Iš rytų aukštaičių tarmių daugiskaitos inesyvo formų istorijos

LITHUANIAN LANGUAGES MORPHOLOGY SANDARA IR JOS RAIDA Li. E-T - U"V-0O Ss TS R MOK S LU ACADEMY IS RYTU AUKSTAICIU TARMIU MULTIPLE INESYVO FORM STORIES K. CARROTS There is a reasonable opinion that the present Lithuanian pronoun, also called the present internal pronoun, or inessive, is made by postposition su *- First of all, this is shown by tafmes. All eastern Altay Dzūki, the ir old end of the word *- (or *-¢) translating -i, singular inessive is pronounced lauki! < *lauk-ėn (> literary kalbolaukė), je refers, as a singular noun žemi, arising ir from iš *zem-ėn (> I'm going. land) plg. as well as the singular inessive forms of the old Lithuanian language monuments written on the basis of the eastern Altay dialect: sudeimi AK? 22,,, tami septyneti AK 485,, raszty PS* I 15,, giwenimy PS 1 43, next to singular possessive power AK 52, Galiby PS I 155. Providing the inessive forms of the present (literary) Lithuanian plural laukėsė, šakosė kilimą iš *laukuos-ėn, *šakos-ėn, linguists quite often rely on the forms of ir eastern Highland dialects /aukuosi, šakosi, believing that ir jų -i occurred iš *-ėn. But the question of the origin of the latter forms is not iš really as simple as it seems at first glance. The plural inesyva laukubsi, iš šakėsi, žievėsi ževėsi pirtysi now only exists in su -i — the southwestern eastern ( Highlands: hs Panevėžys, — Krekenavos, Ramygalos, Truskavos, Pagirų, Siesikų, Pabaisko, Gelvonų neighbourhoods (see section 4.4). map — 1 Figure 1. ). Other Eastern Highlands Southern part — Lyduokiai, Molėtų, Širvintų, Musninkų neighborhoods — use the to verb forms su -e: in fields, forks, barks, baths; such as ! The postpositional vowel of the singular inessive forms of other stems is declined in the eastern ir Altay Dzūkų dialects, cf.: galvo, pievo, žemė (Panevėžys), medy, vagoj, sdujij "in a bunch", dabė(j) "in a hole", upij "in the river", sauna (Gelvonai, Pabaiskas), rufikaj „rankoje“, valdžioj, akmeny (Debeikiai), kelyje, šakoj, duobėj, aky, tufguj (Limbs), l6voj, throat, heart, nose (Kaniava, Varėnos raj.). * The Polish Catechism of the Ledesma and the Lithuanian Catechisms of the Daugsza and the Anonymous from years 1605 after the Krakauers Originals and Wolters reprint interlinear published by Ernst Sittig, Gottingen, 1929. AK=Anonymous 1605 m. catechism text, DK=M. Text of 1595 m. the Catechism. 3 PS=Syrwids Punktay sakimu (Punkty kazan), Teil I: 1629, Part II: Lithuanian 1644, and Polish with a short grammatical introduction edited by Dr. Franz Specht. Gottingen, 1929. 10, Morphological structure of ir Lithuanian language 145 ~5¢Smn -$e Všn - SeSv s*Uip . / Ds = 2 and its developme7 nt eVžns eDpl ith eTr SeDbk «g 5-56 5 || “See el -seTTgn -5-5 ‘s*KureSkm -SeKtks' o.kn olor u eDglš" + Vd: or’ - ‘5S seAln ge Po . d i =$,-S$ui, Ls rr ki į ež ‘s'je ‘With Be $,-Sus Ad bt a jumping,,. ~SeGdr sbS,-se T 0, ‘AZ SRePbra "SE0Msp 29 “+ Pb = p KzR o Pose AAS J Mi 1 Figure 1. Multiple inessive endings — [Sako] -su, -sui, -se, -sa, -si, -sol, -s’, -§ — prevalence in highland dialects. In the dashed area, the end of the word shortened due to reduction e becomes i. Vk — Western Highlanders. Vd — middle highlanders. R — Eastern Highlanders. Dz — dzūkai. The abbreviations of the names of residential places are as follows: ir "Dictionary of Lithuanian Language" (I—VI, Vilnius, (Map made 1941—1962). on the basis of dialect material collected for the Lithuanian language atlas, TSR MA Institute of ir Lithuanian Language and Literature.) 146 y forms (su -e) has separate ir Dzūkijos šnektas — Dūkštas, Valkininkai, Daugai. In the northern (most) part of the eastern Highland dialect area, the abbreviated plural inessive forms are now used, e.g. didelivos’ (-s*' soft = -s), gerios’, miškės’, svečiuos’, gerds,’ pačiės’, šakės’, didetės’, akys’, pirtys’ (Linkuva, Joniškėlis, Pakruojis, Šeduva); big, gerubs, forest, guests, gerds, themselves, forks, big, eyes, baths (Biržai, Vabalninkas, Kupiškis, Pandėlys, Rokiškis, Zarasai, Dusetos, Anykščiai, Utena). The question may arise, the plural ar inessive forms in the aforementiosu -e ned dialects of the eastern Altay Dzyuks ir are not new, they have not entered the literary ar language. į iš That this is not the case is shown by the ancient monuments of Lithuanian language. K. The plural inessive is mainly used in Širvydas writings su -e, e.g. knigose szwyntose linksmibese PS I 335, ižsakitose ne PS I 7,,, in evil iu deeds PS 1 31,4_s,,, at home in PS I 32,,, azúdraustose PS II 4,,, gardibese PS 11 4,,, sirdise PS II 47,. F. According to Specht, the real inessive of the plural K. of the Širvydas dialect was su -i (-y), forms o that have su -e been influenced by written language?. Specht was not aware that the latter forms are now used in the eastern Highland ir dialects*. However, the correctness of the opinion is jo doubted by the mere fact that the voice has -e ,,Punkty Sayings“ I section all (all parts of all stems) plural ir inessive forms, 229 syllable forms in the IlI part o iš 143 to su -e is 129, su -a — 10 (runkosa 1,,, 2545, kuriosa 94,4, dienuosa 95,,, žadžiosa 149, piktibesa 1683, kitosa 201.4, wietosa 202,, tamsibessa 243,, knigosa 254) ir only is 4 su -i (pasnikuosy 6, taukuosy 9419, kuriosy 9433, reykatuosy 96,,). If, in general, Širvydas did not ar avoid the influence of earlier Lithuanian writings of ir other dialects, ta then the influence never jo overshadowed the characteristics of the dialect itself." The to statistical data show that the true inessive forms of the plural of the author’s dialect of „Punktai“ were ne su vowel -i (ar -a), but su -e. Worth noting is ir the fact that the forms occur su -i ir -a only ,,Punkty* II part, where elements of other dialects occur more than in part". In addition, the I number of inhabitants of the eastern suburbs is su -e increasing. ne (due to the influence of literary language in recent decades); it has been used in much earlier times. What is tų the origin of forms? If we were to hold the view that the eastern Highlanders (and some Dzūki) the direct prototype of the plural inessive now used had a postposition *-én, it would be unclear why they appeared in one place iš -i, kitur o — -e. Maybe where the verb to forms have -e, iš postpositions previously fell folkloric mn? However, there is no basis for such a thought, en since during in the diphthongation of other forms *-én still had whole in all eastern dialects (plg. already mentioned tų dialect singular noun zemi * Plg. Sirwyds Punktay sakimu (Punkty kazan)..., herausgeg. out. Dr. Franz Specht, p.:16*, 31*. 5 Plg. Ibid. $ For example, the rather rare diphthongs am, an, em, en (eternal dpitamsemis II 364, 11 1425,, dear in the 11 2074, ground 11 179s, darkened 11 1895, reed 11 99s, niopkenčia 11 14233) instead of eastern Altay um, un, im, (umžynon in I 630, Tumsibi II 1423, brown 1 29s, japanese 11 3693, judo II 1835, nindres 11 99193, niopkinčia II 143;). 7 Part of the II "Point Sayings", 15 released in the year po K. The death of Širvydas, apparently, was more corrected by publishers. 10* 147 "Miškėn" (singular: miškėn). It can also be assumed that the plural inessive forms with -i and -e had different postpositions; However, there is no evidence to support this assumption in the meantime. Therefore, let's see if the above forms could not have arisen from one form phonetically. It turns out that the laws of word-end vocalism in eastern Altay dialects do not actually contradict this view. In dialects, now in tu-+ rinčios, the plural inesive laukuosi, šakosi, the short e at the end of open and closed words has become a vowel i due to the reduction of the final vowels, cf. the singular vowel vaiki, the plural final kdrvis, katis, pusis, Sakis of those dialects; in dialects where the inessive forms are in fields, branches, the mentioned e remained intact, cf.: vaikas; koves, katės, pusės, šakės (see also K. Širvydas- 's plural forms of the final form: žmones PS I 260,, karalistes PS I 273,, sunkibes PS II 37,5, duobes PS II 39,). This suggests that the inessive forms laukuosi, branchosi -i could have come from the short -e®. However, acknowledging this origin of the above-mentioned forms, it would be necessary to acknowledge at the same time that the older plural inesy- «vo forms *laukuos- -en, *šakos-- en (or *Jaukuos-ę, *šakos-ę) were not used at all in those eastern Highland dialects. Could it be? In addition to the singular inessive, made with the postposition *-én, in some Lithuanian dialects for a long time the plural inessive with the old (common Indo-European) ending was still used, e.g.: laukuosu, šakosu (cf. Indian dšvėsu, dsvasu, Slavic dusėxo, rekax8). The latter type of plural inesive is found in all of Karaliaučius’ Lithuanian publications of the 16th century — M. Mažvydo, B. Vilento, J. Bretkūno raštuose?. Even D. Klein in his 1653 grammar (,,Grammatica Litvanica“) writes: “There is no unanimous opinion among Lithuanian writers about the plural position of the ablative endings. Some think that their ending should be fu, others —fe, others —/a”*. The plural inessive with -u also occurs in ancient writings written on the basis of the eastern Altay dialect. For example, the 24 forms of this vowel in the Anonymous Catechism of 1605 (AK) are all with -u (Metūsu 7,,, paskundosu 41,5, dungūsu 4333, 4494, dunguosu 46,5, Dunguosū 48, Kitésu 504, dalosti 505,, kiuju 60;s, tosu 63,, dienosu 63, kuriosū 63,, szwintiisu 63,,,darbiisu 70,5, gerybesi 7015, szwintosu 70,4, szwintésu 764, Giertisu 784, deruncitisu 7849, dayktiisu 784, ios 87,5, métisu 87,4, metisu 87, nusideimūsu 106,,). 8 In K. Būga’s “Dictionary of Lithuanian Language” the plural inessive form akysi is given, and it is noted that it occurs in the dialects of Anykščiai and Kupiškis in the language of the old generation (cf. K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, Vilnius, 1961, p. 359). The origin of this form from *okšėn (see there) is highly doubtful. K. Būga, prie akysi davęs santrumpas An. (= Anykščiai) and Kp. (=Kupiškis), did not indicate smaller settlements where the form was heard. In fact, somewhat to the southwest of Anykščiai, Kupiškis (e.g. about Kavarskas, Karsakiškis) and today beside the abbreviated plural inessive forms (e.g. akys) there are forms with the final vowel -i (akysi), which could have arisen from -ė due to reduction (in Anykščiai itself, as well as in Kupiškis, the short e at the end of the word is not converted into i). 9 The plural inessive is mainly with -4 in the orders of the Prussian authorities published in Lithuanian at that time (e.g., 1578, 1589), cf. Gromatas, pagraudenimai ir pasakymai lietuviams valstiečiams, Vilnius, 1960, No. 1; Senieji lietuvių skaitymai, Kaunas, 1927, pp. 59, 61 etc. i 10 See The First Grammar of the Lithuanian Language, Vilnius, 1957, p. 434. Klein was concerned about the standardization of written language. Therefore, he proposes to use the masculine plural inessive forms with se, and the feminine with sa (see ibid.); he himself follows those rules in his grammar. 148 The plural inessive with the postposition *-én seems to have been used earlier in the middle and some of the western Lithuanian dialects. For example, in M. Daukša's "Catechism" (1595) all (61) forms of the plural inessive are with -e, of his,,Postilés* (DP!), in the first 100 pages of the 244 forms of that vowel with -e there are 237, with -a —5 (pacžiosa 2759, walosa 304, szirdissa 303,, szwétessa 3335, ritūsa 58,,) and 1 with -u and -i (wistiktūsu 35,0, dienosi 583,); In M. Petkevičius’ Catechism! ? of 103 forms 98 are with -e, 0 5 — without final vowel (ndmuos 76,;, Wisuos 90,, sunkibes 116,, baisibes 135s, pamokstuos 148,,). | From the middle Altay, the infinitive plural with -e may have spread to the eastern Altay dialects'- ®. The assumption that these forms spread from west to east seems to be confirmed by the very eastern Lithuanian dialects (Linkmenys, Švenčionėliai, Švenčionys, Adutiškis, Tverečius, Gervėčiai, Lazūnai), which still use the plural inessive with the old ending! *, e.g.: kritmuosu, miškuosū (next to krimuos, miskubos- ), šakosū, duobėsū, akisū, (next to akysū, akysu), turguosu (next to turguos) (Linkmenys); sakdsi, dulkésu, žievėsū, nycysu (Tverečius), jūosu, Smurgdinysu (Gervėčiai), vaftuosu, ūpėsu (Lazūnai). There are also several other forms of the plural inessive in individual Eastern dialects. For example, in the Adutiškis dialect, besides the abbreviated forms (e.g. miškuds) or forms with -u (e.g. pievasu, akysū) there are also forms: miškuose (or miskuoset) long forms:, akysel, šakūsw (i = a backward i). The plural inesive miškiosoi could have come from *miškuosėn, as could the singular noun pusdr from *pusén. But that was hardly the case. Since ancient times, two forms of the same vowel could not be used in the same conversation — one of them is probably new. Forms with -# do not indicate the age of the plural illiative (interchangeable internal pronoun), which in Adutiškio dialect, as in neighboring dialects, is made from the plural inessive, adding to it the singular illiative -n15, cf.: miskiosun, žirniuosun, šakdsun, dilkésun, durysun. There is no significant difference in the number of mouths. This suggests that the inesyvas of the plural of those schnets miskiios bi '! DP = By Post Catholic. It is: Ižguldimas Ewangeliu kiekwienos Nedelos ir szwetes per wissūs metus. In the middle of the canopy is a sculptured statue of the canon. Vilniui Drukarnioi Academy, 1599. ('Numbers po of examples' shows pages of rows.) ir 12 For the dialect of this Lithuanian language monument, see. J. Groats, for M. Petkevičiaus "Katekis- (1598 mus m.) dialects, “Lithuanian TSR Works of the Academy of Sciences“, serija A, t. 2 (3), 1957, p. 191 tt. 'š Morphological forms of migration in Lithuanian dialects do occur, plg. iš Dzūkian forms of verbs common in adjacent eastern, middle-western Altai ir dialects: dudiau "audžiau", matiaū “I saw” — Musninkai, Čiobiškis, Sausai (Upninkai district), Gegužinė, Palomenė, Žasliai, Navininkai (Kalvarija district); been "would", saygtau "would say", should "should" — Užuguostis, Jieznas, Punia; aifai "go", cast „kastum”, saytai,sakytum, sėdėtai “sit” — It is located in Prienai, Kapsukas, Kalvarija. '4 In other dialects there is only one other prefixed form in the old local ending, e.g. su nearby (Subačius). '5 This is a list of highest mountains in the Southwest Highlands. ir (Gelvonai, Pabaiskas), plg.: miškuosin, Sakosin, pirtysin (< plural inesyvus miškuosi, šakosi, pirtysi + n according to the singular iliative miškan, Sakon, pirtin). 149 is new. In fact, this type of form (with -4:) is more commonly used by younger generations. In Tverečiaus dialect and nearby dialects, the development of the plural inessive forms is clearly influenced by the singular inessive forms. According to the singular inessive fork, ground there -j is added to the same roots plural inessive forms? *, cf.: jiendsui, Sakdsui, dūlkėsai, bark (Tverečius). Later, the ending -ui was generalized in some places to the inesives of other stems, e.g.: miskaisui, geruosui, kitūosui, trijūosui (Sekonai, Ignalina district). The effect of the singular 'inesyvo, possibly object, experienced and Adutiškio šnektas plural inesyvo. Only here the ending -» was generalized for all noun stems according to such inessive forms of the singular of that schnekt as: gall (< *galén), kaklėi, mėšloi, stalėi, Siler, duksoi, balsėi, kimsėi „kemse“. Similarly, the inessive forms of the Lazūnų plural with -i or -br may have appeared, e.g.: métuosi, juosė". The assumption that the plural inessive with -e spread from west to east is contradicted by the forms of M. Daukša, a representative of the middle Highland dialect: kuriose DP 10,,, anosę DP 10;,, réikalise DP 184, According to some linguists, 8, the -¢ of these forms shows that in those times (late 16th — early 17th century) the postpositional vowel of the inessive was pronounced with a nosine. Let’s see if in M. Daukša’s writings the postposition of the plural inesive is marked with the letter ė everywhere, or if that letter actually meant a nasal vowel. The postpositional vowel e of the above-mentioned 237 plural inessive forms of the Postilla (pp. 1—100) is noted as follows: g —72 forms (of which one form with -¢ —in which 5234), ia (anosid 83,, mūriosia 11,5, daiktūsia 22,5) —54, é (kuriūsė 2,5, namūsė 3, néteisibesé 339) —37 and e (kuriosé 2,5, gūlūse 5;) —74; of the Catechism: ę — 20, ė —24 ire —17. Attention is drawn to the fact that with the nosine mark there is nowhere Somi ia and é. If we look closely at the spelling of i Daukša, we will see that for those ia and ė the mentioned (nosine) mark is unnecessary, because the letter ¢ is not marked with the nosine spoken postposition e, but with the simple broad ¢'®. That this is indeed the case is shown by the same designation of the broad (limb and trunk) e in other cases, cf.: bildiomé DK 6054, turimé DP 1, and gčidžemę DK 61,4, wadinamę DP 2,; Pass DP 1,,, Pass DP 1,, and Go DP 10,,; (vns. innag.) métu DP 2,, and metii DP 2,,; tea DP 243, milk DP 3, and condemnation DP 1,,, weidą DP 104; izgélbetoio DP 144 and ižgetbetoio DP 13,, Daukša from the broad e did not distinguish and the preceding a; for this reason he so '6 Plg. K. Bouga, Selected Writings, III, p. 359. " Iš Different scholars of the Lithuanian dialect of Lazūnai have presented very different forms of the plural inessive, e.g.: kuruosui, ažaruosis, ūpėsis, juosus; Paldcuosa (see section 4.4). P. Arumaa, Lithuanian region Oral Texts from the Wilnaer Area with grammatical notes, Dorpat, 1930, p. 33, 34); schoolossus, nastruossus; gateway, quad gateway ‘four’; In the reigns, two; Bebrėnuosa; three-piece ‘trise’; Lazūnuosi, Titkūnuosi; juosm (see section 4.4). J. Senkus, Some "Lithuanian dialects", "Lithuanian dialects" TSR Works of the Academy of Sciences", series A, t. 1 (4), 1958, p. 187; Laziny dialect texts, “Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai”, vol. 2, Vilnius, 1959, p. 216 etc.); Vaftuosai, dzvijosm, jdujosei. (see E. Grinaveckienė, Collecting dialect material for the Lithuanian language atlas, Lithuanian Linguistics Issues, vol. 3, Vilnius, 1960, p. 193). 18 Plg, J. Otrebski, Grammar of the Lithuanian Language, III, Warsaw, 1956, p. 27. '2 By marking the broad e with separate signs (the variety of signs could also have arisen due to the fault of the printing press), Daukša wanted to distinguish this vowel from the narrow e (=ė). Narrow e is nowhere marked in Daukša's writings with the noun mark, e.g.: paddre DP 1,3, uždėio DP ls, wirszutinemis DP lg, geribiū DP lg. In this case, in one other word, g (or g) instead of e is a proofreading error (in Postila sometimes corrected in the correction). 150 also written differently, e.g.: fabidusę- (i) DK 61g,, saldzéuses DK 1274, saldžeusėmę DK 86;,, Spinners DK 133,4; drivers DP 243, drivers DP 2,, dzeugsmii DP 2,. Therefore, to assume that Daukša in the letter ¢ Zyméjes pronounced the plural inessive postpositional vowel -e with nosine, there is no basis. M. Petkevičius noted the nasality of this vowel nowhere in his Catechism (though he noted nasal vowels very rarely and inconsistently); D. Klein did not talk about the nasality of the postposition -e (in his grammar he discussed nasal vowels separately and marked them with 2°). This shows that the -e had lost its use in much earlier times?!. Thus, the plural inessive with -e could have entered the eastern Highland dialects even before the appearance of the first language monuments, written on the basis of dialects. tų Plural inessive forms su -e (frontal vowel) in a large area of eastern highland dialects could be mainly due to the fact that they are better than the old syllable forms to (su -u) adapted to the singular inessive. The analysis of the data of the ancient scripts of the Lithuanian language and the present dialects allows to conclude that the inessive forms of the eastern Highlands plurals in the fields and branches are older than the forms laukuosi, šakosi used in the southwestern edge of that dialect area. The latter forms -i, due to the reduction of the end vowels of the word, appeared from the already abbreviated iš -e ( <*-one), o ne simply iš *-I. H3 HCTOPHH ®OPM HHECCHBA MHOXECTBEHHOTO UHCJIA B BOCTO4HOAYKHITAHTCKOM JIMAJIEKTE K. MOPKYHAC Peszmergo CornlacHo TPaAHIHOHHOMY MHEHHIO, HenocpejicTBeHHbIl MPOTOTHN HHECCHBA MHOHKECTBEHHOTO YHCJA, ynoTpeb/sieMoro B HacTosilllee BpeMS B BOCTOYHOAYKIITAHTCKOM JlHAJIEKTe JIATOBCKOTO f3biKa, MMeJl nocTnosunuio *-en. 2010-11-09 10:00:00 - 10:00:00 - 10:00:00 - 10:00:00 - 10:00:00 - 10:00:00 - 10:00:00 - 10:00:00 Ho ecau (OopMbI HHECCHBA €IHHCTBEHHOrO UKCJIA C TJIaCHbiM -i (Hanp., miski<*miskén>B aurep. 53. miškė «B Jiecy») XapakTepHbl Ha BCefi TEPPHTOPHH BOCTOYHOAVKLITANTCKOrO AHAJeKTa, TO (DOpMbI HHECCHBA MHOXKECTBEHHOIO YHCJa C TeM Ke TrJiacHhbiM (Hanp., miSkuosi —B JinTep. 3. miSkuosé «6 necax») ynoTpeGJASIOTCS TOJNBKO Ha IOT0-3anajHoOi OKpaWHe [aHHOM TeppHTOpHH, T. €. B OKPeCTHOCTHX HaceJeHHbIX nyHKTOB IlansiBexkuc, Kpsiksnasa, Pamurana, Ilarupai, Cecukaii, [TaGaiickac, I'saBonaii. [Ina ocTaJbHBIX BOCTOYHOAYKIUTANTCKHX TOBOpOB CBOHCTBEHBI COKpalleHHbie (OpMbl MHECCHBA MHOMKECTBEHHOrO 4YHCJA, Hamp., X Pig. 21 That in the middle and western dialects of Lithuanian "plural . inesyvus formerly had the post- "position *-ėn, is shown by the forms of plural adesive (placeholder of the present past tense) made from it, e.g.: bediewiūsemp DP 4453, iszmintįgesniūsemp DP 66,3, Zmonesgmp DP 675, tūsemp DP 67,6. It may be added that in the Anonymous Catechism of 1605 there is no plural adesive form at all, and in K. Širvydas’s “Punktai” we find only a few pronouns to PS II 2040, iuspi PS II 2414), from which we do not know anything about the earlier pronunciation of the plural local postposition in the eastern Highland dialects. There is no such data in the present Lithuanian dialects. The form of the plural adverb yousemp (see A. Laigonaitė, Pašalio vietininkai dabartinėje lietuvių kalboje, „Kai kurie lietuvių kalbos gramatikos klausimai“, Vilnius, 1957, p. 30) with the diphthong -emfrom Lazuny seems not to be considered a remnant of a somewhat deeper ancient dialect. 151