Сопоставление фонологических систем литовского и русского языков

КАЛБŲ KONTAKTAI LIETUVOS TSR LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XXIII (1983) КАЗИМЕРАС ГАРШВА COMPARISON OF THE PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEMS OF THE LITHUANIAN AND RUSSIAN LANGUAGES This article examines the most important features of the phonological systems of Lithuanian and Russian: phonemes (vowels and consonants), prosodic phenomena (syllable structure, stress), as well as certain variants of phonemes and prosodemes and their distribution. Comparative studies of Lithuanian and Russian are necessary for developing an optimal system for teaching a second language (and mastering pronunciation in Russian and Lithuanian proves to be the most difficult). The author of this article therefore undertook an attempt to identify certain types of interference in the second language as well. Since many learners pronounce sounds on the basis of the articulatory setting of their native dialect (cf. Garshva K. K., 1982), some data on Lithuanian dialects that are close to the phonetics of Russian are also presented here. 1. Vowels. In standard Lithuanian, 10 vowel phonemes can be distinguished: /iː i uː u eː oː e eː aː a/. Lithuanian low and high vowels in the same position may be long or short. Some authors also classify length as a suprasegmental feature, since entire morphemes are characterized by length (or shortness). A peripheral phoneme < ə > is also found in Lithuanian words of foreign origin. The peripheral sound /e/ (distinct from short /e/) is generally pronounced only in stressed syllables (and not in all foreign words) by a few Lithuanians. Thus, the five strong phonemes of Russian /u y e o a/ correspond to long and short Lithuanian vowels of four types: /i u o a/ (see Table 1). The diphthong /ie/. in Lithuanian is somewhat similar to the Russian sound /e/. Russian has no counterparts for the front Lithuanian phonemes /eː eː e/ (which is why Slavic-speaking people tend to pronounce them as “е, э). In Lithuanian, long and short vowels can distinguish different words, cf.: tūko “lies in wait” — tūko “was suitable,” siūsti “to send” — siūsti “to rage,” šóko “jumped,” “danced” — šōko “of a shock,” mės “we” — mès “will throw,” kąsti “to bite” — kàsti “to dig.” This opposition does not exist in the phonological system of Russian, so for learners, pronouncing vowel length in the second language presents a major difficulty. 159 Table 1. Comparison of the vowel phonemes of Lithuanian and Russian Height Row Front Back Lith. Russ. Lith. Russ. High / i· /, / i / / и / / u· /, / u / / у / Mid / e· / / e / / o· /, / ᴐ / / о / Low / e· /, / e / / a· /, / a / / а / Note. In Tables 1 and 2, Lith. denotes Lithuanian, and Russ. denotes Russian. Phonemes are enclosed in slashes / /, while peripheral sounds (used in words of foreign origin and in onomatopoeia) are enclosed in < >. A dot on the right (above) indicates the length of Lithuanian vowels. In the Lithuanian literary language, vowels in open syllables may be long or short, whereas in Russian, in a stressed position, one can pronounce neither long nor short vowels—one must articulate an approximately half-long vowel. In stressed diphthongal syllables in the Lithuanian literary language, only [a] and [e] are half-long. In the dialects of eastern and central Lithuania, other short vowels are also lengthened to half-long under stress. Stressed vowels in Russian do not correspond to stressed vowels (not even half-long ones) in Lithuanian, cf.: lìpa “is climbing in” — липа; lìs “it will rain”: lỹs “will climb in,” “will grow thinner” — лис, šùka “turns” — сука, lìpa “tears, beats”: lìpa “lip” — лупа, šòka “shock” (acc.): šóka “jumps, rushes, dances” — шока, dár “still” — дар. In stressed syllables of Russian speech, Lithuanians often pronounce long vowels that differ from the corresponding Russian sounds in three respects: 1) quality (short vowels more closely resemble Russian sounds), 2) somewhat greater duration (cf.: bára “scolds” — báра, šąla “becomes sweet” — sáла), and 3) the manifestation of syllabic accent (priėgaidė)¹. According to our observations, long final syllables have a circumflex syllabic accent, cf.: xo/ц’ў/, бед/ў/ (like kasiy “cats,” bėdų “troubles”). It is thought that Russian vowels, unlike Lithuanian ones, are characterized by lax, slack articulation, resulting in their diphthongoid quality, i.e., a “glide” from a higher to a lower position of the tongue (Михальченко В. Ю., 1976, с. 132; Йовайшис В., 1979, с. 30)². At the initial stages of the study 1 For more on syllabic accents, see section 4 of this article. 2 S. S. Vysotsky thought that vowels of the mid-height in the Lithuanian literary language were also characterized by a “glide,” but in the opposite direction (whereby the words tévas “father,” pokylis “feast, banquet” would be pronounced as tė'vas, po'kylis). 160 Russian-language sounds ы, э, е are difficult for Lithuanians to pronounce, since the first two are absent in many dialects and in the Lithuanian standard language, while the diphthong ie has no short counterpart. The vowel ы is often pronounced as i (even the minimal pairs быть — буть, мыл — мил, etc., are not distinguished). In place of э, one may hear the Lithuanian ё. In East Lithuanian (East Aukštaitian) dialects, ε is pronounced after the consonant l (instead of е), but this sound has a higher tongue position and is more fronted. In the North Panevėžys dialect, of the three possible varieties of the sound ε (cf. sáulės (šáulės) ‘suns’, ar'ke₁l's' (arklys) ‘horse’, matė (matái) ‘you see’), the most open variant (ε₂) is the closest to Russian э. In unstressed syllables of the dialects mentioned and the Širvintos dialect, a sound resembling ы sometimes occurs; cf. leki.ms | lɨki.ms (lėkimas) ‘flight’. In Russian, э is a variant of е, and ы is a variant of и. In unstressed syllables of the Lithuanian standard language, all 10 vowel phonemes are distinguished. Of the five strong vowel phonemes in Russian, only three are distinguished in unstressed position: |u|, |y| and |a|. In the first pre-stressed syllable and at the absolute beginning of a word, the phoneme |a| is realized as the weak phoneme |a| (in two variants: [л] after hard consonants, [иᵉ] after soft ones). In the second and third pre-stressed syllables and in all post-stressed syllables, there is a weak phoneme |a₁|, realized as [ъ] after hard consonants and as [ь] after soft ones. The phonemes |a|, |o|, |e| undergo strong reduction in unstressed position and do not distinguish minimal pairs such as лиса — леса, чистота — частота, посетить — посвятить, etc. (Plakunova T., 1974, p. 7). In the Lithuanian standard language, the words lipimas ‘climbing, sticking’ — liepimas ‘command’ — lėpimas ‘hanging down’ — lepimas noun from the verb ‘spoil’, etc., are not homonyms. Thus, the stability of the vowel system theoretically entails greater informativeness of the vowel phonemes of the Lithuanian standard language compared with Russian vowels (Michalchenko V. Yu., 1976, p. 131). In some East Lithuanian dialects (Panevėžys, Širvintos, and the south of Anykščiai), the opposition of length versus shortness is neutralized in unstressed position: only short vowels occur. In addition, in the Panevėžys dialect, unstressed ie is reduced to ie/i; in most of the Utena dialect (the “žalinininkai” varieties), unstressed o is reduced to half-long a. Speakers of these dialects constitute about one fifth of all Lithuanian speakers. Based on these dialects, it is somewhat easier to learn the pronunciation of Russian vowels in the first pre-stressed syllable. Pronouncing Russian vowels in the second and third pre-stressed syllables and in post-stressed syllables is more difficult for Lithuanians, since only one degree of reduction occurs in Lithuanian dialects. In Lithuanians’ Russian speech, unstressed |e| is often pronounced as Lithuanian |e|. This is also due to morphological analogies with the native language: the Russian suffixes без-, не-, пере- correspond to Lithuanian bė-, nė-, pér-; the vowels |e| (Russian and Lithuanian) occur in some morphemes that are similar. 11. 949 161 in the languages (cf. делегат — delegātas, везти — vėžti, нести — nèšti, etc.); the ending -те of the present tense and imperative mood corresponds to -те. 2. Consonants. In modern Lithuanian, 37 consonant phonemes can be distinguished: /p, p’ b b’ t d k k’ g g’ s s’ z z’ š š’ ž ž’ c c’ č č’ l l’ r r’ m m’ n n’ v v’ j dz dz’ dž dž’/. In addition, the Lithuanian standard language has 8 peripheral phonemes (<t’ d’ ff’ ch ch’ h h’>), used in words of foreign origin and in some onomatopoeia (Girdenis A., 1981, p. 115—126, 141—142)³. Russian also has 37 consonant phonemes: /п п’ б б’ т т’ д д’ к к’ г г’ с с’ з з’ ш ж ч ч’ ф ф’ х х’ л л’ р р’ м м’ н н’ в в’ j ш’ ж’/. One can count 29 consonant phonemes that are largely similar in the two languages: /p p’ b b’ t d k k’ g g’ s s’ z z’ š š’ ž c c’ č l l’ r r’ m m’ n n’ v v’ j/. It has been suggested that the articulation of coronal consonants in Lithuanian and Russian is characterized by a different position or activity of the tip of the tongue (Vaitkevičiūtė V., 1973, p. 31; Plakunova T., 1978, p. 45—47), although, in general, the consonants of the languages being compared differ much less than the vowels. Lithuanian has no long consonants /ш’ ж’/ or full-fledged phonemes /м’ д’ ф ф’ х х’/, which occur in Russian. Russian has no phonemes /š’ ž’ c’ č dz dz’ dž dž’/. Russian consonants characterized by dorsal articulation correspond to apical consonants in Lithuanian. Table 2. Comparison of Lithuanian and Russian consonant phonemes (with respect to the features of palatalization and voicing) Language | Feature | Phonemes | Number Lithuanian | Hardness | /p b t d k g s z š ž c č <f ch h> l r m n v dz dž/ | 19 (22) Russian | | /п б т д к г с з ш ж ц щ ф х л р м н в/ | 18 Russian | Softness | /п’ б’ т’ д’ к’ г’ с’ з’ | ч’ ф’ х’ | л’ р’ м’ н’ в’ j ш’ ж’/ | 19 Lithuanian | | /p’ b’ <t’ d’> k’ g’ s’ z’ š’ ž’ c’ č’ <f’ ch’ h’> l’ r’ m’ n’ v’ j dz’ dž’/ | Lithuanian | Voicelessness | /p p’ t <t’> k k’ s s’ š š’ c c’ č č’ <f f’ ch ch’>/ | 13 (18) Russian | | /п п’ т т’ к к’ с с’ ш ц ч’ ф ф’ х х’ щ’/ | 16 Russian | Voicing | /б б’ д д’ г г’ з з’ ж | ж’ | л л’ р р’ м’ н’ в в’/ | 21 Lithuanian | | /b b’ d <d’> g g’ z z’ ž ž’ | <h h’> | dz dz’ | l l’ r r’ m m’ n n’ v v’ j dž dž’/ | 24 (27) The greatest number of consonant phonemes in Lithuanian and Russian are differentiated by the features of hardness—softness and voicelessness—voicing (see Table 2). In positions of neutralization, hard and voiceless consonants occur. 8 Until now, 45 consonant phonemes have generally been identified in the Lithuanian standard language (including peripheral consonants). 162 therefore they can be considered the unmarked members of the opposition, while soft and voiced consonants are marked (cf. Girdenis A., 1981, p. 100—101). Phoneme groups located either in one syllable or across two syllables assimilate with respect to softness and voicing (cf.: s’ir-s’ ti / “to be angry,” естес’-т’венный), so the features of softness and voicing in Lithuanian (Girdenis A., 1981, p. 168—170), and partly in Russian as well (Степанов Ю. С., 1975, с. 98—101), could be assigned to the suprasegmental level. In the languages being compared, hard and soft, voiceless and voiced consonants distinguish words, cf.: gražùs “beautiful” — accusative plural gražiùs, tómnyj — tė́mnyj; pùti “to bend, whip” — bùti “to be,” пал — бал. Compared with the Lithuanian literary language, consonant softness in Russian is more independent: 1) hard and soft consonants contrast not only before vowels but also at the end of a word; 2) this opposition occurs not only before back vowels but also before the front vowel /и/; 3) consonant groups in Russian assimilate less consistently with respect to the hard–soft distinction. In Lithuanian, consonant groups before front vowels are fully palatalized (according to this rule, many Lithuanians also pronounce sequences of Russian consonants). In Russian, only consonants immediately preceding /е/, /и/ are palatalized. According to some researchers, complete palatalization of a consonant preceding a soft consonant is less frequent; more often there is “semi-palatalization,” cf.: жён’щ’ина (Пирогова Н. К., 1970, с. 33). If, when a word changes form, the second consonant can become hard, assimilatory palatalization of that consonant is optional: в бить’е и в бить’ё, since there is битва (but с’в’ет, etc.). The consonant н before soft dentals is more often soft, whereas р, conversely, is hard: бей’зин, Ин’дия, семан’тика, but парт’ия, бр’ен (Lith. párt’ija, ór’d’inas). The softness of a consonant following л does not spread to л: бъполн’ия, мълния. Thus, Russian permits sequences not only of hard or soft consonants, but also of a hard and a soft consonant, or a soft and a hard one (in the latter case, and also at the end of a word after a soft consonant, the soft sign ь is written, cf.: культ’ура, брат’ь). In Russian, the sibilants /ж/, /ш/, /ч/ are always hard, while /ч’/ and /ш’/ are soft. In Lithuanian, these consonants can be either hard or soft. Lithuanians often produce corresponding hard or soft pairs in Russian as well. In Russian pronunciation, the soft /т’/, /д’/ are pronounced with some affrication, which is absent in the Lithuanian literary language and in many Lithuanian dialects. This pronunciation occurs only in the Dzūkian (Southern Aukštaitian and Vilnius) dialect, which borders the Belarusian and Polish language areas. Lithuanian Dzūks pronounce <t’>, <d’> as /c’/, /dz’/: cik (tik) “only,” dzieną (dieną) “day” (accusative case). Отмечается, что в русском языке не только /т’/, /д’/ (ср. Йовайшас В., 1979, с. 30), но и все другие согласные (особенно губные и переднеязычные 11* 163 The stops / n’ б’ в’ / and others are much more strongly palatalized before front vowels than the corresponding Lithuanian consonants (Михальченко В.Ю., 1976, с. 133; Плакунова Т., 1978, с. 47). Eight pairs of voiceless and voiced consonant phonemes (/ p – b, p’ – b’, t – d, k – g, k’ – g’, s – z, s’ – z’, š – ž /) occur in both Lithuanian and Russian. In addition, Lithuanian has the pairs / š’ – ž’, c – dz, c’ – dz’, č – dž, č’ – dž’ /, while Russian has / m’ – d’, ш’ – ж’, ф – б, ф’ – б’ /. In both languages, the consonants / l l’ p p’ m m’ n n’ j / (and in Lithuanian also / v v’ dz dz’ dž dž’ /) are voiced only, while / ц ц’ х х’ / (in Lithuanian also / c c’ č č’ /) are voiceless only. The sounds [ff’] and [v v’] cannot even phonetically form voiceless–voiced pairs in Lithuanian: f, ch, v do not occur at the end of a closed Lithuanian syllable (or word). All consonants before vowels, as well as voiceless consonants before voiceless consonants and voiced consonants before voiced consonants, remain unchanged in both languages. Paired voiceless consonants become voiced before voiced consonants; paired voiced consonants become voiceless before voiceless consonants and at the end of a word, cf.: bëga “runs” — 3rd person future tense bė[k]s, skazīt — ska[c]ka; kìrpti “to cut, shear” — adverbial participle kìr[b]damas, pro-cīt — pro[ž’]ba; imperative bėk, rasskā[c]. Assimilatory devoicing or voicing likewise affects consonants at word boundaries. Among consonants that do not form voiceless–voiced pairs, only ч can assimilate preceding consonants (с, з) in Russian; in Lithuanian speech, s before š becomes š, and z before dž becomes ž: „iš[ui’]č]erpatь “to exhaust,” vo[ui’]ik “cart driver”; anksti “early” — ank[š]čiau “earlier,” pavyzdys “example” — genitive plural pavy[ž]džių. In Russian speech, the second consonant is usually omitted in the sequences здн, стл, стн, ств, стск, cf.: праздник “holiday,” марксистский “Marxist” and so on. Such sequences do not occur in Lithuanian. In the sequences жж and зж (сж), зш and сш, the second consonant is pronounced as a long consonant: жжёт “burns,” и шапки “from the hat.” Such sequences are also absent in Lithuanian. For morphological reasons, unpronounceable sequences gk, dt, td, sš, šš, sž, žš, žž, šž, sz arise in Lithuanian: in these, as in the Russian sequences mentioned above, the first consonant is also assimilated to the second, but in traditional pronunciation it is omitted without lengthening the second consonant, cf.: užsienis (užsienis) “abroad,” pužalis (pužalis) “half-raw,” and so on. Double consonants are not used in Lithuanian even in loanwords, cf.: okupacija “occupation,” milijonas “million,” grammati-ka “grammar,” tona “ton,” aparatas “apparatus,” Rusija “Russia.” Therefore, Lithuanians often pronounce only one consonant in the corresponding Russian words. In both Russian and Lithuanian speech, j is usually pronounced at the beginning of a word and after vowels before ие, ie, cf.: (j)eštь, (j)ieškóti “to search,” po(j)ėla, pa(j)-ieškóti “to search for.” In Russian, j is also pronounced after the separating signs ъ and ь: съел, воскресенье. 164 3. Combinations of vowels and consonants. The syllable. Syllables in Lithuanian and Russian consist of central elements—vowels—and peripheral elements—consonants. Syllables are divided into open (ending in a vowel) and closed (ending in a consonant), and into stressed and unstressed. In the Lithuanian literary language, both stressed and unstressed syllables may be long (consisting of long vowels or diphthongs) or short (consisting of short vowels). In Russian, even phonetically, there is only one kind of syllable: relatively long syllables under stress and short (reduced) syllables in an unstressed position. In unstressed endings, combinations of vowels and sonorants are also more common, i.e. distinctive diphthongs. In terms of the number of syllables, Lithuanian and Russian words can be divided into monosyllabic and polysyllabic. Disyllabic, trisyllabic, and monosyllabic words are the most common. Non-derived words are usually one-, two-, three-, or four-syllable, while derived words range from two to ten or eleven syllables: cf. the longest words са-мо-о-про-ки-ды-ва-ю-ща-я-ся, pe-be-sve-ti-mo-te-riau-da-vo-me “we no longer resisted.” In Russian, syllables are formed by a vowel alone or by a vowel and a consonant. In Lithuanian syllables, combinations of two vowels also occur (consonants may be added to them). The longest syllables in Lithuanian and Russian consist of one vowel and six consonants, cf.: spriñks “will choke,” всплеск. In Lithuanian, three types of diphthongs are distinguished: “fused” ie, uo, “compound” ai, au, ei, ui, eu, oi, ou (the last three occur only in words of foreign origin), and “mixed” a, e, i, u+l, m, n, r: al, am, an, ar; el, em, en, er; il, im, in, ir; ul, um, un, ur. All these diphthong combinations can be considered to consist of two phonemes, because: 1) both their components can be replaced by other phonemes (cf.: veistas “bred” (in the sense of “variety, breed”) — vaistas “medicine,” verštas “turned”); 2) before vowels, diphthongs are divided between two syllables (gér-ti “to drink” — 3rd person singular present tense gé-ria, gù-ti “to offend, drive” — gù-ja); 3) from the perspective of the language’s structure and accentuation, combinations of two vowels are equated with combinations of a vowel and a sonorant, which unquestionably consist of two phonemes. In Russian there are equivalents of Lithuanian diphthongs ай, ой, уй, ал, ам, ан, ар, ил, им, ин, ир, ул, ум, ун, ур, cf.: дай, стойте, дуй, спал, лампа, так, ударный, сильный, стоим, один, мир, стул, разум, скакун, Курск. The sound combination [ей] occurs in Russian (cf. воробей), but not in Lithuanian (which has ei). Syllables in Lithuanian and Russian consist of two groups of consonants: an initial and a final group, or an explosive and an implosive group. In Lithuanian, the initial and final consonant groups may contain up to three consonants, while in Russian they may contain up to four. In many cases, final consonant combinations in Lithuanian can be considered mirror images of initial combinations. The same phonemic relations are preserved in final groups, although they are arranged in diametrically 165 opposite order. For example, if an initial group contains the combination skl-, the final group may contain the combination -lks: sklis-ti “to spread” — vilks “will drag,” etc. (Girdenis A., 1981, p. 79—81). Unlike Lithuanian, Russian has many word-final combinations in the same sequence as at the beginning, cf.: снег — песнь, Псков — Прокопск, etc. (although many initial groups are not attested at the end of a syllable, and vice versa). Among initial consonant combinations in the Lithuanian vocabulary, the most common are pr-, sk-, tr-, gr-, pl-, kr-, kl-, st- (Strimaitienė M., 1981, p. 93). In consonant combinations, the sonorants / lmnɲv / can occur only immediately before vowels. The other consonants are divided into two subclasses: those used only as the first members of combinations (/ s š z ž /) and those that can occupy both of the specified positions (/ k p t g b d /). The longest initial combinations in Lithuanian are always of the type str- (Girdenis A., 1981, p. 76—77). Russian initial consonant combinations are also characterized by a certain order (Ломтев Т. П., 1972, с. 203—212). The classification of consonant phoneme combinations at the beginning of a word before vowels in Lithuanian and Russian can provisionally be represented as follows: In Russian, all the consonants shown in this diagram may participate in combinations (although by no means all of them combine with one another). Consonants represented by Latin letters and separated by a dotted line form combinations in both Lithuanian and Russian; consonants represented by Russian letters form combinations only in Russian. The phoneme / в /, in the fourth column, forms two- and three-member combinations with certain consonants in the third, second, and first columns, cf.: все, втереть, влить; взбить, вклеить; встреча, взгляд, etc. Consonant combinations are never formed in the reverse order, i.e. proceeding from the first column to the fourth. In our view, this sequence of consonant combinations (proposed by A. Girdenis for Lithuanian) more accurately reflects reality. To this day, three- and four-member consonant combinations in Russian are described as combinations consisting of two or three two-member combinations. The second has an initial consonant identical to the final consonant of the first two-member combination, and the third has an initial consonant identical to the 166 … of the second cluster, e.g.: ст+mp'=cmp; фс+сх+хр=фсхр (всхр) (Lomtev T. P., 1972, pp. 212—221; Russian Grammar, 1980, pp. 56, 65). Compared with Lithuanian, twice as many phonemes take part in the formation of consonant clusters in Russian. In the initial consonant cluster of a Russian word before vowels, / к м г д с ш ч х / can also occur (the last two do not form Lithuanian clusters at all); as second members of clusters, / ч ч ф х / (also absent from Lithuanian clusters) and the sonorants / л м н р / are used, the latter by Lithuanians only immediately before vowels. As a result of a different morphological structure, a fourth member of a cluster—a consonant / в /—is also possible in Russian. Therefore, about 100 two-member consonant clusters occur at the beginning of Russian words, compared with 39 in Lithuanian (about 35 of these are also found in Russian). In both languages, consonant combinations are restricted according to voicing—voicelessness and hardness—softness, as well as place of articulation. In the middle of a word, between two vowels (in intervocalic position), the simplest case is a single-phoneme consonant segment, which in both Lithuanian and Russian forms a syllable with the following vowel: va-sa-ra “summer,” po-ho-ro-нато. In intervocalic clusters of two or more consonants, it is not easy to determine the syllable boundary from pronunciation, and this question is resolved to some extent depending on the researcher’s point of view. In Lithuanian consonant clusters, the syllable boundary could be drawn where the largest part of the internal cluster begins, insofar as its structure coincides with the corresponding word-initial cluster: gu-drūs “intelligent,” alk-snis “alder,” čirk-šti “chirp” (Girdенis A., 1981, p. 84—87). There are also several points of view on syllabification in Russian (R. I. Avanesov, L. V. Shcherba, L. V. Bondarko, and others). According to the results of L. V. Bondarko’s articulatory-acoustic study, any Russian utterance breaks down into a sequence of open syllables, regardless of the quality of the consonants in a cluster or the position of stress (cf. Russian Language, 1979, p. 312). 4. Prosodemes. In addition to units of the segmental level—phonemes (vowels and consonants)—Lithuanian and Russian also have units of the suprasegmental level—prosodemes (stress and intonation; syllabic accents are characteristic only of Lithuanian). Prosodemes extend over a greater span than phonemes: syllabic accents characterize a morpheme, stress a word, and intonation a sentence. Stress is understood as the highlighting of one syllable in a sequence of words. It should be noted that works by Russian linguists take actual phenomena of the Lithuanian language into account insufficiently. For example, even a school textbook of Russian for Lithuanians (Laurinavičienė M., Chmeliauskienė G., 1978, pp. 5, 19) claims that stress in Lithuanian is “musical” and that unstressed vowels are not reduced, although in modern studies Lithuanian stre- 167 рение считается динамическим (ср. Laigonaitė A., 1978, p. 6). Количественная и даже качественная редукция некоторых безударных гласных существует в восточнолитовских диалектах (Zinkevičius Z., 1978, p. 49—75); элементы редукции присущи и безударным долгим гласным современного литовского литературного языка (Урбелене Я., 1967, с. 16—17). Lithuanian stress is characterized by intensity and duration. Stress in modern Russian is quantitative-dynamic: the vowel of a stressed syllable, unlike unstressed vowels, is distinguished by more tense pronunciation and greater duration, and therefore by clearer sound (Russian Grammar, 1980, p. 90). Stress in Lithuanian and Russian is mobile (free): it is not attached to any particular syllable of a word or to a particular morpheme (however, stress placement is determined by the accentual properties of morphemes and the accentuation paradigm that characterizes them). Mobile word stress performs two main functions—culminative (contrastive) in syntagmatics and distinctive (identifying) in paradigmatics: it indicates the number of independent words or other significant units in an utterance and facilitates the recognition or differentiation of different words and forms of the same word that coincide in phonemic composition. Table 3. Accentuation patterns of Lithuanian and Russian No. | Number of syllables | Accentuation pattern | Examples: Lithuanian | Russian 1 | II | ´ ´ | kūria — kurià | стоит — сто́ит 2 | III | ´ ´ — | pārāšo — parāšo | до́роги — дороги́ 3 | „ | ´ — ´ | užrašai — užrašai | бе́регу — берегу́ 4 | „ | — ´ ´ | pašaukti — pašaukti | обма́ну — обману́ 5 | IV | ´ — — ´ | pastebima — pastebimà | 6 | „ | — ´ ´ — | garsiákalbis — garsiakalbis | 7 | „ | — ´ — ´ | suprantama — suprantamà | профессо́ра — профессора́ 8 | „ | — — ´ ´ | geraširdė — geraširdė | переме́ним — перемени́м 9 | V | — ´ — — ´ | nesuariama — nesuariamà | 10 | „ | — — ´ — ´ | nesuprantama — nesuprantamà | 11 | „ | — — — ´ ´ | nesubjektyviai — nesubjektyviai | нераздели́м — нераздели́м Note. The sign „´“ denotes a stressed syllable of a word, and the sign „—“ denotes an unstressed syllable. Because stress is mobile, quasi-homonyms may form oppositions between different accentuation patterns (see Table 3). The accentuation patterns of Lithuanian and Russian do not coincide completely. In addition, fewer accentuation patterns are found in Russian. 168 In the languages being compared, stress-place oppositions occur in words ranging from two to seven syllables: disyllabic and seven-syllable words each have one stress-place opposition; words of three, five, and six syllables have three each; and four-syllable words have four. All possible combinations of stressed and unstressed syllables occur only in two- and three-syllable words. In five- to seven-syllable words formed with unstressed suffixes, the last four syllables may be stressed, thus partially repeating the stress patterns of four-syllable words. Monosyllabic prepositions and conjunctions in the languages being compared function as proclitics, while particles more often function as enclitics: ir, tų — u, ty; kodėl gi — почему же. Unlike in Russian, in Lithuanian monosyllabic prepositions and the particle ne cannot attract the stress of a content word: по два — po du, не был — nebuvo. Words with weak stress apparently occur in the flow of Lithuanian speech as well as Russian speech: прое́хали м^ы^мо до́ма „pravažiavo prō namą“, éjo p(a)skui tėvą „шли за отцом“. In compound words in both languages, secondary stress also occurs alongside primary stress. In Lithuanian it may occur in four- and seven-syllable words; in Russian, in words of five syllables or more, cf.: Grìškab^ūd^is, kėturiased^ė^šimt „сорок“, h^id^rom^eteorologija „гидрометеорология“; b^o^dоснабжение, самол^ё^тостроение. When there are two stresses, secondary stress in Russian occurs closer to the beginning of the word, whereas in Lithuanian it may occur at the end of the word on long syllables. Compared with Lithuanian, Russian has considerably more varied stress patterns across parts of speech. For example, the paradigms of Russian literary nouns exhibit 10 different stress patterns (paradigms), while Lithuanian paradigms have mainly 4; the conjugation of primary verbs in Russian has 9 stress patterns, whereas Lithuanian has only 3 (Федянина Н. А., 1976, с. 30–34, 195–200; Laigonaitė A., 1978, p. 35–41, 71–75). Stress also differs in etymologically related words in Lithuanian and Russian. For example, the Russian words книга, берёза, болото have the same stress pattern (fixed stem stress in all forms of the declension paradigm); their Lithuanian counterparts have mobile stress patterns, and these differ from one another: knygà — по второй парадигме, béržas — по третьей, balà — по четвертой. Consequently, Russian accentology is a very complex and difficult subject for a Lithuanian speaker to learn, and Lithuanian literary accentology is even more so for a Russian speaker. Only one stress pattern is completely identical in the languages being compared (although it is the most common in Russian): fixed stem stress in all nominal forms and in the present and past tense forms of verbs (AA). In Lithuanian, this pattern corresponds to the first accentual paradigm of nouns and the first group of verbs. For example, words stressed according to this pattern include бу́ква and brólis „брат“, делать and augti „расти“. The fourth accentual paradigm is the closest Lithuanian equivalent of the Russian AB nominal stress pattern (words such as город) (cf. gárdas „загородка, стойло“): 169 the stress differs only in the instrumental and prepositional singular (in Russian, stress falls on the stem; in Lithuanian, on the ending). For verbs in both languages, the closest patterns are Russian AB (cf. лечь) and Lithuanian accentual group III (cf. virti „варить“; the past-tense plural differs), as well as pattern CC (cf. снимать) and accentual group II (cf. kirpti „резать“) — in the latter patterns, the second-person singular present does not match the masculine singular past. In long (and usually stressed) syllables in Lithuanian, there is an opposition between two syllable accents: the acute (´) and the circumflex (~), which are not characteristic of Russian. Syllable accent is the manner of pronouncing a long syllabic sound that helps differentiate words. Depending on the syllabic sound, Lithuanian has three phonetic variants of syllable accents: 1) on long vowels and “pure” diphthongs ie, uo; 2) on diphthongs ui and i, i+l, m, n, r; and 3) on diphthongs ai, au, ei and a, e+l, m, n, r. The opposition between syllable accents is most clearly distinguished (approximately as clearly as stress placement) in the third position, cf.: d.í.sta „отстывает“ — aí.šta „светает“, mė.rkti „закрывать“ (глаза) — mẽr.kti „мочить“. Russian stress on secondary “diphthongs” in the third position most closely resembles the acute. According to preliminary data, in the pairs dár „ещё“ and dàr, ár.tija and армия, the stressed Lithuanian vowel /а/, compared with the same Russian vowel, is pronounced somewhat longer, less tense, more fronted, and with a different intensity contour within the syllable4. In Lithuanian and Russian sentences, three basic intonations are distinguished: declarative, interrogative, and imperative, whose distinguishing features are fundamental frequency, timbre, intensity, and sound duration. Compared with stress and syllable accents, Lithuanian intonations have been studied less. It has been observed that some individuals sometimes replace declarative intonation with quasi-interrogative intonation (Плакунова Т., 1974, с. 11). This is not the norm in Lithuanian or Russian: such substitution is conditioned by social factors and the situation. Among the possible intonational differences between the two languages, one may mention that pauses are made somewhat more often in Russian sentences than in Lithuanian ones. 5. Conclusion. A study of the phonological systems of Lithuanian and Russian makes it possible to compare all the phonemes, as well as the alphabets of these languages (the latter is relevant at the very beginning of instruction) (see Table 4). Literary Lithuanian has 54 sounds, corresponding to 41 in literary Russian (excluding sound combinations). Of the 40 sounds in Lithuanian ([b b’ c c’ č č’ d<d’ f f’ h h’ ch ch’>g g’ k k’ l l’ m m’ n n’ p p’ r r’ s s’ š š’ t<t’>v v’ z z’ ž ž’]), 34 resemble Russian sounds [б б’ ц ч’ д д’ 4 These properties, as well as the subtle differences between Lithuanian and Russian vowels, consonants (especially palatalized ones), stress, and intonation, should be verified experimentally. 170 Table 4. Comparison of the phonological systems and alphabets of the Lithuanian and Russian languages Lithuanian Russian Correspondence of letter phoneme phoneme letter A a | a· | | a | | а | A a | A ą „ „ „ „ B b | b | | b’ | | б | | б’ | Б б | C c | c | | c’ | | ц | — Ц ц | Č č | č | | č’ | — | ч’ | Ч ч | D d | d | 〈d’〉 | д | | д’ | Д д | E e | e· | | e | (a’) 〈Я я〉 | Ę ę „ — „ „ Ė ė e· — (э) Э э | F f 〈f〉 〈f’〉 | ф | | ф’ | Ф ф + G g | g | | g’ | | г | | г’ | Г г + H h 〈h〉 〈h’〉 — — — — I i | i· | | i | | и | · И и | Į į „ — „ „ Y y „ — „ „ J j — | j’ | (й) Й й | K k | k | | k’ | | к | | к’ | К к + L l | l | | l’ | | л | | л’ | Л л + M m | m | | m’ | | м | | м’ | М м + N n | n | | n’ | | н | | н’ | Н н + O o | o· | 〈o〉 | о | О о | P p | p | | p’ | | п | | п’ | П п + R r | r | | r’ | | р | | р’ | Р р + S s | s | | s’ | | с | | с’ | С с + Š š | š | | š’ | | ш | Ш ш | T t | t | 〈t’〉 | т | | т’ | Т т | U u | u | — | y | У у | Ų ų | u· | „ „ | Ū ū „ „ „ | V v | v | | v’ | | в | | в’ | В в | Z z | z | | z’ | | з | | з’ | З з + Ž ž | ž | | ž’ | | ж | — Ж ж | CH ch 〈ch〉 〈ch’〉 | х | | х’ | Х х + Note. Three types of correspondence are distinguished: full (+), partial (|), and absence of the given phoneme (—). 171 x x’ ə ə’ k k’ l l’ m m’ n n’ p p’ c c’ u m m’ в в’ з з’ ж; the 11 vowel sounds of Lithuanian / aː a eː e iː i oː o uː u / correspond only partially, phonetically, to the 5 sounds of Russian / a <э> u o y /. For the 28 Lithuanian phonemes / b b’ c c’ d g g’ k k’ l l’ m m’ n n’ p r r’ s s’ t v v’ z z’ ž /, there are counterparts in Russian; for the vowel phonemes / i u o a / these are only partial (phonetically somewhat different), while the phonemes / i eː u o c’ č š’ ž’ / have no equivalents. As for the orthography of Lithuanian and Russian, of the 64 uppercase and lowercase letters in the Lithuanian alphabet, 3 coincide with Russian letters in sound equivalent and handwritten form, 18 letters in both languages have the same shape but denote different sounds, and so on (see Vanagaitė I., 1978, pp. 19—21). Исследование русской речи студентов показало (Меркене Н. А., 1981, с. 87—90), что 59% всех ошибок произношения составляет неверное произношение безударного / e /, примерно 57 — ошибки по глухости—звонкости согласных, 29 — ошибки по твердости—мягкости согласных, 20 — безударные / o / и 9% — произношение двойных согласных. В русской речи литовцев-школьников больше всего ошибок встречается в произношении безударных гласных и твердых—мягких согласных (Neseckienė I., 1980, с. 75). Большинство перечисленных ошибок возникает из-за несовпадения звуков литовского и русского языков и несовпадения в русском языке правописания с произношением. В связи с приближением произношения к письму на протяжении последних десятилетий оформилось новомосковское произношение. Наряду с нейтральным и разговорным стилями русского языка существует книжный (высокий) стиль, который характеризуется ослабленной редукцией безударных гласных и т. п. Words whose meanings coincide in Lithuanian and Russian but whose forms differ in part pose a particular difficulty for speakers. These may be international words (literatūra — литература, autobusas — автобус, alfabetas — алфавит, himnas — гимн, technikumas — техникум), geographical names (Rumunija — Румыния, Austrija — Австрия, Arābija — Аравия, Bukareštas — Бухарест, Olandija — Голландия), literary words that are related by origin or borrowed (knyga, accusative knygą — книга, blynas — блин, bėda — беда), and dialectal barbarisms (bliūdas “bowl” — блюдо). In such words, vowels, consonants, and stress in the second language are often pronounced as in the speaker’s native language. In proper names of localities, following the pattern of the native language, not only stress and the quality of the corresponding phonemes are rendered, but also their quantity, syllabic accents, palatalization or lack thereof, and so on; cf.: Panevėžys “Панявежис,” Kaunas “Каунас” (it differs from kaūnas “fights”), Šir’vintos “Ширвинтос.” On the basis of a comparison of the phonological systems of Lithuanian and Russian, some observations can also be made concerning transcription from Lithuanian into Russian. In Russian texts, the vowel / e / in Lithuanian proper names is still often represented as / e /, and ie as ие, although it is more justifiable to transcribe them as Russian я, е (cf. Ul’niadis K., 1981, pp. 28—32). 172 It would be advisable to transcribe the Lithuanian vowel /e/ and diphthong ei at the beginning of a word and after vowels not as э, эй, but as э, ай (as after consonants as well, since the quality of the phonemes of the Lithuanian literary language does not depend on position). In all positions, the vowel /ė/ can be rendered as Russian /е/ or э: э is less similar to /ė/ (although it is used instead of /ė/ in Eastern Lithuanian dialects), but in that case Lithuanian /ė/ is not confused with ie. These two sounds can distinguish words: kėlė “he lifted” – kielė “wagtail” (cf. Garšva K., Trifonovas J., 1977, p. 30–31). When rendering the Lithuanian combinations ja, ju, the Russian letters я, ю are used, so the combination jo should be transcribed with the available Russian letter ё. For example, if we transcribe Janina as Янина (not Йанина), Juozas as Юозас (not Йуозас), then it would also be advisable to write Jōnas, Nijolė as Ёнас, Ниёле́ (rather than Йонас, Нийоле)⁵. СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ Вайткавичюте В. Некоторые артикуляционные различия звуков литовского и русского языков. – Tarybinė mokykla, 1973, Nr. 3. Ванагайте Н. Формирование первоначальных навыков орфографии. – Русский язык в школе, 1978, № 5. Гаршва К. Развитие двуязычия в Литовской ССР. – Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai, A serija, 1982, t. 3. Йовайшас В. Об орфоэпическом минимуме для школ с литовским языком обучения. – В кн.: Вопросы обучения русскому языку в средней школе. Каунас, 1979. Лауринавичене М., Хмеляускене Г. Грамматика русского языка (IX–X кл.). – Каунас, 1981. Ломтев Т. П. Фонология современного русского языка. – М., 1972. Меркене Н. А. Проблема функционирования русского языка в сфере высшего образования (на материале Литовской ССР): Канд. дис. – М., 1981. Михальченко В. Ю. Типологические особенности литовского и русского языков. – В кн.: Развитие национально-русского двуязычия. М., 1976. Пирогова А. К. Русское литературное произношение. – М., 1970. Плакунова Т. Артикуляционная база русского языка (в сопоставлении с литовским). – В кн.: Kalbos garsai ir melodika. V., 1978. Плакунова Т. Некоторые черты русского произношения в г. Вильнюсе. – Mūsų kalba, 1974, Nr. 9. Русская грамматика. – М., 1980, т. 1. Русский язык: Энциклопедия. – М., 1979. Степанов Ю. С. О зависимости понятия фонемы от понятия слога при синхронном описании и исторической реконструкции. – ВЯ, 1975, № 5. Ульвидас К. Решение вопросов русско-литовской и литовско-русской транскрипции в Литовской ССР. – Русский язык в школе. 1981, № 2. Урбелене Я. Долгие гласные современного литовского литературного языка: Автореф. канд. дис. – Вильнюс, 1967. Федянина Н. А. Ударение в современном русском языке. – М., 1976. Garšva K., Trifonovas J. Lietuvių vietovardžių tarimo ypatybės Šiaulių raj. rusų senbuvių šnektoje. – Mūsų kalba, 1977, Nr. 6. 5 Автор выражает глубокую благодарность доц. А. Гирденису, доц. Т. Е. Плакуновой и проф. Ю. С. Степанову за критические замечания и ценные советы. 173 Girdenis A. Fonologija. – V., 1981. Laigonaitė A. Lietuvių kalbos akcentologija. – V., 1978. Nesekienė I. Apie lietuvių ir rusų kalbų fonetinių reiškinių gretinimą mokant tarimo. – Kn.: Mokymo ir auklėjimo klausimai. V., 1980. Strimaitienė M. Lietuvių ir anglų priebalsių junginiai rišliuos tekstuose ir žodyne. – Kalbotyra, 1981, t. 32 (1). Zinkevičius Z. Lietuvių kalbos dialektologija. – V., 1978. K. GARŠVA LIETUVIŲ IR RUSŲ KALBŲ FONOLOGINIŲ SISTEMŲ GRETINIMAS Reziumė Šiame straipsnyje gretinami svarbesnieji lietuvių ir rusų literatūrinių kalbų fonologinių sistemų reiškiniai: fonemos (balsiai, priebalsiai), skiemenų struktūra, prozodemos (kirtis ir kt.). Pateikiamos ir kai kurios lietuvių kalbos tarmių ypatybės, artimesnės rusų kalbai. Dvidešimt aštuonioms lietuvių kalbos fonemoms (b b’ c č d d’ g g’ k k’ l l’ m m’ n n’ p p’ r r’ s s’ š t t’ v z z’ ž) rusų kalboje yra panašūs atitikmenys. Fonemų (i u a o ai) atitikmenys rusų kalboje fonetiškai skiriasi jau daugiau. Aštuonioms fonemoms (i’ e’ u’ o’ c’ č’ š’ ž’) rusų kalboje nėra ekvivalentų. Rusų kalbos žodžio pradžioje yra dvigubai daugiau priebalsių junginių, nes, juos sudarant, vartojama daugiau priebalsių ir jie gali eiti laisvesne tvarka. Iš 39 priebalsių junginių, galimų lietuvių kalbos žodžio pradžioje, 35 vartojami ir rusų kalboje. Dviskiemeniuose–septynskiemeniniuose lietuvių kalbos žodžiuose būna apie 12 kirčio schemų (kirčiuotų ir nekirčiuotų skiemenų kombinacijų), rusų kalboje – apie 8 (iš jų lietuvių kalboje yra 5). Palyginus su lietuvių kalbos kirčiuotėmis, rusų kalbos dalių schemų yra maždaug dvigubai daugiau. Abiejose kalbose yra tik viena bendra kirčiavimo schema: kai visose žodžio formose kirčiuojamas tas pats skiemuo. Lietuvių kalboje dar yra ir dviejų priegaidžių (akūto ir cirkumflekso) opozicija. K. GARŠVA COMPARISON OF THE PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEMS OF LITHUANIAN AND RUSSIAN Summary In this article the author compares more significant phenomena of the phonological systems of the Lithuanian and the Russian languages: phonemes (vocals, consonants), the structure of syllables, prosodemes (stress etc.). The article presents some features of Lithuanian dialects, which are closely related to the Russian language. There are similar equivalents in Russian for 28 Lithuanian phonemes: l b b’ c č d d’ g g’ k k’ l’ m m’ n n’ p p’ r r’ s s’ š t v z z’ ž. Equivalents of the phonemes i u a o ai in the Russian language phonetically are more different. For 8 Lithuanian phonemes [i’ e’ u’ o’ c’ č’ š’ ž’] there are no equivalents. At the beginning of the Russian word there are twice as many consonant clusters, because when composing them more consonants are employed, which may go in more free order. Of 39 consonant clusters, which are possible at the beginning of the Lithuanian word, 35 are used in Russian. As compared with Lithuanian stress paradigms, there are twice as many stress schemes of parts of speech in Russian. There is only one common stress scheme in both languages: when the same syllable in all forms of the word is stressed. Solely, in the Lithuanian language the opposition of two syllable accents (the acute and the circumflex) exists.