Įvairūs morfoneminiai dialektizmai šiaurės rytų žemaičių dūnininkų šnektose

MOKSLO KALBOS KULTŪROS IR TERMINOLOGIJOS PROBLEMOS LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, XXIV (1985) VYTAUTAS VITKAUSKAS VARIOUS MORPHONEMIC DIALECTAL FEATURES IN THE NORTHEASTERN SAMOGITIAN DŪNININKAI DIALECTS Some morphonemic dialectal features of Samogitian dialects spoken around Kuršėnai, Vidsodis, Pāvandenė, Viekšnaliai, Užventis, and elsewhere have already been discussed¹. Here we consider a further set of various words whose stems, suffixes, or prefixes contain formative sounds that cannot be explained by a regular, systematic sound change. These are cases in which the dialects have a different word stem, a suffix or prefix containing a different derivational element (a word may have acquired a particular non-etymological sound or may in some way preserve a remnant of an ancient sound law that has already broken down in the dialects). 1. Morphonemic dialectal features with the vowel i: In the Samogitian Dūnininkai dialects examined here, the vowel i: is of two origins: it corresponds to Ik y (vī˙rs / ū˙rs ~ ūyras, grī˙na ~ grynā, li˙nuoti / li˙nuo-te ~ lynoti, etc.) and to the diphthong ie (i˙na / i˙na ~ iena, ui˙nc / u˙nc ~ vienas, šū˙sa ~ šviesā, ži˙dā.ms / ži˙dā.ms ~ žiedāms², and so on). However, in the dialects described, the vowel i: in place of the Ik diphthong ie is found throughout Samogitia and, in certain cases, even among neighboring Western Aukštaitians. Considering the Samogi- 1 Vitkauskas V. Šiaurės rytų žemaičių dūnininkų kai kurie morfoneminiai dialektizmai.— LKK 1977, t. 17, p. 97—108. 2For the southern Samogitian ie>i(i), see Girdenis A. Ką turi dūnininkai vietoj literatūrinės kalbos ie, uo.— Baltistica, 1970, t. 6(2), p. 143—144; Bukantis J. Pietų žemaičių diftongoidų i(i), u(u) (Ik ie, uo) fonetinės ypatybės.— Kalbotyra, 1979, t. 30(1), p. 23—31, but cf. Grinaveckienė E. Dėl poros fonetinių reikšmių interpretacijos.— LKK, 1977, t. 17, p. 209—210. In this case, it can be said with certainty that i˙ ~ y and i˙ ~ ie probably do not differ phonemically (this was established by interviewing more than one educated speaker from those places who knows the dialect well). There are grammatical differences, too, but given how these dialects have “escaped” or are “escaping” homonyms such as dī˙us ~ dīvas and di˙us ~ dievas, kli˙nc / kli˙nc ~ klienas “slender” and bli˙nc ~ blūnas, etc., one may perhaps more confidently choose the old, traditional dialect variant ie>i:. It is a pity that those articles do not indicate which vowel is pronounced by Dūnininkai in the aforementioned Samogitian words with i:, u: in place of Ik ie, uo (the slips submitted for diploma theses, the Lithuanian Language Atlas collections, and the LKŽ card index show that students here also hear ž(i), u(u): mi(i)ls / mi(i)ls “dear,” gerā(a)s'us “the good ones,” and even šōnimi(i)žis from šun+myžis). Much is said about this, so those who hear a different phoneme, or at least an allophone, here should check these cases particularly carefully and firmly establish all the distinctions. 252 Considering all the subdialects and dialects as a single historically formed linguistic unit that later split apart, and having found words pronounced with i· among these Donininkai (Western Samogitians) and Dounininkai (Northern Samogitians) also in the Dūnininkai (Southern Samogitian) dialects, one may suppose that here, too, the vowel i· ~ y existed from ancient times, rather than i·<ie, that is, not i· = ie. Word stems. There are not many such examples: gi·dra “clear weather” Krš, Užv, Pvn, Vkšn, gi·dras, gi·drā “clear” Vrp, Krš, Pvn, Užv, prā·gi·drā·lis “a clearing in the clouds” Pvn, Vkšn, prūogi·dra “a clearing in the clouds” Drv, Krš, prūogi·dru-lis “a clearing in the clouds” Vds (cf. northern Samogitian gi·dra Als, Ub, Trš, gi·dras Vkš, Pp, Rdn, Tlš, gi·dros Als, Vrd, Vvr); li·tūs / li·tòs “rain,” li·tuoc / li·tuoc / li·tūoc “rainy,” li·tinks “rainy” Krš, Vrp, cf. nearly all Western Aukštaitian li·tūs / li·tus, all Dounininkai—Northern Samogitian li·tos, li·tūoc, etc.; all Donininkai—Western Samogitian li·tos / li·tūs, etc.; see also LKŽ VII 593—596, where the following words are given: lýtingas “rainy”—also from the dialects of former Prussian Lithuania; lytinis “fallen as rain,” lýtotas “rainy,” lýtotie “while it is raining,” lýtpaltitis “raincoat,” lýtuotas “rainy,” lytùs “rain”—these are attested in the writings of M. Daukša and J. Bretkūnas; lýtva “rain,” lýtuas “rainy,” lýtuotas “rainy” (here one should only question whether Šaukėnai li·tàsis vies should be reconstructed as lietàsis LKŽ VII 437, if we relate that word to lietumi, ly-tumi); mi·ls / mi·lūs “dear” Krš, Drv, Vrp / mi·ls / mi·lòs Pvn, Vkšn, Užv, cf. all Dounininkai mi·ls / mi·lòs “dear,” all Donininkai mi·ls / mi·ls “same”; cf. the words listed in LKŽ VIII 184—185: mylai “it is easy enough, if only,” mýlait “easy enough,” mýlas “dear, everyone, beloved,” mylasirdystė “compassion,” LKŽ VIII 200—201 mylùs “dear” (the transcription of Karklėnai mi·laširdì·sti as mielasirdystė is highly dubious—LKŽ VIII 145; ri·di·ti / ri·di·te / ri·di·te “incite to quarrel, make quarrelsome, carry out” (cf. ri·di·t’ Skn, Grz, Sl, Žg, Mšk, ri·di·te Pp; sorì·de būobas / uo pãtė jaũkà·s, ri·di·te Ms, Šts, Vkš, Trk, Trš, Rdn, Jdr, Vvr, Latvian rīdīt; the form suriedinti from Gardamas in LKŽ XI 552 is doubtful, since there it is pronounced ri·di·te, as by those Samogitians whose similar, equivalent pronunciation is transcribed as rū-dyti—LKŽ XI 539; there is also a transcription error for Kruopiai rėduti, although the local Aukštaitians pronounce ri·di·t’, while the Samogitians say ri·di·te; žù·ginti / žù·gìnte / žù·gi·nte “make someone squeal, shriek, or cry (especially children)”—cf. also Western Aukštaitian žù·gint’ Skn, Grz, Sl, Žg, Samogitian Dounininkai žù·gi·nte Klk, Rdn, Trš, Žr, Jdr, Vvr, PP—“how they make those children squeal,” etc.); ži·duli·s “flower cluster,” ži·dulìnis “of a flower cluster” Krš, Drv, cf. ži·duoli·s Grz, Mažeikiai, Rakañdžiai village, Skn, Žg, ži·doule Dr—LKT 69, ži·du.lė “flower clusters” Rdn, Trš, Ub, etc. All these words unquestionably have a different vowel in the stem due to dialectal apophony, and are therefore characteristic dialectal features of Samogitians and Western Aukštaitians (at least of some of them). Word suffixes. Sometimes, in the suffixes too, the dialectal vowel i· corresponds to 1k ie (as in those Samogitian dialects—Dounininkai and Donininkai—in which there is no phonetic law ie>i·). For example, uuoki·tis / uuoki·ti·s, uuoki·ti / uuoki·te “German man, German woman,” hybrid uuoki·tka “German woman,” uuoki·tkape· / uuoki·tkapė· “Ger- 253 “German, generally a Lutheran cemetery,” “a poor, fake German”; cf. vókietis / vókietis / v(u)o.kití·s / voki-tí·s and so on—all Dounininkai dialects; vó·ki·tis / vó·ki·tis / vó·ki·ti·s / vo·kì·te—all Donininkai dialects; cf. also vó·ki·tõks “little German” in Prk, Pė-žaičiai village—LKT 142, vo·ki·tė·je “Germany” in Sg, Kin, Slu (sometimes in dictionaries the Samogitian vókytys, vókytyš is also replaced by k with vokiečiu; see vokiečiu in Sts—LKŽ V 70, vokietis in Sts—LKŽ VI 481, although such inconsistencies in the volumes of LKŽ have now almost disappeared); š’aulì·tis / š’aulì·tis “a resident of the Šiauliai district or city; generally, a representative of the northern Western Aukštaitian dialects,” š’aulì·tù·ti / š’aulì·tù·te “to speak in a northern Western Aukštaitian dialect,” š’au-li·tìškas “characteristic of the Šiauliai region” in Krš, Vrp (cf. š’aulì·tis “also” in Rdn, Pp, Trš, Ub, Akm, Lk, Eig, Tl, š’aulì(·)tõute “to speak like an Aukštaitian” in Pp, Šiaudinė, Trš, Ub, Lk); “nauji·nà ‘news, information,’ nauji·nininki ‘a woman who knows a lot of news’” in Krš, Vrp. (Cf. the Northern Western Aukštaitian nauji·nà in StngŽ 26, SmIn, the Dounininkai form “nauji·nà, and the Donininkai nauji·na in Krg, Klp, Plik, etc.; cf. also the words naujynà “news,” naujynininkas, -ė “someone who keeps up with the news” given in LKŽ VIII 588);³ derivatives with the suffix -ynė: k’au-šì·ni / k’auši·ne “egg dish,” kunkùolì·ni / kunkùolì·ne “dumpling soup,” klec-kì·ni / kleckì·ne “potato dumpling soup,” lapì·ni / lapì·ne “beet-leaf soup,” ru·kštìeli·ni / ru·kštìeli·ne “sorrel soup,” u·gì·ni / u·gì·ne “fireweed soup,” žìrni·ni / žernì·ne “pea soup,” etc. (cf. k’auši·ne / k’auši·ne, kunkuo-lì·ne / kankùolì·ne, lapì·ne, etc., throughout the Dounininkai and Donininkai dialects, whose data are consistently transcribed everywhere, unlike the Dunininkai dialects, where -ynė is often mistaken for -ienė because of ie>i: kiaušinė in Trg, Krš—LKŽ V 712, but kiaušynė in Sv; kleckienė in Sv, Up—LKŽ VI 24, but kleckynė in Krkl, Ll—ibid., klekšelienė in Lkv—LKŽ VI 43, kunkulienė in Krš—LKŽ VI 900 (in that dialect there is only kunkulì·ni ~ kankolynė), etc. Given this kind of primary stress on the suffixes -yna, -ynė, -ytis, -ė, it is difficult in this case to apply the idea expressed somewhat earlier by prominent scholars, that “in morphemes that are never stressed, Eastern Baltic *o, e ~ ilks uo, ie have become u, i or uᵃ, iᵃ in this dialect.”⁴ In this case, a different vowel forming the suffixes is probably involved (cf. also the suffixes -ynė distinguished by V. Urbutis—LKG I 360: balandynė, bulbynė, duonynė, etc.—and -ytis, -ė—LKG I 414: šiaulytis, vógytis, veliuonytis). Word prefixes. Just as the preposition (and prefix) nu· / nu has a distinctive vowel u· / u throughout Samogitia, so prie, prieš (and the prefixes prie-, prieš-) have a different vowel, i·. All the dialects, including those described here, say pri· / pri, pri·š / priš.⁵ The word prieš also occurs as an adverb, pronounced pri·š / pri·š in the dialects under discussion (variants pri·ša·s / pri·ša·s, pri·šo). In exactly the same way (pri·š, pri·- ⁶ In this case, the Samogitian naujynà may also have a Slavic suffix; cf. Polish nowina. Moreover, the word meaning ‘ploughing’ is pronounced differently in Samogitian: Dounininkai “naujėina / ną.u.fėina, Donininkai—naujėna.” ⁴ Girdenis A., Zulys V. [Rec.] — Baltistica, 1972, t. 8(2), p. 200. ⁵ Zinkevičius Z. Lietuvių dialektologija.— V., 1966, p. 85. 254 šā:s) is pronounced everywhere in the Donininkai dialects. Donininkai use piː / pi (as these dialects are dying out, it now seems to be heard less often); in Juodkrantė, pie (from a Latvian dialect); and in Rusnė, in 1958, a certain tense syllable vowel was heard, pronounced ė (pė). Throughout Samogitia (and the dialects described here are no exception), there are very many nominal forms with prefixes that are usually stressed: pri-, pri-š- (Donininkai piː, in Rusnė pė-: piːėdis, piːnumis “front porch,” pėːbruka / piːbroka “porch”). For example, priːauks / priːauks / priːa.uks “an animal that is growing, a young animal,” priːbrauks “porch” in Vds, Užv, priːbruka “same” in Drv, Krš, priːbriekšma / priːbriešma / priːbriekšma “a room in front,” priːburs “a spell” in Drv, priːdievini s / priːdievinis “a change of clothes,” priːjiedis / priːjiedis / priːjiedis “overeating, a meal”: tas rūːkiːms ne priːjiedis, uo ūːraː nelˈaːunaːs in Krš, priːgrinc / priːgrinc / priːgri.nc “a small porch,” priːtvirtini / priːtvertene “urinary or bowel retention,” and many others. The following forms apparently became assimilated to these later: priːdaː / priːdaː “additions” (cf. prēːdāː in Sg, Prk, prēic in Zd, Skd, Ms, Vkš, Pp), prˈkāːls “an anvil” in Krš (but cf. preikā.ls in Pvn, Vkšn, preikā.ls in Drv); priːšinks / priːšinks / priːši.nks “opposite,” priːšininki / priːši.ninke “the poorer end of a house,” priːšpilnis / priːšpilnis / priːšpō.lnis “the day before the day before a feast,” priːšpriːšėːs / priːšpriːšėːs “opposite one another,” etc. It sometimes happens (quite often in the western dialects described here) that the dialectal pri- is used instead of the pri- of Ik and the Aukštaitian dialects: priːsimė.rkielis “someone who cannot see well” in Pvn, Vkšn, priːsisprūogielė “drunkards” in Pvn, Vkšn, Užv, priːsirijielis in Vrp, priːsituātinims “drunkenness” in Krš, etc. This phenomenon is rapidly disappearing: around Kuršėnai, it is now almost no longer heard with this pronunciation, whereas around 1955–1960, when there were many people born back in the nineteenth century and not subject to the influence of Ik, forms such as priːsigierielis, priːtrā.ukims “an urge,” and even priːplaikūms “pleasure” could often be heard. Some Aukštaitian dialects, not only all Samogitian dialects, also have derivatives with the prefixes pri-, priš-. a) F. Kurschat’s works show that Western Aukštaitians in Prussian Lithuania used forms such as prȳangis K (cf. also priangį BBPs84,2, RB2Moz.27,9), prȳdaržė K, pryjega K, prymoterė “concubine” K II 42, prȳkalba K, pryša-kys K, pryšokiais K, prȳtamsa K, prȳupė “tributary” K II 88, prȳvarta K II 73, pryžada “a promise” K, etc. Similar forms are also found in other dictionaries of that period: prȳangis R, prȳblindė MZ 29, N, prȳdėlis N, priš N, pryšakinis R, pryžeda R 388, N, etc. The form prȳturtinė “constipation” was also recorded by Jurkšaitis (Jrk 51). The words priːšpietei “a mid-morning meal,” priːuā.r.te “a place by the gate” are recorded in the so-called fishermen’s dialect in Prussia (Stngž 88). b) Quite a number of similar forms are used in all present-day Western Aukštaitian dialects. For example, priːšakiːs / priːšakiːs “front part” among almost all Western Aukštaitians, priːžeda “hearth” in Grz, Sk, Btg, Zp, priːžadā “same” in Lks, Plv, Dkš, Gdl, priːžeda “same” in Jnš, Mšk, Pkp, Btg, Bb, Vnd, Krm, Pnmž, priːžedā “same” in Ar, Grš, Kbr, Gž, Kps, Klvr, Lbv (and among the Western Dzūkian—Southern Aukštaitian dialects around Rūdamina, Lazdijai, Būdvietis, and Šlavantai), 255 Cf. LKA I 43—44 (Comments), where other forms from various Aukštaitian dialects are also given: prįžieda, prižieda, prįžadas, prį. c) Similar facts have also been observed in Eastern Aukštaitian dialects. For example, pri·šak’s6 Jnšk, Grš, Zml, pri·šaki’s Kp (nj.?), pri·klėt’s ‘porch’ Zml (Lauksodis to the east), pri·kaki’s ‘a certain part of an old-fashioned oven’ Pš, Lnkv, Všk, Slč, Pmp, pri·taisa ‘some kind of apparatus, device’ Ds, Rš, Vdš, etc. Forms such as pri·blondu ‘twilight’ Er, Rm, Ul, Vel, pri·valgīs ‘eating one’s fill’ Bsg, Srv, Pn, Rm, pri·varžu ‘constraint’ Rm, etc., should probably also be assigned to this case. The vowel i· is pronounced essentially in all Samogitian subdialects in this case; consequently, it may have existed here even before the Samogitian dialect split (cf. evidence from the writings of M. Mažvydas: prisch tawa szadi Mž 56, norandijk prischtarauiencius Mž 51). Moreover, as we see, this also occurs in some Western Aukštaitian and even Eastern Aukštaitian dialects. It is thought that this vowel i· arose from the diphthong ie through proclisis⁷, but it seems we could regard this as a different vowel arising through ablaut, as in the roots and suffixes of the words mentioned earlier—especially since the adverb pri·š / pri·š (and particularly pri·šaˑs / pri·ša·s) may often lack proclisis altogether. Enclisis or proclisis need not necessarily have caused pri·š, pri· (pi·; with enclisis, in the eastern Samogitian dialects described here and neighboring dialects, priš, pri·) to arise almost uniformly in all Samogitian dialects and many Aukštaitian dialects from the diphthong ie. Cf. also the unstressed long e>ie>e of present-day Dounininkai—Northern Samogitians (an intermediate sound between e and i) || (i)e: mestėlē·~ miesteliai, g(i)erimā·~ gėrimai, v(i)elē·k||vėlė·k ‘again’ Brs, Sd, Nv, etc. Of course, enclisis may have contributed to some extent, but what determined it here was the ablaut mentioned above, as in stressed word positions (see the examples above). The prefixes pri-, priš- (pri-, priš-), with a formative vowel i· (i) of not entirely clear origin, probably the result of vowel alternation, as in the words lytūtis, lytotas, gydārā, vōkytis, vōkytė, etc., form a whole group of dialectal forms used in all Samogitian dialects without exception and in some Aukštaitian dialects (especially Western, and sometimes even Eastern). Linguistic works sometimes show uncertainty on this point. For example, Klaipėda pi·bėga is transcribed as prībėga LKŽ X 623, Šaugai pi·brauka as priebrauka LKŽ X 624, ant priekalo ‘on the anvil’ is given for Krtn (=preikalo) LKŽ X 644, prie (= pry) Vur — LKŽ II¹ 1100, prie (= pry) Grg — LKŽ II¹ 1100, prie (= pri) Žlp — LKŽ II¹ 1101, prie to (= py to) Rsn — LKK XVII 19, prie (= pri) pono Vks — LKŽ VI 623, prie (= pri) žmogaus Plt — LKŽ VI 632, etc. These are undoubtedly merely dialectal forms rendered into standard Lithuanian, not their transcription. The pri of the Eastern Aukštaitian Panevėžys dialects (the Mūša river basin) and other dialects (e.g. Kėdainiai, Ukmergė, Anykščiai, etc.) should not be transcribed in Samogitian form. 6 The apostrophe here denotes the unclear, barely audible murmured vowel of the so-called Mūša river-basin dialects. 7 Zinkevičius Z. Min. work, pp. 424, 426. 256 pri, since in this case the i in these dialects (sometimes pronounced as a widened vowel resembling the corresponding Samogitian sound) arose regularly in an unstressed position from the diphthong ie; therefore, the following words have been transposed incorrectly: pridienauti (=priedienauti) Krč — LKŽ X 612, pridienis (=priedienis) Lnkv, Pmp, Kri, Dj, Sml — LKŽ X 612, pri (=prie) Bsg — LKŽ X 903. A similar case is prė, which has ė from ie through enclisis: prė (=prie) Jrb — LKŽ II ¹ 1101, prė (=prie) VIkv, Prn, Skn, Sk — LKŽ X 614 (there, prie VIkv — LKŽ X 615 is also written interchangeably), prėš (=prieš) Lp, Prn, Dv, Skn — LKŽ X 606. 2. Morphonemic dialectal features involving the dialects’ diphthong uo In these dialects, as in all Samogitian dūnininkai and dounininkai dialects, the diphthong uo, from old Baltic long a, corresponds to the vowel o in the literary language: brūolis / brūolis ~ brólis, skuolì·ti / skuolì·te ~ skōlyti ‘to lend’, skuolinì·nka / skuolinì·nkā ~ skolininkai, šakūos / šakūos ~ šakōs, and so on. There are also certain exceptions to this sound law. Word roots. The diphthong uo, corresponding in these dialects to literary-language uo rather than to the vowel o, has been noted in the word kuopti / kuōpti / kuōpte ‘to eat greedily, to tidy up, to clean; to accumulate’ ⁸; cf. literary-language and many Aukštaitian dialects’ kuōpti. Another root containing the ‘Samogitian’ diphthong uo occurs in the words druobūžis / druobu.žis ‘clothing’, gruomuūn.ta ‘crumbs, clods’ Drv, Krš, ruokuūn.di ‘rakes’ Krš, Vrp, zuoksūote / zuoksūote ‘to gape, to stare vacantly’. This is another vowel used in forming these roots. Word suffixes. The diphthong uo is pronounced in the suffix -uoklis, -i (-e), which corresponds to the literary-language suffix -uoklis, -ė (‘derivatives with this suffix denote names for those who possess a verbal characteristic’ — V. Urbutis, LKG I 327): pā·karuoklis, pā·karuokli / pā·karuoklis, pā·karuole ‘one who has hanged himself, hanged man’, ā·džinduoklis, ā·džinduokli ‘a weaned person, a person with evil eyes’ Drv, Krš, Vrp, nē·viešuoklis, nē·viešuokli / nē·viešuoklis, nē·viešuokle ‘a weak person or animal, as if at the end of their strength’, užmiršuoklis, užmiršuokli ‘one who constantly forgets, a forgetful person’ Drv, Krš. Nouns denoting things have conformed to these forms: sausūoklis ‘a dry tree’ Drv, Krš, pākabuoklis / pā·kabūoklis ‘a hanger’ ⁹. A similar pattern occurs in several other words: sausūolis Drv / sausūolis ‘a dried-up tree, a dry tree’, senūolis / senūolis ‘an ancestor, an old person’, vā·buols / vā·buols ‘a beetle’; cf. the Sakūnai, Gruzdžiai, Žagarė forms vā·buols10 (now in Samogitian dialects vā·buols / vā·buols, very much under the influence of schooling 8 The history and geographical distribution of this verb are examined in S. Karaliūnas’s study “On the History of Lithuanian io-Stem Verbs.” — LKK, 1973, vol. 14, pp. 75–77. 9 For analogous cases in Western Aukštaitian, see Jonaitytė A. Words with irregular phonetics in the Western Aukštaitian dialects of the Palatvė region and their origin. — LKK, 1972, vol. 13, pp. 33–39. 10 Jonaitytė A. Cited article, p. 39. 17 Užsak. Nr. 1007 257 is disappearing—in some localities it is recounted only by the oldest speakers of the dialect). Those individual cases in which in similar forms of the dialects uo is also pronounced uo may have arisen not only due to distinctive word formation characteristic of the dialects, but also because of differing dialectal contacts. The Samogitian dialects described are peripheral; contacts with Western Aukštaitians (Šiauliai speakers) were very intensive, so there are quite a number of shared features. These dialects also have the following characteristic: when they adopt a new word from lk or Aukštaitian dialects, they often do not alter its vocalism according to their own phonetic laws, but merely adapt it slightly. This applies especially to the diphthong uo (and also ie) in the roots of various words. Sometimes an old dialect word, in areas bordering Aukštaitian speakers, also begins to be pronounced in a new way, without changing uo to u: sruoga, paguoda, etc. This new uo cannot in any way be transposed as o; consequently, the word srōga from Kuršėnai is an unattested form 11. The Samogitians did not have the word ruošis; having learned it recently, they pronounce it rūoštį:s / rūoštī:s; they are even said to have the word rūošininkę in Užv; sometimes they newly say ruošā / ruošō, but all these words are entirely foreign to the dialect and its phonetics. Since LKŽ XI 972 gives ruošą from Skuodas without any qualification, LKŽ XI 974 ruošti from Kuliai and Luokė, and LKŽ XI 974 ruošininką, -ę from Užventis, etc., one might form all sorts of ideas about the geographical distribution of the ruoš- root, which covers only Aukštaitian dialects. Since long ago, these and other Samogitians have said ė-je api˙uoka / api˙uoka, ži˙gė˙uos / ži˙gė˙uōs. Nowadays, in the first grade of school, Samogitian children learn ruoš-tis, which they sometimes also use in everyday life, never converting the root uo into their dialects’ u’ or ou. There are also entirely opposite cases, where a Samogitian diphthong uo is likewise transposed as uo in lk; for example, in Palanga and Telšiai skūopte ‘to chisel, to pick’, and in Kražiai skūopti, appear in scholarly works in the form skūobti12. The Samogitian senūolis ~ senōlis likewise cannot in any way be transposed as senūolis (cf. senuolis S11 — LKŽ VI 25, LKŽ VI 129). This was done without any sound scientific basis. An exactly similar phenomenon characterizes these dialects: in new words and later borrowings, the diphthong ie is not converted to i˙ (doumininkų ei), but adapted to the phonetics of the dialect (as is the case in almost all Samogitian dialects)—that is, pronounced ie: viēdras / viēdras, miēsc / miēsc, griēks / griēks, sviēc / sviēc, kriēns / kriēns, liētā, paviētrī / paviētre, sviedinīs, siēla / siēla, diēvas / diēvas, viētinis / viētinis, viēšas / viēšas, di˙vāl’au / di˙vāl’ā.u, su˙sti / su˙ste, vī˙ta, vī˙tininks /vī˙tinį.nks, niēruo / niēruā, cigarīec / cēgariēc, etc. (but vi˙škelis, ‘nerves’, ‘cigarette’, and so on). If the later diphthong ie in these words is taken to be the old Samogitian ie, descended from the old long Baltic ē, ¹¹ Zr. K a r a l i ū n a s S. Min. str.— LKK, 1973, t. 14, p. 39 (p. 130 lyg ir paaiškinama tikroji padėtis, bet neatšaukiamas ankstesnis teiginys kaip vydingas). ¹² Cf. K a r a l i ū n a s S. Cited work.—Ibid., p. 85. 258 forms have appeared in linguistic works į mestą, besėdą ‘conversation’—LKŽ IV 419, krėną ‘horseradish’ Ggr, Vvr, Slnt—LKŽ VI 525, nėlėta ‘idleness’ (cf. Latvian nelieta)—LKŽ VIII 647, pavėtrė—LKŽ IX 685, bėdnu ‘poor, destitute’ Grg—LKŽ VI 71, bėdnas Plt—LKŽ VI 1060, grėtinė, from the Lenkimai dialect pronunciation grėtinie—LKT 450, žėgoris Vvr—LKŽ VI 73, and so on.13 Therefore, when transposing Samogitian words and their various forms containing the diphthongs uo (and ie), one must always take into account the factors of word geography, formation, and history (the time of emergence) in the dialects. Formally speaking, if uo (and ie) is everywhere transposed as o (ė), “facts” such as mėstas, sroga, skuobti, nėlėta and many others are launched into the scholarly world. This is the result of an ahistorical treatment of dialect facts. It is to be hoped that now, with the publication of Volume II of the “Atlas of the Lithuanian Language,” which presents the distribution areas of phonetic laws in the dialects, the presentation of dialect data in our various publications will improve. All linguists who have studied the distribution of Lithuanian phonetic developments in the dialects will be better able to determine where a particular law is at work and where one can assume only a sporadic phonetic change in a word or the existence of some other morpheme. Only close study of the phonetic and morphological structure of the dialects can protect contemporary Lithuanian linguistics from various kinds of dialectal errors. Note. A few words should be said about the transcription—it is slightly simplified: the more open i, u (Pvn, Užv, Vkšn) are represented by e, o; stress retracted from a long ending to a long stem is marked with a hyphen before the word; palatalization is marked with an apostrophe (ʼ); murmured or indistinctly heard vowels are written in parentheses: du(u)na~dūona. ABBREVIATIONS Drv= Dirvėnėnai, Šiauliai district. Vds= Vidsodis, Kelmė district. Vkšn= Vie kšnialiai, Telšiai district.14 Vrp= Vārputėnai, Šiauliai district. All other abbreviations are as in the volumes of LKŽ. 13 Dėl panašių transponavimo atvejų dar žr. Girdenis A. [Rec.] — Baltistica, 1968, t. 4(1), p. 82 (19 išnaša); apie juos dar žr. Lietuvių kalbos atlasas. — V., 1982, t. 2, p. 78, nors ten ir pateko žodžių, kurie tiktai atsitiktinai pasakyti, paribio žemaičių šnektų atstovams taikantis prie pašnekovų aukštaičių (pvz., gied). 14 Not Vie kšniai, as indicated in A. Rosinas’s article in connection with sentences quoted from those localities. — Baltistica, vol. 18(2), p. 35 and elsewhere. VARIOUS MORPHONEMIC DIALECTAL FEATURES IN THE SPEECHES OF THE NORTHEASTERN ŽEMAITIAN DŪNININKAI Summary This is, in a sense, a continuation of an article of a similar kind published in vol. XVII of «Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics». It discusses dialectal words that are difficult to relate to corresponding words and forms of the literary language because of differences in phonetic laws and the impossibility of proving that they belong to regular dialectal forms. I. Morphonemic dialectal features with the vowel i In the dialects under investigation there are certain words in which the vowel i is pronounced instead of ie, which occurs in the literary language. As material from other Žemaitian and even Aukštaitian dialects shows, these include: a) different roots (li̇tìs) | lìtòs “rain,” all Žem. li̇tòs | li̇tùs, western Aukšt. li̇tùs | li̇tus, literary language lietus; gi̇dra “weather,” Žem. Dūn. gi̇dra, gi̇dros, literary language giedrà; mi̇ls | mi̇l-s, literary language mielas “dear,” with the same pronunciation in all Žemaitian dialects; ri̇di̇ti|ri̇dài ie “to set at odds, to make quarrel,” literary language riedyti NdZ; žu̇gi̇nti | žvìgl.nte “to make squeal,” ži̇durìs | ži̇dulìs “barren flowers,” literary language žieduõlis; b) different suffixes: š’u̇ali̇tis | š’u̇ali̇tis “resident of Šiauliai,” literary language šiaulietis; u̇okìtis | u̇okì̇s | u̇okì̇tàs “German,” literary language vókietis; naulìna “news,” literary language naujiena; bulbi̇ne | bolbi̇ne “potato soup,” literary language bulvienė; c) other prefixes: pri- “near-/toward-,” literary language prie-: pri̇s- | pri̇-s- “against,” literary language prieš-. II. Morphophonemic dialectal features with the diphthong uo In the dialects under investigation, the diphthong uo of the standard language is pronounced u, but it sometimes happens that the diphthong uo is heard here as well (<a). These occur in: a) different roots: kuopti | kuopti | kuopte ‘to eat a lot; to clean’, standard-language kuopti; b) different suffixes: -olìs: pākaguokìs | pāˑkarìokìs ‘one who has hanged himself’, standard-language pakaruoklis; -olas: vā-buols | vā-buols ‘worm’, in Aukštaitian dialects vābuols; -o(k)lis: sausùoklis | sausùolis ‘a dead standing tree’, standard-language sausvólis, etc. In these dialects there is a rule that new words adopted from the standard language are pronounced without changing the diphthong, in accordance with long-established phonetic rules (uo becomes u, ie becomes i): riuõštis | ri̇õštis ‘to get ready’, sri̇oga (not srùoga, as it is pronounced in villages on the very outermost fringes of the Samogitian dialect). Transposing them (sròga and the like) has no scholarly basis whatsoever.