i stem verbs are used alongside the more common ia stem vns. and dgs. The noun forms still have and less commonly used i stem forms, e.g.: tūri's, tiri. Neighboring Žemaičių dialects i stem pédsaKus in participants in this case also retains, e.g.: ga'l's, nūor's Pp, tūris, nuori' Krš, pasitūri- “s, tūris, ga'li-Ver. The past tense time. Members of the male genus next to vns. ward. forms with the ending -es ~ -gs have also forms with the ending -is, e.g. : Buildings || building, and next to dgs. ward. forms with -e' and forms with -i*, e.g.: būve' || buvi'. Forms with the endings -is, -i* are most common in the subterranean area (Šiupyliai, Auksučiai, Kruopiai, partly Šakyna), but occasionally occur in all other parts of the dialect. Especially widely used dgs. noun with the ending -i'. For example, about Dameliai, Žagarė, Skaistgiris, Kyburiai vas. nominative with -is is quite rare, and dgs. noun with -i*, comparative, common, e.g.: išė'ji“, pasiliki: Dam, d'ugi', prisivčisi' Žg, acira"di- “,ddavi: Kyb. Male gender participants vns. and dgs. noun forms with -is, -i' have come into the dialect both from the neighbouring Zemgaly and from the middle Altay dialects. Plg. būvis, bavi: Krš, abgro.v“- s, pamé ti Pp, būvis, pašūti Dnr. As can be seen from the examples, the endings of these forms in the Šakyna dialect retain the phonetics characteristic of the Žemaičių or Middle Vysokých Tater dialects. Almost all of them are in the DG. noun form with the ending -ie, e.g. būvie, dirbie. This form is used most widely in the region of Žemaitija (Auksučiai, Kruopiai, Šakyna, Dilbinai), but sometimes it is even used for Žagarė, Skaistgiris, Juodeikiai. The masculine forms with the ending -ie are regularly used in the adjacent northern dialects of the Žemaičių dounininkai, cf. priképéi Klykoliai, d'ugėi, ganėi Vgr, isitvirtenéi, bovéi. Akm. It appears that the forms with -ie have most likely come into the Šakyna dialect from the Žemaičių- ??. The future time. Male gender participants vns. and dgs. the noun closer to Žemaičių (Auksučiai, Žarėnai, Šakyna, Kruopiai) next to the Vysokiai forms, e.g.: bė:kšars, bė:kša' has also less frequently used Žemaičių forms, e.g. ; Run, run, run!" plg. ežbaidi“- si's, saki'si's Pp, gė'rsi" sūksi" Krš, bū'si"s Vgr, gi'vėnsi"s Akm. Participants of the inactive species. As in the ir neighboring Žemaičių ir aukštaičių dialects, the Šakyna dialect does not have any necessary participants. They are replaced by the non-active 0 The history of the DDR's military. ward. at the su end of the form -ie are also regularly used in some north-western Highland dialects, e.g., about Smalininkai (see material collected by E. Grinaveckienė, Ph.D., during the dialectological expedition of LKLI in 1961, registration no. 666). But they are too far from the Šakyna dialect to have any influence on it. O if the limb -ie Sentences in dialect would be old, ji probably should be equally distributed throughout the area. 173