Apie vieną kirčio neatitraukimo atvejį šiaurės vakarų dūnininkų ir pietvakarių dounininkų tarmėse

LITHUANIAN LANGUAGES GRAMMAR SANDARA Lis ETUVIOS TSR M O KS L Ų A KA DE MTU A ABOUT VIENNA KIRČIO NON-RETURN IN THE CASE OF NORTHWESTERN DUNNERIES IR SOUTHWESTERN DOUNININKŲ IN THE SECTIONS B. ROKAITĖ ir V. VITKAUSKAS A lot has been written about the diversion of to the accent in Žemaičių ir dialektai, the nature of the diversion fluctuations; relatively accurate isoglosses for the declination have long been derived'. However, further investigation of dialects according to In the Lithuanian language atlas program, it is found so far not noticed, not recorded cases of non-ablation of the accent. ar One case of a certain part of the Žemaičių dialect not being cut is to be discussed here. The dialects of Judrėnai, Veiviržėnai, ir Rietavo, Švėkšnos apylinkės, as is known, belong to the zone of general accent deflection: in them the accent is usually deflected in both short and long iš ir iš rigid limbs. However, in recent years, the study of these dialects has shown that in them the consonant does not detract from the long root of the short ending in the two-syllable words. iš į For example, "I'm a little (a bit shy of you." ), la.ukos (vi‘td'uc [such a stream] flows pa.r those la.ukgs), ma'rité (meat ma'r'té nadud) — Judrėnai, Jocių km. ; nade'r'i¢ leisa, ma'šės (i'sedieja'u ma'šės aus'te), me'rga (dékté: me'rga bg.va navéspriote), Se.lta truoba (Se.lta truoba-siedo Zéimiioms truobiio), $'veisa (and added $'veisa, mac'd'u) — Judrėnai, Lelėnū km. ; other day (o'ntra deina kap nier noméi), k'a.ulės (k'a.ulés eZdvasi'n'se), pe.lna da (pe.lna šėlėrnę vé'n'dée'nc), Zmuogds (pasé.mere žmuogės tė'p sta'gé:') — Veiviržėnai, Upiténu km. ; ga.lva (apsé.sok ga.lva tū's so kla.usené's), k'a.us'ps (Zo.ncii'n kla.ušlės sorinks), ki'mbės (That's i“ so much ki'mbos, Jjouc), mi'nkšta (minksta me's¢.ke bė.va), sto.ngas (sto.ngas [ienas] nup'jū'us'te e palé-da), žo.nlcės (aš tūoks bova'u kap žo.n'cės), žmuogės (važė'va žmuogės so §'d.udin vejemo) — Rietavas, Kadagynu km. (although here in this case several times I have heard the deflection of the streak, e.g.: ir gloudė'nc i: &lks, Ieš'tė Iež d.nc); ka.lba (ta i'r viejo ka.lba), s'le.nks'- Cos (par sle.nks'é\ds kik plri'sęža'rg'ūojo), as vakos (pa.r vakds gava'u léjiios nu tieva) — Švėkšna, Skomantij km. ; da'rbēs (end of work), ba mass (Sighs) Zmiiogi' masa nasva'k), pel'né (p'ri-ski'd pe.'né lū.ukū' vestalp), pu'rds | ‘Archives Philologicum“, vol.4, Kaunas, Lithuania 1933, p. 33; V. Grinaveckis, Siaurés western marshland, LKK, t. 1, Vilnius, 1957, p. 109; Dialect digression in ir Lithuanian dialects, LKK, t. 4, 1961, p. 117—119. * The examples su in sentences are given to better illustrate the whole system of accent deprecation in these dialects. ir The signs of (/) a soft consonant. 10* 147 (pu'rės kor siesę šlū'pęs — dė'rvas), sta'gė, še.r'dės (sta’go mėrę, rasę še.r'dės anė'm p'li'ša) — Švėkšna, Būdviečių km. A similar phenomenon was ir recorded in the southernmost zone of the global Pajūrio (Silver Coast). in dialect. There is a declination of the short iš ending of the long root of į the diphthong word not observed (e.g.: ka.lba é't, gėrū' ka ė'sas; tuora stépra mi'to), eš although long iš endings any root į ir iš short limb short root į intersection diverted quite often (e.g.: paté aš padarisū't; žal'ūos mė'sūos pose keliiograma dave). In the case of polysyllabic words, the above law does not apply: in these words, the long root of the short ending is always detracted. iš į For example: young's'tė (jauni“sltė nieka navū'z), krū'mal'ės (sma'ksta'u kū'r've puo tos krū'mal'ės) Švėkšna, Būdviečių — km. ; injector (kon aš esvé'rso túok'o kis pap'vágó beleróké), ka.r'vekés (I see kd.r'vekés haeu si'k'¢0) — Judrėnai, Lelény km. ; b.ng.e.n.e. (soselavéske e, la'uke kė.l bro.nges'ng [grains]bis) — Veiviržėnai, Upitény km. ; mė.l'ž'ūonės (thousands of men and women), women (ana vė'rp vės ę ko'nd tos Zé.r'n'okos) — Rietavas, Kadagynu km. So how can we explain that in the aforementioned dialects the short ending of the consonant is iš not removed except for the long root of the two-syllable į words? One could think that here is one of the universal accents of the iš attractionof the fluctuatiomo ns of the peripheral dialects of the region. Various irregularities in the deflection of the cut occur in the southern edges of the north-western mudlands*, in the southern part of Kuršėnai*; also irregularities in the deflection of the crossbones were observed south of Ūžventis. į But here are the fluctuations in the deflection (especially about Kuršėnus, Sdukalnus, Užventį) affects polysyllabic words, in no way is the consonant ir left in short endings, in the above mentioned case the consonant is not removed only in bisyllabic words 0 (having a long root) ir — iš short limbs. Thus, although dialects not belonging to the zone of universal accentuation may have had some influence on the accentuation of the descriptive dialects remaining in the ending, there may still be other reasons for the phenomenon, all the more so because the area of non-accentuation of the long ir root of the to short ending of a two-syllable word is quite considerable far northwest of the boundary of accentuation. iš į ir į One of these iš reasons, it seems, may be the lengthening of the first sando of the contradictory doubles in the aforementioned dialects." For example: ge.ltūona, la.ukū'lės, pa.r pėc'ės, pra.usi's, Ze.l'vétes (Judrėnai), ata.ugi'ntę, sotru.m'pieję, spro.n'dė'lės, va.ik'oka: (Švėkšna), ga'lvūojū'u, ka.rtė'ma, la.ukū'ms, napsoga.lvūos, pę.rkū'u, sę.r'gė'ms (Veiviržėnai). Similarly extended at the global ir cut-off line In the dialect of the Baltic Sea (e.g.: b'ja.uri"be, ka.l'vi‘s'te, ma.r'tė"lę), in the Vainūto ir dialect, which does not use accents at all (e.g.: a.lga, pa.r nėgara, ža.n'ciena). This one. 8 V. Grinaveckis, Development of phonetic characteristics of the North-West ir jų mud dialects, „Vilnius State Pedagogical Institute Science works", t. 11, 1960, p. 46. | 4 Vyt. Vitkauskas, Kuršėnų dialekto kirtis ir priegaidė, LKK, t. 3, Vilnius, 1960, p. 64. 8 Long vowels remain long in dialect, and in this case they seem to be o even longer. 448 the elongation of the diphthong sandus of the post-syllabic syllables, which occurred, apparently, before the detachment of the syllable (this is shown by the same elongation in the Saūgai and Ramūčiai dialects of Šilutės r., cf., dra'ugūs, me'rga, sa'ugas, va'kū, and in the Vainuto dialect, which does not detach the syllable at all), probably due to the equalization of the length of the post-syllabic and post-syllabic syllables, and could have led to the detachment of the short ending of the syllable from the post-syllabic words. The dialects of Švėkšnos, Judrėnai, Veiviržėnai, having received the impulse to detract from the accent lately and already having an elongated anti-accent syllable, were satisfied only with this elongation. In this way, this case of non-inflection in the southwestern Žemaičių dialects would show that dialects, in addition to the general laws of inflection or non-inflection, have inflection laws characteristic of only one dialect or dialect group. Ob OAHOM CJIYYAE COXPAHEHHS VJLAPEHHS B KOHILE CJIOBA B TOBOPAX CEBEPO-3ANAJAHbLIX JĮYHHHHHKOB H IOTO-3ANAJ1HbIX JOYHUHHUHKOB. B. POKAHTE u B. BUTKAYCKAC Pes3siome B xemaiitckux TOBOpax OKpecrHocTeH lOnpenaii, BeiiBupxenaii, Perasac, llIsexmmna, BXOASIIHX B 30HY BceoOileit OTTHXKKH yJAapeHusi, B J[BYCJOXKHBIX CJ0Bax YylapeHHe He OTTACHBAETCS C KpaTKOTO OKOHUaHHs Ha JNOJITHĖĄ Kopenb. B cratbe mnpeamosaraercs, UTO O/IHOH M3 OCHOBHBIX NPHYHH, ONMpeNeJMBIIHX AAHHBIA cayuaii, MOXHO CYHTaTh YAJHHEHHE rJ1IacCHOTO 3BYKa B NpeaylapHOM cJiore. 149