Uodegėnų šnektos fonetika, morfologija ir leksika dvikalbystės sąlygomis

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XXVII (1988) LIETUVIŲ KALBA IR BILINGVIZMAS KAZIMIERAS GARŠVA, RITA JACKUTĖ, EUGENIJA VENSKAUSKAITĖ PHONETICS, MORPHOLOGY AND LEXICON OF THE UODEGĖNAI DIALECT UNDER CONDITIONS OF BILINGUALISM Uodegėnai (officially Viuodigėni) is a village in the Latvian SSR, in Krāslava District, Ūdriai rural municipality, 60 km northeast of the Lithuanian SSR border and 40 km from Daugavpils, 7 km north of the Daugava. The dialect is not yet included on the main dialect maps and is described here for the first time. In 1877 there were 23 farmsteads in Uodegėnai, in 1900—43, in 1925—33, and in 1986—20 (40 inhabitants). Lithuanian (in the Vilnius dialect) has been spoken in those areas since the 12th–18th centuries. Until the mid-19th century, Uodegėnai was connected to the main Lithuanian-speaking area. In 1925, 300 people in the area may have been able to speak Lithuanian; in 1986, 5 (another 4 lived elsewhere). Lithuanian gradually ceased to be spoken around 1929–1935, when the village dispersed into individual farmsteads. Today, Lithuanian is rarely spoken among the residents. In the first half of the 20th century, the Lithuanian villages south of Krāslava (Augustiniškiai, Misiūnai, etc.) became Belarusian, while those to the north (Uodegėnai, etc.) essentially completed their shift to Latvian. In 1984, the last family in Uodegėnai that spoke Lithuanian at home died out. The same person uses two, sometimes even three, languages: besides the local Latgalian dialect, occasionally also standard Latvian and Russian (learned mostly at school); some older residents still know Lithuanian, Belarusian, and Polish. The aim of the article is to describe the traditional Lithuanian dialect in an environment of active bilingualism and multilingualism, seeking to distinguish the more significant elements of Latvian and Belarusian. Uodegėnai is the most interesting Lithuanian dialect in Latvia, the last Vilnius-dialect village in Latgale. The dialect has been studied since 1977, on the basis of 2,200 m of recordings on magnetic tape. The main informants for the dialect are Genovefa Misiūnienė (1891–1984), her daughter Helena (Gelia) Misiūnaitė (born 1922), and Regina Savickienė (1889–1978). Words recorded in Uodegėnai for the Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language are marked with the abbreviation Kr (nearby Krāslava area). Krāslava is 10 km east of Uodegėnai, and we now use the term “Lithuanians of the Krāslava area” in a historical sense, encompassing not only Uodegėnai but also other vanished Lithuanian villages in the area. In scholarly literature, the Lithuanians of the Krāslava area (7 larger Lithuanian-speaking villages) are probably first mentioned in 1883 (Manteuffel, 1883, p. 619). In 1892, A. Bylenszteinas repeated the same information in abbreviated form (Bielenstein, 1892, p. 13), and K. Būga did so in 1924 (Būga, 1961, p. 570). J. Endzelīns noted that Lithuanian was spoken in Mulkiai and Uodegėnai in 1925 (te dzivo leisi) (Endzelīns, 1981, pp. 279–280). In 1925, there were Lithuanian speakers in 12 localities in the area, but Lithuanians constituted a majority only in Uodegėnai, Misiūnai, and Navikai (cf. Garšva, 1984 a, p. 88). 73 One of the most puzzling problems concerning the Lithuanians of the Kraslava area is when they settled there. This may date back to the 12th–15th centuries—then these inhabitants would have been contemporaries of the Lithuanians in many of Lithuania’s northern and southwestern regions and would occupy a very important place in our linguistics and history (cf. Garšva, 1984 a, pp. 85–90). Kol kas seniausioje rašto žinutėje (Manteuffel, 1883, p. 619) nurodyta, kad XIX a. pradžioje minėti kaimai šnekėjo lietuviškai, įmaišydami latviškų ir baltarusiškų žodžių. Šie lietuviški kaimai ir jų kalbos skoliniai staigiai susiformuoti negalėjo. Nėra nė mažiausios abejonės, jog Kraslavos apylinkėje lietuviai gyvena bent nuo XVIII a. Pirmajame smulkesniame Latgalos žemių apraše (Brėžgo, 1943, p. 105, 108, 109 ir t. t.; dar plg. Zeps, 1984, p. 27, 323, 560 ir t. t.) 1784 m. minimi Augustišniai, Misiūnai, Uodegėnai ir kiti (Аузецманишки, Мисани, Аудегани), kuriems vardus galėjo duoti tik lietuviai. 1731 m. užrašytos Uodegėnų pievos Lūkštai (Lukszty), Andzuliški. Lithuanians may also have lived around Uodegėnai throughout the 17th century. Įžvalte was inhabited at least from the beginning of the 17th century (a church was built then), and its older name, Užvalda, recorded in sources in 1643, 1649, and 1690 (Zeps, 1984, p. 430), “can only be Lithuanian, that is, Užvalda” (Būga, 1961, pp. 99–100). As late as 1906, there were 18 place names of Lithuanian origin in that rural district; the surname Šveizda, among others, has survived to this day. The Latvianisms of Uodegėnai, gyvė ‘life’ and šūkstas ‘splintered wood’, may have been borrowed before 1478–1519, since later the sound i· developed into ei (cf. the loanword veiskupas < vyskupas). The distribution of Lithuanian proper names extends considerably beyond the boundaries of the Lithuanian language. In the lists of settlements compiled by J. Endzelīns during the last two centuries (1981, pp. 277, 279–280), there were at least seven such place names in each of the Įžvalte (Žmuidzinį, etc.) and Kraslava (Gintauti, Žuri, Misiūniškė near Mulkių) rural districts alone. The surnames Girdo, Гражуль, Ilgins, Lawžel, Pietkun, Surwilo, Szakels, Шакаль, and Truśelis are recorded in the Kraslava cemetery. Lithuanians in the Kraslava area, as well as those around Ciskoda, are especially helpful in shedding light on the ethnogenesis of the Latgalian Lithuanians and their dialect. There is no dialect that fully coincides with the Uodegėnai dialect. In general, Uodegėnai phonetics most closely resembles the Ciskoda dialect and the northern Adūtiškis dialect, in which žadininkavimas occurs and every vowel e may partly correspond to ie¹; in terms of dzūkavimas, the Uodegėnai dialect is intermediate between them. In the hardening of the consonants š, ž, d, t, m, etc., as well as in word endings (bagā·tu's and the like), vocabulary, and so forth, the dialect is somewhat more similar to the Ciskoda dialect, while its rendering of unstressed e as a distinguishes it from perhaps all neighboring Lithuanian dialects. The syntax and some other features of the dialect have already been briefly described (Garšva, 1986, pp. 219–231). We now attempt to discuss the most important features of phonetics, morphology, and vocabulary in this dialect, which is nearing extinction and is of greatest interest to scholars of Lithuanian. A considerable part of the material remains in manuscripts (Jackutė, 1985; Venskauskaitė, 1986; Tamulytaitė, 1987). In the text, only examples that might give rise to some uncertainty are translated into Standard Lithuanian. ¹ Prof. Z. Zinkevičius (1978, p. 77) teigia, kad Adūtiškio miestelio apylinkėse po visų priebalsių e atitinka ie, bet senasis a verčiamas uo. Pagal „Lietuvių kalbos atlasą“ (1982, žemėl. 27, dar plg. žemėl. 35, 80, 87) ir „Lietuvių kalbos tarmes“ (1970, p. 351—352) čia šiuos garsus atitinka e· ir ā·. 74 I. PHONETICS 1. Vowels The vowel system of the dialect can be represented as follows (phonemes are shown in bold): If quantity is treated as a distinctive feature at the segmental level, three pairs of long and short phonemes can be distinguished: iː: i (cf. lĩs: lis), uː: u (pũs: pùs), and aː: a (lá·bas ‘lóbas’: lábas ‘làbas’). The low vowels aː, a differ from the high vowels iː, i, uː, u in that the former constitute only one pair and occur only in the roots of different words. The sound ie is of a different kind: like uo, we are generally inclined to regard it as a combination of two vowels. The long and short variants of this sound (niẽka ‘niẽko’, baltèsnie ‘baltèsnė’, dziedas, isvies ‘išvies’, pierauga ‘pėraugo’, senieĩ ‘seniai’, vierk'a ‘verkia’) do not form minimal pairs. The vowel e is more often realized as ie in closed syllables: seniesnis ‘senesnis’, seniesni, mažesnis, but also ã·bieles ‘obelýs’, rūkštielis ‘rūkštelės’. The diphthongs ie derived from ie, e, e do not differ from one another. The sounds bɪ, bɪ, bɪe, e are variants of iː, i, ie, a(e) after hard consonants, cf.: ž'ìd'a ‘žydi’, šù·tus ‘šitas’, ž'ì·edas ‘žiedas’, kalb'ėsi ‘kalbėti’, nivėrksiu ‘neverksiu’ (and viergdama ‘verkdama’), Gėl'a ‘Gelià < Helena’, Juzėpka, Šaveras, Tėkl'a, etc. The position of the sound e in the phonetic system of the dialect is exceptional—it corresponds not to one but to two independent sounds (a and ae), and to as many as four of their variants (a, e, ɪe, ie), for example: nigãl'u/nigẽl'u ‘negaliu’, šakà/šakė ‘šaka’, reikie/reikė ~ reikė ‘reikėjo’ (here a and e can also be pronounced together), pẽnsija ‘pensija’, šìetu ‘sėtų’ — sės, sės’, apẽdie ‘apėdė’ — apės ‘apės’. In the final syllable of the future tense of verbs, a stressed short e is pronounced after hard consonants and vowels: galės ‘galėsi’, galės ‘galės’, kalbės ‘kalbės’, milės ‘mylės’, narės ‘norės’, sės ‘sės’, suės ‘suės’; after front vowels and soft consonants, even the short ė occurs, cf. atvės ‘atvės’, pridės ‘pradės’. This short sound is important for the prosodic interpretation of vowels: it is precisely this sound that is needed to explain which short sounds make up the Lithuanian long ė: (which is absent from the dialect, so the aforementioned interpretation is not very suitable). Judging by the neutral position—the absolute beginning of a word—and the sound quality after vowels (cf.: (su) bėda ‘suėda’, (su)ės ‘suės’—the principal segments must be considered to be ɪe, e, while ie, e would be merely positional variants of the former. The sound system of the dialect is complex and distinctive. Excluding the diphthongs ie, ɪe, uo, the long vowels and their variants comprise four sounds (iː, bɪ, uː, aː), while the short vowels comprise as many as eight (i, bɪ, u, e, ɛ, ɔ, e, a), and they are all distributed rather asymmetrically. There are no long mid vowels ė, o, nor a low vowel e, which “shifts” to ie/ie and short a. Short e is often (though not always) lowered to a (æ) not only before hard consonants but also before soft ones; theoretically, it could therefore be regarded as a variant of a, cf.: n'ã·ša ‘neša’, lung'ãlis ‘langelis’, trupin'ãlei ‘trupinėliai’, žman'ãl'us ‘žmonelės’. Short ɔ occurs only in a few loanwords: stògas ‘kupeta’, Ivanòvas, and the like. Unlike ie, which corresponds to Standard Lithuanian ie, ė, and e, the diphthong uo mostly corresponds to Standard Lithuanian uo. In pronunciation that is uncharacteristic of the dialect, the new uo may be stimulated by Latvian- 75 dialects (Kruõslauka = Krìēslauka, stùostijg = stá·stija ‘he/she told’ or Lithuanian standard language (muoki·túojis ‘teacher’, žmùona = bà·ba ‘wife’; cf. also brùolanas ‘nephew’, pámotė ‘stepmother’). All the vowels a, e of the Uodegėnai subdialect, corresponding to a·, a, e·, e in the standard language, are only short, both stressed and unstressed, e.g.: ădatu ‘needle’, ăki·s ‘eyes’, ătăina ‘comes’, ăvinas, ăvi·s, gàlas, kàtinas, pàdivie, pràšam, ràgis, sàka, išàjis, nìdarbis, nìgali, nuvarìe, pavàsaris, d’iàšaras ‘sausages’, k’âli, k’âpiem, kėvel’iem, mè-dzis, augana ‘grows’, gi·v’ana, etc. As can be seen, stressed short a, e usually occur in the first and second syllables of a word. In the third syllable of a word, these vowels more often occur in the suffix -elis, -ė (the vowel e in it is always short); cf.: lapelėi ‘leaves’, sùrnel’a, debesėlei ‘clouds’, garbinel’la, kaumeràlis, and so on. Short or half-long vowels a, e occur as the first component of acute diphthongs, e.g.: dàrbas, kàrvie, gàlvas, kàlnas, vàlgie, k’âlmas, kà.rštas, šà.ltas, g’â.rt. The long a· is pronounced in place of the standard-language vowel o·: g’âltã·nas ‘yellow’, nibi-já·k ‘don’t be afraid’, etc. The unstressed vowel e is often replaced by i, e.g.: dàugi ‘many’, iškėpie ‘baked’, nùdigie ‘burned’, nùvidie, pardàvie ~ pàrdeve ‘sold’, sin’âu ‘formerly’, smagi-nai ‘brain’, ùndin’a ‘water’, (v)uodiga ‘tail’, (V)uodigienai ‘Uodegėnai’, su biti·ti ‘with the little bee’. Probably under the influence of Slavic languages, the unstressed prefix ne- was often pronounced nie- in the speech of older people, and ni- among younger people: niedùok / nidùok ‘don’t give’, niemàkam / nimàkam ‘we don’t know how’, niesupruntu / nisùpruntu ‘I don’t understand’, niežinau / nižinau ‘I don’t know’. The unstressed vowel e may also be retained, but this occurs somewhat more often before back vowels (g’âltanas ‘yellow’, išv’âlėji ‘you cleaned out’, nigerai ‘not well’, nùperka, m’argèitie ‘girl’, su-melùoti, s’ùst’albėjami ‘we get together’) and less often before front vowels or fronted vowels: di.d’alis ‘large’, nùp’arki, sù.dedi, visel’iuot ‘celebrate a wedding’. In place of the standard-language vowels i·, i, after hard consonants the subdialect has y·, y: r’b·lta ‘morning’, skrìbsu ‘I will fly’. The open-final e and any ę are pronounced similarly: p’âlb ‘mouse’ (but p’âlas ‘mice’), di.d’albi ‘large’, puolb’s ‘fell’. In the positions mentioned, e and ę must first have shifted to i (i·), and later, when l hardened, to y (y·). By contrast, the first component of the diphthong en narrowed only after l hardened in open syllables; cf.: lintà ‘board’, but g’alužbinis ‘iron’. Before consonants hardened, ė had apparently already become ie, and so ie (< ie, ė) developed into b·e: šbėnu ‘hay’, l bėkie ‘ran’, sàulb ‘sun’ (in the short final syllable of verbs, e is also pronounced in place of ė; cf. prisėsk ‘sit down’). Unlike in open word endings and in the diphthong en, elsewhere a occurs in place of e (ei > ai): là-das, láides ‘lets go’, varblai, racei ‘rarely’, kràivas, sànes ‘old’, maišàlis ‘little bag’, šaimìna ‘family’, žàmie ‘earth’. Back vowels u·, u, a·, a are no longer fronted after hardened consonants; cf.: žu·riet ‘to look’, bùsu ‘I will be’, gra·v’ùs ‘ditches’, àpara ‘plows’. The short vowel a is retained in the singular nominative ending of nouns (piẽva, baltàja ~ baltoja ‘the white one’, à.na ‘she, that one’, vienà ‘one’, visà ‘all’, pinktà ‘fifth’) and in verb endings (kalbà ‘speaks’, miegàuna ‘sleeps’). In the subdialect, vowel a is more or less reduced. Stressed a may be pronounced with a strong admixture of the sound e 76 (išartė ‘plowed’, mamė ‘mother’, salė ‘island (village)’), while unstressed a has an admixture of the sound bļ: báltbis ‘white’, bùl'bùs ~ bùlbas ‘potatoes’, ā.nas ~ ānas ‘he’, groũžmas, jáunas ‘young’, maišiùkan, pil̃nas ‘full’, išáuga ‘grows up’, pavérda ‘turns into’. At the absolute end of a word, the short vowel a corresponds to u in certain forms (whether stressed or unstressed): singular instrumental su rùŋku ‘with a hand’, dienu ‘day’, sálu ‘island’; adverbially tadù ‘then’, kadù ‘when’, niekadù ‘never’, etc. After soft consonants, a may be replaced by i (and į, i̇): kāji ‘leg’, kėli ‘raises’, kùči ‘Christmas Eve’, su dùkteri ~ dùkteria ‘with a daughter’, juókis ‘laughs’, kraũčis, riẽčis, svẽčis, viẽjis (but v’ark’a, etc.). The varying correspondences of the same sounds indicate several layers in the subdialect’s evolution. Standard-language a in the root and ending regularly corresponds to u’, while ė corresponds to i’ (b’): nù-šù-la ‘I get chilled’ (but nušà.l b’is ‘having got chilled’), raskù’st ‘to bite off, bite through’, trù-ša’s ‘fertilizer, manure’, ù-žuolas ‘oak’, bù-bu ‘wife’, tvàrtu ‘barn’, ùntru ‘second’, kì-sk ‘bite’, švì’st ‘celebrate’, atãjì’s ‘having come’, izdž’ù-vi’s ‘dried up’, ma-ni’s ‘of me’, savi’s ‘of oneself’, gerẽsni ‘better’, piòbl’s ‘having fallen’, did’al b’i ‘large’. Stressed and unstressed, acute- and circumflex-accented mixed diphthongs am, an, em, en in the dialect are generally transformed into um, un, im, in, e.g.: tùŋkas “dense,” sutrùmdie “crushed,” tùmsas “dark,” ùntru “second,” duŋks’ù’ “of the covers,” kum-pañ “into the corner,” pri.prunta “gets used to,” u(n) naktìes “at night,” gi-vinkit “live,” tìñ “there” (and tì, ti), iŋstìmpta’s ~ įtemptos “tense,” sù.tìmsta “gets dark” etc. The secondary-origin diphthongs am, an remain intact: 1) stressed and unstressed— a) in the singular dative of nouns and pronouns, and the plural dative of nouns (in the feminine also the instrumental): gerám, jám, mám, tám, visám|vi.sui, platìeja’m ~ platìejams ‘to the broad ones’, rù-ka·m ‘to/with hands’, stalám ‘to tables’; b) in the masculine singular instrumental: kumpañ ‘into a corner’, peil’an ‘with a knife’, ri-tañ, tvàrtan 2) Unstressed—in the first-person plural present tense: kalbam, šù-lam ‘we freeze’, v’ā’p’am ‘we yawn’, mè.tam ‘we throw’, mi-l’am ‘we love’ (i.e. in the secondary-origin diphthong am). The first component of circumflex diphthongs ai, ei and especially au may be narrowed: maiša ‘bag’, kapū’stai ‘cabbages’, beikt ~ beígti ‘to finish’, mažòu ‘less’, susirgòu ‘I fell ill’, etc. As in Ciskodas, at the absolute end of a word the diphthong ai is often replaced by -ei. This occurs in the singular nominative of masculine adjectives with pronominal endings (with the formative -asai ‘the’) and in manner adverbs, among other forms; cf.: mà.žasei ‘the little one’, nàujasei ‘the new one’, lietu.viškei ‘in Lithuanian’, blagei ‘badly’. This feature belongs to morphology. In polysyllabic words, the segment -ájau(i), -ajàu after a soft consonant is contracted to -áu(i), -aũ. For example, the ending of the first and second persons of the past frequentative verbs may be shortened by one syllable (cf. nunè-š’á:jau|nunèš’á.žu ‘I carried around’, nunèš’á:jai|nunèš’á.i ‘you carried around’), leaving only the final vowel—the most important marker of this person, which distinguishes it from the second person 77 (cf. also the third-person forms dáu “gave,” atvaĩž’au “arrived” in Apso). As in the entire neighboring eastern Aukštaitian area, the word nežãugi is pronounced n’ãugi. When stress is retracted, the short vowels i, u of present-tense verbs may be dropped; cf.: nigal’ u|nigál’u|nigál’ “I cannot,” niegál’ “cannot.” The infinitive, present tense, and past simple are also pronounced without an ending, e.g.: giedãt “to sing,” giedam “we sing,” giedai “you sing,” giedãjam “we sang,” giedãjat “you sang,” etc. In the consonant clusters of certain dialect words, vowels a, i are inserted before a sonorant: d’asara “sausage,” žagurė “plough,” šapãnas “dream,” divi·lika “twelve,” driginė “henbane.” 2. Consonants The most characteristic features of consonantism in the Uodegėnai dialect are dzūkavimas and consonant hardening. In certain positions, both of these features occur inconsistently. In the dialect, before i-type vocalism, not only are the sounds č, dž changed to c, dz, but c, dz also occur in place of č, dž. This latter feature distinguishes the dialect from Ciskodas and the dialects of Rimšė, Dūkštas, Palūšė, Ignalina, and others (cf. Zinkevičius, 1978, p. 76). Uodegėnai is the northernmost surviving dialect of the eastern part of the Vilnius area. In it, the consonants t’, d’ before i, ie, ė are changed to č, dz’ considerably more often than in the southern environs of Daugpilis. The consonants t’, d’ became the affricates c’, dz’ in the following positions: a) before short i, cf.: m’ãdzis|m’ãdis “tree,” žãdzis “word,” dzidzieji “the great ones,” but gardi, insiedinau “I planted in”; šalcis “cold,” paci|pati, aviecines “raspberry,” žmagučis “little person,” bãlcinkas “very white,” but tik, kãrtis, apatn’u, valgí·t, etc.; b) before long (or shortened) i· (= y, į): gaidzi·s “rooster,” dzi·vas “god,” ci·kas “quiet,” gáusci·t “to make a noise,” but aižmigdi·c, nimati·k; žãdzi· “word” (acc.), púnci· “pant” (acc.), dúnci· “tooth” (acc.), but širdi· “heart” (acc.), pírti· “bathhouse” (acc.). Before the diphthong ie, the consonants t, d are usually retained: dievas, dienà, diedienė, didiesnie, tiesã·ja “the straight one,” tieji, naktiẽs, but dzidzieji “the great ones,” ciẽs’aja “the straight one” (fem.). The consonant clusters tv, dv do not become cv, dzv: dvi·likie “twelve,” k’atvirtas “fourth.” Before the vowel i, 78% of consonants t’ and 56% of d’ change; before ė·, 75% of t’ and 43% of d’; before ie, 14% and 29%, respectively. Thus, compared with d’, in the first two positions (before i and ė·), t’ changes 1.4 and 1.7 times more often, and only before ie does it change twice as rarely. In all three positions mentioned, 67% of t’ and 50% of d’ are changed. In stressed syllables, consonants t’, d’ become c’, dz’ less often (in 51% of words: 63% with t’ and 68% with d’) than in post-stress syllables (in 72% of words: 75% with t’ and 68% with d’). Dzūkavimas is not always systematic, even in the speech of the same informant. Before ã, ũ, c, dz also occasionally occur in place of c, dz (mostly by analogy with basic words, in loanwords, etc.): pri.dz’ada “begins,” dun·c’alėi “little teeth,” dz’ãdz’a “uncle,” c’urmãj ~ tiurmoi “in prison.” Before retracted vowels ã, ũ, c’, dz’ occur in place of the affricates č’, dz’, e.g.: pla·cei “widely,” gardzei “deliciously,” gardzeũ “more deliciously,” graic’oũ “more quickly,” svie- 78 dz’a “throws,” vadž’āja ~ vadžiojo “was driving,” sveč’a “of the guest,” karč’as “bitter,” pač’as “of the same one,” gardž’as “tasty,” šmac’ūkiais ~ šmočiukais, gaidž’ūkas “cockerel,” dunc’ū “of teeth,” sveč’ū “of guests.” Instead of č, dž, the softened t’, d’ are most often pronounced in the following cases: 1) in the plural genitive of ē-, ia-, and i-stems, e.g.: bit’ų “of bees,” karvīt’ų “of cows,” paukšt’ų “of birds,” nakt’ų “of nights,” šird’ų “of hearts”; 2) in the singular dative of i-stems, e.g.: naktei “to the night,” pirtei “to the bathhouse,” širdei “to the heart”; 3) in the plural nominative of (i)ia-stems, cf. briedėi “deer” etc.; 4) in the third-person and first-person singular forms of present-tense verbs, e.g.: pur’ù ~ pučiu “I breathe,” gird’ù “I hear,” išlaid’ù “I release,” uod’a “it smells,” žyd’da ~ žydžia “it blooms”; 5) in the ending of the first-person singular of the simple past, e.g.: aud’au “I wove,” maud’aus “I bathed,” ved’au “I led,” skait’āu “I read,” mat’ōu “I saw.” In the dialect, nearly all consonants can become hard, except j, which has no hard counterpart. Three groups of consonants stand out according to the frequency and positions of hardening: 1) r, s, š, ž are often hardened before all front-vowel (i, į, ie, e) or retracted (ū, u, ą, a) vowels, cf.: darb’əsi “you will do,” k’atūrų “four,” šėlenas “hay,” ragėja “he saw,” k’atūrų “of four,” nig’arsu “I will not drink,” gražas “beautiful,” šaša.s “six,” sasariēs ~ seserės “of sisters,” mažau “less,” etc. (most examples involve r, š, ž being hardened before i, e, ū, and the like); 2) l, in old dialect words, is always hard before e, ē: laidz’a “allows,” galbēja “could,” p’albė “mouse,” etc., but kaliedas “Christmas” (by analogy with pripi·lai “you poured,” etc., pripi·lau “I poured” and prisikėlau “I got up” are also said); 3) c, č, d, dž, p, t, v, z, as well as b, g, k, m, n, are occasionally hardened before i, e, ė, and sometimes ū, cf.: Vincantas, kurčā “deaf” (but c’ā “here,” Kōsc’a, ū’lic’as), čiūscin̄kas, pečūn, ačū “thank you,” pečūkas, grīncāi ~ gričioj “in the cottage,” piētnīča “Friday,” dūslis “dill,” sā·dzās “villages,” apbēdie “ate up,” apēs “ate,” pēnsija.s, stūklai, stūprā “strong,” daiktālis, tāšla·s “dough,” Tēkl’a, nivērksu “I will not cry” (but viergdama), Savėras “Ksaveras,” Juzēpka “Juzepa,” kalbēt “to speak,” Gėl’a “Gelia < Helena,” kėlau “I lifted,” vīkūs “vetches,” mīsliju, mīnēsis “month.” Sometimes consonants are hard while the vowels have, notably, not yet changed, cf.: pasižina, ragiejau. Soft consonants c’, č’, r’, s’, etc., often remain as well, cf. g’erei, traci, pāc’ūs “whole,” dunc’ūs ~ dančius “teeth,” minkščinkas, čiēsu, tūočės, bažnī’č’ādji, trīs dūkter’i·s, durīm, pridieja “began,” ritūni “bicycle,” griebēt “to grab,” nūmirie, riēķie|rēķie “screamed, shouted,” susimaiša, pākasie, s’āsās d’āsbm “sixty,” siediekit “sit down,” s’and, sen’ōu “earlier,” s’ābi “six,” etc. (s is usually hardened only before ū). These features show that the hardening of consonants (except l) is a relatively recent phenomenon, still developing sporadically under the influence of other languages. The consonants r, s, š, z, ž, etc., may also be hard in consonant clusters before a soft consonant, cf.: miščiē, marškin’ālei “shirts,” geriesn’ū, pjāustie, šn’ūrai, trī·zd’āsbm “thirty,” bažnī·č’as, and so on. As in other Aukštaitian dialects 79 in those words, with the consonant l the opposite may also occur, cf.: nenupūl'tu, pakėl'k, pil'k (before a lost i). In some words, the consonant s is changed to š: (a)elkšnis “alder,” meš “we,” mišl's “riddle,” mušmirie “fly agaric,” pakriešlis “a small kneading trough,” paškui|paskui “afterwards,” pūšdien'u “half a day,” pūšl's “half,” pūšnakt'u|pušnakt'u “midnight,” pūšnie “snowdrift,” (su)škald'i “(to) split,” (su)škelt “to split,” suškinda “sank,” “went under,” skied'inas “sawdust,” skietas “loom reed,” skint “to pick,” škist “to sink,” škest'i “to become thin,” ski'stumas “thinness,” šlinkst'i's “threshold,” tū kštantis “thousand,” etc. The reverse may also occur, i.e., the consonant s instead of š (consistently retained in the same word and not confused with š): eistaūzie “repaired,” krūša “chest,” lakštinguolbė, numirsta “dies,” šarmukšnis “rowan,” šaukštas “spoon,” šeškas “ferret,” šešbi, šeša's “six, six (fem.),” šviesou “brighter,” šviešus “bright,” pasišvietie “lit up,” šviežas, -a “fresh,” vešt “to transport.” In some words, the consonants š and s coincide with those in the local Latgalian dialect (mušmirie, pūšl's, škietas; lakštinguolbė, numirsta, šeškas, vešt, etc.), whereas in others they do not: meš, pūšnaktis, škist, šlinkst'i's; šviesou, šarmukšnis, etc. The interchange of consonants in the latter words (Latgalians have the opposite consonant here—s, š, or a different root) may have been influenced by the Selian substrate or, indirectly, by the Latgalian dialect as well. The consonants ž and z are confused much less often, cf.: mėkšt ~megžti “to knit,” žū-sis “goose.” Geminate consonants are sometimes pronounced in the dialect: imneša, pànna's, àppili “you pour on,” issieja “sows,” issukei “you unscrewed,” rassviedi “you hurled,” iššukuot. A pair of verbs retain the infinitive cluster -gž- in all forms: blåkšt ~blogžti “to thrust” — blågža ~ blogžia “thrusts,” etc.; mėkšt ~megžti “to knit” — mėgža “knits,” megžau “I knitted,” etc. (but mezgluoja). 3. Word stress The stress of most words in the dialect coincides with that of the standard language. Differences in stress placement usually arise because stress may be retracted or shifted in the dialect. Stress is retracted from the ending in certain morphemes of the nominal paradigm, leveling stress placement and disregarding the rule of the second syllable from the end of the word: this occurs most often in the plural accusative (abrùsus, kaˈpùstus, kaˈritus, lit-rus, mˈātus, paklatùvis “bedspreads,” paˈšus, pūˈpas, šakùtes, žādzˈus, apatiˈn'us, kraujines), the singular instrumental (su gàlyvu “with the head,” svaˈgūnu, mašīnu “car,” peilˈūku, šaukštelˈu); cf. also ausis “ear,” smagéi “pleasantly,” liˈp'ai “sticky,” etc. An intermediate stage in stress retraction is secondary stress before the primary stress (gàrdį, gīˈv'ana, miẽsˈtie, piˈrštalei, viẽrgdama, pàstavi) or stress already occupying the position of the primary stress, cf.: Àmut'ėlis (name of a stream), ūodigà “tail.” A specific feature of the dialect is stress retraction onto the prefixes of certain derived forms (mostly verbs), cf.: àteina “comes,” àtriekia, àtrunda, išèina “goes out,” ištrìpsta, nègird'u “I do not hear,” nègird'a “does not hear,” n'àtinka, sàtinku, sùklumpàm, pàkurcis, (but einù, gird'ù, etc.). Stress retraction may also have caused the vowel i to be lost 80 in prefixes api-, ati- and so on: àppili, àtdìvie. When there is more than one such morpheme at the beginning of a word (the reflexive particle si- may also be one), unlike in the local Latgalian dialect (cf. nàpateik ‘does not please’), stress is retracted not to the first syllable, but to the second, that is, it remains in the morpheme closer to the root; cf.: pàtinka ‘pleases’ — nipàtinka, comes out — does not come out, sùpruntù — nisùpruntù, but sùtinku — susìtinku, sùtinka — susìtinka. As can be seen, word stress is more often retracted from circumflex root diphthongs onto the prefixes àt-, iš-, nè-, sù- (exceptions include nupìrka and so on), as well as from short e: nùdigie ‘burned down’, nùvidie ‘led away’. Stress is generally not retracted from a circumflex root or from the short vowels a, i: išàuga, nidùoda, nigirdieta, nubìega, nukàša ‘strains’, nupjàvus, pakàrie, pakietès ‘will harden’ (exceptions include pàtievìs ‘stepfather’, pàsta-rùs ‘rather thick’), pal.kà, niežbùna. A considerable number of nouns and adjectives with the second and third accent paradigms are stressed according to the fourth paradigm in the dialect: lapai, lapàs, medž’ų, spal’ų; darbùs, jaunùs, katinùs, lakatùs, marškìn’ùs, p’alanùs. Even some nouns and verbs of the first accent paradigm are stressed on the ending, cf.: rykštès, numirai ‘you died’. Both stress retraction and stress shift may be recent, since some words are stressed in different ways: singular nominative vištà and vìšta; plural accusative kàlnin’ùs ‘fur coats’ and kalnin’ùs. Unlike in many eastern dialects, in the word mergàitė the suffix -àitė has a circumflex intonation in Uodegėnai (mergaitie). The imperative mood of verbs may be stressed on the ending, cf. patraukit ‘pull!’ (plural/formal). 4. Methodology for the study of quantity and intonation a. Aim of the study. Until now, Lithuanian peripheral dialects (with the exception of Lithuania Minor) have been studied by ear, most often in comparison with the standard language, and there has been no more objective data. Such data are most lacking for linguistic phenomena that are difficult or impossible to determine by ear. For example, as early as 1924 K. Būga wrote of the long vowels in the Ciskodas dialect, which are similar to those in the Uodegėnai dialect: ‘… the long vowels, when unstressed, seem to have become half-long. But my ear has not always and everywhere detected the half-length of vowels’ (Būga, 1961, p. 571). In the Uodegėnai dialect, too, three facultative variants (long, half-long, and short) are heard in place of unstressed long vowels, e.g., bù.va / bù.va / bù.va ‘was’. Long vowels may be particularly prolonged (drawn out), especially those with secondary (old retracted) stress. In northeastern Lithuanian dialects (roughly between Strūnaitis, Ciskodas, and Uodegėnai), such stress occurs on penultimate syllables consisting of any long vowel or diphthong. The final stressed syllable of such words is short (Grinaveckienė, 1960, pp. 175–176), and the stress is retracted to the stem at least in the singular accusative, e.g.: sùnùs (cf. sùnų), pùnìs (Cs), etc. In Uodegėnai, the presence of secondary stress could also explain the often exceptionally prolonged post-stress diphthong ie. For example, we transcribe the word ‘bìtýtė’ as bitì·tie (bitì·tie could also be written). It was unclear how much stressed short vowels are lengthened in the dialect (and in the Vilnius dialect generally), what the difference is between long and short vowels, and so on. 6. 1880 81 The most complex feature of the northern Vilnius-area dialects is pitch accent. In Uodegėnai and Ciskode, stressed circumflex vowels (especially a) are often greatly lengthened under the influence of Latvian (cf. káaáájas “legs”), both in the stem and in suffixes, and are frequently pronounced with a rising intonation. In phonetic transcription, such sounds are marked with a circumflex accent, e.g.: brãlis “brother,” geltãnas “yellow,” žinãja “knew,” etc. (cf. Garšva, 1986, pp. 221—231). The informants reported that they do not distinguish even the minimal pair rū́gsta—rū́ksta; in circumflex diphthongs, the first component is more prominent. The aim of the investigation is to determine precisely the duration differences between long and short vowels, and between acute and circumflex vowels and diphthongs, in the Uodegėnai dialect. In our view, measuring only a portion of sounds of different quality was sufficient for this purpose. Statistical processing of the data (calculating the standard deviation, coefficient of variation, confidence interval, and Student’s t-test) was not necessary in our brief investigation, since the significance of the results is usually clear even without it. The investigation cannot, in any case, provide a definitive answer about the strength and significance of the pitch-accent opposition in the dialect: until there is a fully reliable answer concerning the principal distinctive feature of pitch accent in Eastern Aukštaitian and Lithuanian in general, it remains unclear which phonetic feature must be measured. b. Materials, speakers, and method of investigation. Pairs of similar words were selected that differed chiefly in the feature under investigation. To clarify the meaning of the words (pitch-accent marks were omitted), short sentences of uniform rhythm (2—3 words) were composed using them. The words under investigation occurred at the end of the sentence and were emphasized. To obtain more objective data, three sentence lists were prepared. In List I (19 words under investigation) and List II (21 words under investigation), the sentences containing both words of a pair were never written next to each other and were to be read with the same (enumerative) intonation. In List III, 18 words under investigation appeared next to one another and were read not in columns but in rows (one after another). List III made it possible to compare and even deliberately emphasize the features under investigation. Only the most important test words were retained: 4 word pairs (8 words) differing in vowel quantity, and 5 word pairs with different pitch accents. Earlier experiments had shown that the second word in a pair is often pronounced longer before a pause; consequently, among the words differing in sound quantity, the word with the longer sound was placed last, while among the words with different pitch accents, the circumflex came last twice and the acute three times. As a result, the difference between acute and circumflex sounds may have been smaller, but it was therefore objective. The word list was read by two speakers: Gelia (Helena) Misiūnaitė, born in 1922 (hereafter G.), and Jūzupas Misiūnas, born in 1924 (J.) (sister and brother, representatives of the most Lithuanian-speaking family in Uodegėnai village). First, all the words in the sentences were read; later, for the experiment, only the underlined words were read, with the full sentence context in mind. The first speaker read List I a total of 8 times (the last 3 readings were selected for the oscillographic study), List II 5 times, and List III 9 times (in both cases, the first 2 readings were selected). The second speaker was asked to read only List III. The experimental data were recorded on July 17—18, 1985, using a “Romantik — 304” tape recorder (tape speed — 9.53 cm/s) and a directional microphone. At the Experimental Phonetics Laboratory of VVU, 177 oscillograms were produced using a type C-33 oscillograph (tape speed — 107 mm/s, time marks — 0.01 s.). For greater precision, sound duration was measured by counting the peaks of the time marker. A comparison of the word lengths produced by the two speakers shows that speaker G.’s words are longer (apparently because her speech rate is somewhat slower). Of her 13 words, the arithmetic mean duration of 12 is greater than that of speaker J.’s. Of the 32 vowels measured for the same speaker, 24 are also longer (three quarters). Judging from 5 word pairs, speaker J. shows a greater difference between words (in 3 such pairs; consonants are longer), whereas speaker G. shows a greater difference between vowels (also in 3 such pairs). The vowel differences are most pronounced in speaker G.’s reading of List III; therefore, the data from this reading are presented separately in the tables (and can also be compared with speaker J.’s data obtained from reading the same word list). 82 5. Vowel quantity (oscillogram data) Oscillograms show that the dialect’s unstressed long vowels, compared with stressed ones, are shortened by a factor of 1.60–1.27. High vowels are shortened the most (especially i·), and low vowels less. For example, in the word bit·i· ‘little bee’, the unstressed vowel i· is shorter than the stressed one by as much as 108 ms, or by a factor of 1.60: the duration of stressed i· is 289 ms, and that of the post-stress vowel is 181 ms. In the words sú·nu· and su·nùs, the unstressed vowel is shorter than the stressed vowel by 95 ms, or by a factor of 1.56, in the first syllable (264 ms and 169 ms), and in the second syllable by 62 ms, or by a factor of 1.19; in the word vagã·ja ‘she/he stole’, by 71 ms, or by a factor of 1.27 (337 ms and 226 ms; see Table 1). The farther a syllable is from the beginning of the word, the longer the vowel in it. Compared with the first syllable of the word, in the second syllable the vowel u· is longer by a factor of 1.19 (su·nùs — sú·nu·), while in the third syllable the vowel a is longer by a factor of 1.80 (vagã·ja ‘she/he steals’). Most likely due to this tendency, the duration of the long stressed vowel a in the first syllable of the word is 291 ms (ná·sis), 310 ms (kã·šle), while in the second syllable it is 331 ms (vagã·ja), and so on. The post-stress short a in a similar open syllable measures 143 ms in the second syllable (rù·ksta), and 182 ms in the third (vagã·ja). The exception was the long a· in the words sù·da (343 ms) and vagã·ja (266 ms)—because of the slower speech tempo in disyllabic words, vowels should also be somewhat longer than in polysyllabic words. In the first syllable of a word, low vowels are quantitatively reduced more than high vowels; that is, the greater the vowel’s absolute duration (e.g. á·=334 ms, i·=247 ms), the more it can be reduced. The first-syllable short a is 3.37–3.28 times shorter than the stressed long vowel in the second syllable and 2.66 times shorter than the post-stress a in the third syllable (vagã·ja), while the vowel i is shorter by only 2.95 and 1.85 times, respectively. The oppositions of 28 sounds in the principal pairs show that 20 sounds (72%) are longer before a longer sound. These include nine vowel oppositions (three of them, or 25%, are exceptions) and 11 consonant oppositions (five, or 31%, are exceptions). The cause of this pattern can be understood more precisely by comparing the duration of the stressed vowel with that of the whole word. Of the eight pairs, six words are longer (su·nùs, bit·i·, ná·si·s, rù·ksta, kã·šle, diévas); the exceptions are two words (lãukas, and to some extent vagã·ja). Thus, vowels and consonants are usually longer before a longer sound, or, more precisely, before and after a longer stressed vowel in a word. This phonetic law seems to be characteristic of many Aukštaitian dialects. Phonetically, the long high vowels i·, u of the Uodegėnai dialect could be considered long, while the low vowel a· could be considered half-long. In the minimal pair ná·si·s — ná·sis, the long vowel i (182 ms) is 2.09 times longer overall than the short i (87 ms). The vowel i is 1.99 times longer in speaker J.’s speech and 2.19 times longer in speaker G.’s speech (or even 3.27 times longer when read side by side). When reading the word ná·si·s after the word ná·sis (as happened five times out of ten), the speakers often emphasized the difference in the long vowel. But there can be no doubt that, at least in the post-stress syllable, the duration of the vowel i· varies from that of a short vowel to more than 6° 83 Table 1. Duration of sounds in words, Poros Nr. | Žodis | Diktorius | n | C | V 1 | suˈnùs | G. | 2 | — | 245 1 | suˈnùs | „ | 7 | — | 189 1 | suˈnùs | J. | 3 | — | 123 1 | suˈnùs | G., J. | 10 | — | 169 1 | sūˈnùˈ | G. | 2 | — | 275 1 | sūˈnùˈ | J. | 3 | — | 257 1 | sūˈnùˈ | G., J. | 5 | — | 264 2 | bitiˈtiˈ | G. | 2 | 85 | 105 2 | bitiˈtiˈ | „ | 7 | 108 | 103 2 | bitiˈtiˈ | J. | 3 | 130 | 87 2 | bitiˈtiˈ | G., J. | 10 | 116 | 98 2 | bitiˈtie | G. | 2 | 80 | 80 2 | bitiˈtie | J. | 3 | 90 | 70 2 | bitiˈtie | G., J. | 5 | 86 | 74 3 | náˈsis | G. | 2 | 115 | 280 3 | náˈsis | „ | 6 | 95 | 277 3 | náˈsis | J. | 3 | 100 | 320 3 | náˈsis | G., J. | 9 | 96 | 291 3 | náˈsiˈs | G. | 2 | 95 | 280 3 | náˈsiˈs | „ | 7 | 122 | 301 3 | náˈsiˈs | J. | 3 | 75 | 257 3 | náˈsiˈs | G., J. | 10 | 110 | 288 4 | vagáˈja | G. | 6 | 65 | 104 4 | vagáˈja | J. | 2 | 65 | 95 4 | vagáˈja | G., J. | 8 | 65 | 101 4 | vagáˈjaˈ | G. | (2) | 75 | 125 4 | vagáˈjaˈ | J. | 2 | 85 | 75 4 | vagáˈjaˈ | G., J. | 4 | 80 | 100 In Tables 1 and 2, n is the number of repetitions of the same word, C is a consonant, and V is a vowel or a diphthong, whose duration (or that of their parts) and that of final (Table 1) or stressed (Table 2) vowels and diphthongs is three times longer than its duration. First, what is impossible in the dialect cannot be emphasized. Second, even when not read consecutively, the long vowel lasted 90, 80, 100, 100, and 320 ms (mean — 132 ms), while the short vowel lasted 70, 80, 90, and 70 ms (mean — 78 ms, i.e., 1.77 times shorter). In the pair vagáˈja – vagáˈja, the duration of the long post-accentual vowel is only 1.46 times that of the short vowel (1.50 times in speaker G.’s speech and 1.44 times in speaker J.’s speech). As with vowel i, the duration of long aˈ varies considerably and is sometimes even shorter than that of the corresponding short vowel. But the fact that long aˈ is usually slightly longer 84 differing in vowel quantity (ms) C V C V L Difference: Word | final V 240 170 215 — 870 255 206 219 — — 614 180 253 — — 556 16 60 198 229 — — 596 26 27 125 215 — — 615 45 90 193 — — 540 104 202 — — 570 240 350 200 210 1190 195 201 301 211 189 1107 197 206 155 177 1006 43 200 289 199 181 1083 107 160 195 180 300 995 90 170 213 157 263 963 86 166 206 166 278 876 97 170 75 220 — 640 171 77 — — 620 140 107 — — 667 160 87 — — 634 175 245 230 — 1025 85 170 173 169 — — 765 45 92 160 213 — — 705 38 106 169 182 — — 749 115 95 112 326 123 183 910 100 345 110 180 895 109 331 120 182 908 110 365 190 275 1140 230 95 95 310 180 260 1005 110 80 103 337 185 266 1071 163 84 diphthong (its quality is indicated by the word), L – the total duration of the measured sounds (CVCVCV). The difference in duration between the two is recorded next to the word or sound in that pair which is longer. than the short vowel is also shown by the ratio of the post-accentual vowels in the words mentioned earlier to the stressed ones. It differs by a factor of 1.43. The long post-accentual i is the same in two- and three-syllable words: in the word ná-sis, i is 182 ms, and in bitì-ti it is 181 ms. In two-syllable words, the vowel a exceeds the short a by at least two and a half times: whereas in the closed ending (-as) the duration of a ranges from 93 to 159 ms, and in the open ending (-a) from 143 to 165 ms (rù-ksta — rù-ksta), the long a in the open ending is equivalent to 343–426 ms (sù-da — sù-da). This feature clearly shows that phonologically not only the higher, but also the lower vowel height in unstressed 85 Table 2. Duration of sounds in words forming an opposition Pair No. Word Speaker n C 1 sū'da G. 8 — J. 3 — G., J. 11 — sū'da G. 11 — J. 3 — G., J. 14 — 2 rūksta G. 2 95 ” 4 93 J. 3 100 G., J. 7 95 rūksta G. 3 93 J. 3 77 G., J. 6 85 3 káːšie G. 5 — J. 3 — G., J. 8 — káːšie G. 6 J. 3 — G., J. 9 — 4 uncle G. 2 — ” 7 — J. 3 — G., J. 10 — god G. 2 180 ” 7 — J. 3 — G., J. 10 — 5 hair G. 2 95 ” 4 115 J. 3 95 G., J. 7 108 field G. 2 130 G. 4 113 J. 3 65 G., J. 7 97 86 according to the acute and circumflex accent (ms) V C (cc) V L Word-stress differences V 300 95 345 740 267 90 337 694 291 94 343 728 330 99 389 818 78 30 273 87 340 700 6 6 318 98 380 796 68 27 320 435 180 1030 419 80 290 145 167 695 207 185 110 602 38 254 402 143 894 306 24 240 125 153 611 220 90 177 564 13 230 108 165 588 334 186 228 748 270 187 240 697 310 186 233 729 341 217 261 819 71 280 180 260 720 23 7 321 204 261 786 57 11 160 120 190 470 10 40 229 110 173 512 130 95 110 335 199 106 155 460 140 120 225 665 263 125 170 558 46 34 140 150 120 410 75 10 226 131 159 516 56 27 340 150 95 680 35 317 157 90 679 69 20 280 115 113 603 91 40 301 143 100 652 29 28 305 155 100 690 10 297 103 97 610 240 120 87 512 273 160 93 623 87 it is appropriate to consider the vowels in all positions long and short. Unstressed half-long or short vowels may be variants of long vowels. Stressed short vowels in the dialect may be lengthened considerably and even exceed unstressed long vowels. In the word padarà (n=5), the stressed a (218 ms) is three times longer than the pre-stress a (70 ms) and nearly matches the post-stress a′ (228 ms), which is only 1.04 times longer. The stressed short ù (sūnùs–sū′nù) was 1.13 times longer than the post-stress long u′ and even 1.35 times longer than the pre-stress one. Both speakers did not shorten the post-stress a′ excessively. Speaker J. Balsis stood out for lengthening the stressed short ù and quantitatively reducing unstressed u′: in this speaker’s speech, ù was only 1.02 times shorter than the stressed long ù′ (for speaker G., 1.26 times); u was 1.32 times (for speaker G., 1.08 times) longer than the post-stress “long” u′ (193 ms) and even 2.06 times (G., 1.16 times) longer than the pre-stress u′. Dynamic stress features may have been more pronounced in speaker J.’s speech because J. speaks Lithuanian less often than G., and thus has more thoroughly forgotten the dialect and may be more influenced by other languages. Features of secondary stress are indistinct. In the pair sūnùs–sū′nù, the longest pre-stress vowel (280 ms) is equal in length to the longest post-stress vowel. These features were more pronounced in speaker G.’s reading III, in which the duration of pre-stress u′ was 245 ms, post-stress duration was 215 ms, the stressed short vowel was 170 ms, and the long vowel was 275 ms. Of the 7 times speaker G. uttered the word sūnùs, the long vowel was somewhat longer than the short vowel on 4 occasions. Comparing the words bitì·tie, bitì·ti and vagá·ja, post-stress ie was 97 ms (1.54 times) longer than i· and 12 ms (1.05 times) longer than a·. In the words nùr′ašu–nun′aššu, doubled šš (350 ms) was 1.25 times longer than š (280 ms). Perceptually, it is clearly heard as doubled, but in reality it is shorter than a half-long consonant. 6. Accentuation The duration differences between word-pair oppositions distinguished by accent, measured in the stressed vowels and in the whole word (excluding the consonants s, k, p, t), were as follows: 1) sú·da–sū·da 37 ms and 68 ms, 2) rù·ksta–rū·ksta 24 and 306 ms, 3) kà·šǔe–kā·šǔe 11 and 57 ms, 4) tiè·vas–diè·vas 27 and 56 ms, 5) pláukas–laūkas 28 and 29 ms. The difference in word duration exceeded the difference in stressed-vowel duration by factors of 1.84, 12.75, 5.18, 2.07, and 1.03, respectively. This convincingly shows that, when accents are differentiated, the distinctive feature may be not vowel duration (the greatest difference is 37 ms, which can hardly be recognized by listening), but whole-word duration. This is determined by the duration of stressed vowels bearing different accents. A prosodic feature can indeed span a stretch of sound longer than a single phoneme. As in many Aukštaitian dialects, vowels and words with a circumflex accent are somewhat longer than those with an acute accent. The exception to this rule was the pair rù·ksta–rū·ksta. Speaker G. brought out these word differences in reverse, sometimes trying to “read” the consonant g instead of k; as a result, the word with g came out longer. It is known that the first component of acute diphthongs—a low-vowel component that is “stressed”—can lengthen the most (cf. Garšva, 1984 b, pp. 75—77). Consequently, in the pair pláu-kas–laūkas, acute diphthongs were longer than circumflex ones. 88 Accent differences are not large or consistent even across a word, so it is understandable why the dialect’s accents are difficult to distinguish by listening and introspection. Like all other quantitative differences, differences in accent duration were more marked in speaker G.’s speech (except for the duration of the stressed vowel in the pair káːšbɛ—kàːšbɛ and the word duration in the pair tiėvas—diėvas). Judging the duration of the circumflex vowel ãː from the word káːšbɛ (321 ms), in 4 words the duration of acute áː exceeded the duration of ãː (láːjam, vagáːja, kãːjam, vagãːja) by 360, 338, 333, and 331 ms, respectively, while in 4 words (geltãːnas, nãːsis, nãːsis, káːšbɛ) it was not greater (260, 288, 291, and 310 ms). This explains why acute áː is often transcribed as circumflex. The pairs súːda—sùːda and sùːdai—sūːdai ‘vessels’ were fairly well distinguished: the total duration of ūː was 289 ms, and that of ǖ was 312 ms (n=14 and 17). In the word daugiau ‘more’, the final diphthong (360 ms) was as much as 60 ms shorter than the same sound in the word daužãũ ‘I strike’ (420 ms). Measurements of the word tìevas ‘father’ show that diphthongized ē does not differ from genuine ie. In some words, measuring the interval from the onset of the stressed sound to the peak of intensity showed that, among five pairs, only the words súːda and tìevas were more acute-like than their circumflex counterparts. Thus, this feature too is unlikely to be a more salient cue distinguishing the accents. Measurements of the components of some post-stress diphthongs suggest that, as in many Lithuanian dialects, these sounds have circumflex accent: the durations of the components of the final diphthong in láːjam are 70 and 190 ms; in vagáːjam, 143 and 170 ms (the exception is kãːjam, at 177 and 87 ms); in káːšbɛ, 85 and 135 ms; and in kàːšbɛ, 90 and 175 ms. II. MORPHOLOGY The Uodegėnai dialect is characterized by singular illative forms of nouns and other nominal words, which are used to express not only direction but also location. Thus, the meanings of the illative and locative have merged, cf.: aik grįnčaj į grįnčan, and so on. In feminine nominal paradigms, singular locative forms are somewhat more common. The illative is very often used instead of the locative: pàcis pìrmasei àina riːtañ da Krieslaukai; ragėjau sapanañ tìevuː; par dùkterį daržàlin miegàuna; kitu miškàn prirbùša par pùːšį; gulbėjaː žàmien, kai kurʼanou pʼàčūkuː; čikoluː „plaukus“ išmazgàːjaː pìrtin. Sometimes the illative is used instead of the accusative: duntʼàlin skàudzʼa. The locative is also used instead of the illative or prepositional constructions, e.g.: indietas tamàːj skrìbnʼaːj; na būrnʼas burnàj kalbuː pierdavie; ašai alìːvuos tamuõs ir nenlìstumai „neilsičiau“. Not only nouns but also other masculine nominal words (adjectives, numerals, pronouns, etc.) have the nominal ending -ui in the singular dative, e.g.: gilui ‘deep’, gìliam’, žàlʼui ‘green’, gerìesnʼui ‘better’, gʼaràjui ‘the best’, jàunajui ‘young’, àːnui ‘that’, kìtui ‘other’, šìtui ‘this’, vìsui ‘all’, and so on. The exceptions are the pronouns jám, tám, mán, táu, sáu. This feature of the Uodegėnai dialect cannot have arisen through contact with the local Latgalian dialect, since Latvian consistently has the ending -am here, cf.: vienui lúngui ‘for one window’—Latgalian vìːnam lùːgam, pačʼui ‘for oneself’—pòšam, and so on. 89 The accusative singular ending -im of personal and possessive pronouns (manim ‘me’, tavim ‘you’, savim ‘oneself’) coincides with the instrumental singular ending. The Latgalian dialect could not have influenced this feature either (cf. manim ‘me’ — Latgalian mani). The endings -ui, -im of the forms mentioned probably arose through analogy and quite some time ago (perhaps the endings -am, -e had not even existed before them). Ordinal numerals from ‘eleventh’ to ‘nineteenth’ are used in the dialect with the suffix -likis, -likie: vienuolikis, vienuolikie,..., devi'n'a'likis, devi'n'a'likie. Pronominal forms of adjectives and ordinal numerals are common, e.g.: kālnas, kur didž'a's'a's pūš's; ek tū, māžasei, aik gryničan; pirmasei mi.rie vi-riesniesei brā-lis, etc. The accusative and instrumental singular forms of masculine and feminine pronominal adjectives coincide with the feminine dative and have the ending -(i)ajei: g'ārajei ma'mūti ‘the good mother’, pirmajei vaiku ‘the first child’, su g'ārajei brā-li ‘with the good brother’, su g'ārajei sāsari ‘with the good sister’. The masculine plural dative ending of pronominal adjective forms is -(ie)jam, -(ie)jiem: didiejam ~ didiejams ‘to the big ones’, platiejam ~ platie-jams ‘to the broad ones’, jauniejim ~ jauniejems ‘to the young ones’. This form is formed by adding the singular dative ending -am, -iem to the plural nominative stem of that gender (didie-ji, platie-ji, jaunie-je). As in the neighboring northeastern dialects (around Daugpilis, Indrica), Uodegėnai has no simple form of the superlative degree of adjectives. Instead, analytic forms occur, formed from the pronouns pāts, pati and adjectives in the positive or comparative degree (most often pronominal), e.g.: pācis mažasei, pats geriesni-sei, pats seniesmsei, paci didz'ā'ja. Synonymous constructions also occur: balties-nie par visām, viel mažūsenis, viel pati baltā'ja. The masculine singular nominative of adjectives, as well as the past-tense participle, is often used in place of neuter adjectives: Pli'tā kur'inas, šūltas, a vakarān — šāltā/šāltas. Bū.va 'svar'us gryniči, iššļūotas. Māžas bū.va duonas. Žma'n'ū pilnas. C'a sunk'ūs gi'vin't, tūmsas. Kiek cā strāka ragie-tas, ak, dievulis. In the singular nominative, u-stem adjectives have the endings -as, -a (āštras, āštrā, gi.las, -a, riebas, stingras, sunkas, tūmsas, etc.) and are declined in the singular according to the a-stem paradigm. In the neuter, the old stressed endings have been preserved, cf.: lingvū ‘light’, giļu, tumšu. In the plural nominative, masculine adjectives of the a-, ia- (sometimes also ija-) stems and passive past frequent participles generally have the u-stem ending instead of the ending -i, e.g.: g'āru's ‘good’, mū.štu's ‘beaten’, s'ānu's ‘old’, svēti-mu's ‘strange’, nujāiktu's ‘overturned’. The ending -ūs in these forms probably derives from the fuller ending -uos, while the verb ending (see below) -is derives from the fuller -ies. The unshortened ending -uos (and, to some extent, also -ies) was still quite commonly used by the oldest dialect speakers (though already less often than the shortened endings -us, -is), cf.: gi'vuos ‘alive’, jānuos, smūlkuos, supjāusti'tuos ‘to be cut up’, na'rb ietuos ‘one would like’, ais mazgātuos, važbimietuos, etc. The local Latgalian dialect has -i instead of the Lithuanian ending -ūs/-uos: ilg'ūs ‘long’ — Latgalian gāri, sū.ktu's — sālikti, and so on. 90 Instead of the endings of pronominal adjectives, adverbs, and verbs (especially reflexive verbs), the fuller ending -i may have been preserved as -ie, cf.: senieje ‘the old ones’, jauniejiems ‘to the young ones’, artie ‘near’ (but ta|li), unkscie, klausi'ties, etc. The accusative plural of the personal pronouns is mum̃, jum̃. The instrumental plural has the same ending (mum̃, jum̃). Thus, the plural dative, accusative, and instrumental endings of the pronouns aš, tu are identical, as in other eastern dialects. Phonetically, the singular accusative and instrumental endings of all nominal words coincide (only in the accusative can they be longer), e.g.: sing. acc.: stālų, vėjį, dienų, ma'mūtį, p'ą.lų, žmā'gu, āki, ūndinį, šāsarį, gī.lų, žāli, gerēsnį, plāt ajei, manīm; sing. instr.: stālų, vėjį, dienų, ma'mūtį, p'ą.lų, žmā'gu, āki, ūndinį, šāsari, gīlu, žāli, gerēsnį, plāt ajei, manīm. The endings of the feminine plural dative and instrumental of nouns with ā, iā, ē stems also coincide, e.g.: pl. dat.: ruñka'm, marc'ā'm, bitī'tiem, naḱtīm; pl. instr.: ruñka'm, marc'ā'm, bitī'tiem, naḱtīm. The dialect preserves traces of athematic verb conjugation, e.g.: aci (pri-, sū-) gulsta, miršta, pakl'ušta, pūšta, sā psta, skaišta, (ap)siešta, etc. Conjugation is as follows: (I) gāustau ‘I catch’, s ḅirkštu ‘I am ill’, (you, singular) gāustai ‘you catch’, s ḅirkšti ‘you are ill’, (he, she; they) gāusta ‘he/she catches’, s ḅirksta ‘he/she is ill’, (we) gāustam ‘we catch’, s ḅirkstam ‘we are ill’, (you, plural) gāustat ‘you catch’, s ḅirkstat ‘you are ill’. The particle ‘tegu’ is not known in the dialect. The optative mood is formed with lei|lai (cf. Latvian) and the third person of the present or future tense: lei gāusta, lei pājima, lai pāšbils. The supine is still alive in the dialect (it can also replace the infinitive), cf.: Raik'a nait padabā:tu'. Brā'lis ais mazgā:tu's | mazgā:tuos. Aik da miškui ūogu·r bùnktu. Aik s ietu·|siet mā'rkvu. Aisu siedintu·|siedint būlvu. In this case the local Latgalian dialect has only the infinitive, cf.: aja duōna's prašī:tu' — gūoja māizeites prāseit. Disyllabic verbs whose infinitives end in the cluster -sti, -šti (mėsti ‘to throw’, dūsti ‘to suffocate’, nešti ‘to carry’, etc.) have a double formant -ss-, -šš- in the future tense: m'ā.ssu, v'ā.ssu, ā.ussu, n'ā.ššu, m'ā.ssi, and so on. In this way, the Uodegėnai dialect preserves, at least formally, the old formation of future-tense verbs: the infinitive stem-final element and the suffix -s-: mes-ti + si-u → nessiu, neš-ti + si-u → neššiu, and so on. The first-person singular of the conditional mood has the ending -um, and the second person has -im: I svieštum, siedintum, māudi·tmuos you svieštim, siedintim, māudi·timies. 91 These endings apparently arose by analogy with the Latgalian dialect, e.g.: es satum, tu sietim. In the first-person plural of the conditional mood, the northeastern formant is used – (m)ėme, and in the second person – (m)ėte, e.g.: nisuvālgitumiem, sviestumiem, k’āltumiet. This ending can also be reflexive: māudi·tumimies, māudi·-tumities. This formant is also retained in the first- and second-person plural endings of reflexive verbs: -simies / -siamies, -sit ies / -siaties, e.g.: māudi·simies imāudi·s’amies. Future-tense and conditional verbs may have the postpositional ending -ai: indiesimadi ‘we will put in’, miegāusimati ‘we will sleep’, ma’kietim/makietimai ‘I would teach’ (Latgalian muñocietim), nemīrrumati ‘I would not die’, nenli’stumati ‘I would not lean’, pakalbietimai ‘you would talk’, siedietumdi ‘I would sit’. The dialect does not have a known past frequentative tense of verbs—no such examples have been found; moreover, the informant H. Misiūnaitė cannot explain the meaning of the suffix -dav-. The past frequentative is expressed by synonymous forms: ‘used to walk’ – kasdien vaikščioja, ‘used to cry’ – daūk viērkie, and so on. Most differences in the dialect’s verbs occur in the formation of more complex forms, compound tenses. When a prefix is added to reflexive verbs, the shortened reflexive particle s (< si) is retained at the end of the word, while the second, unshortened reflexive particle may either be added (as in the Latgalian dialect) or omitted; cf.: nāras ~ noris ‘one feels like’ – nisinārās ~ nesinoris ‘one does not feel like’, rāgis ~ rēgis ‘one sees oneself’ – nisiragis ~ nesiregis ‘one does not see oneself’, bijāja’s ‘was afraid’ – pabijāja’s ~ pabijos ‘became afraid’. Instead of ‘there would not have been’, one says ‘there would have been not’ (bū’t nibū.vis). The first component of compound perfect verb forms (forms of būti ‘to be’) is leveled in the present indicative and does not vary across persons: for example, one says not only ‘he has dug’, yra kasęs, but also ‘I have dug’, yra, and so on (cf. ‘when I was little, I dug in the hill and found money; I wonder what you have’ māžas būdamas ir kasis tu kālnu ir atrādis pinigū“, kažin kāks tu ir). In the simple past of these forms, the verb būti is inflected, but the feminine singular has the ending -ia, e.g.: I buvau nupirkusi ‘I had bought’, you buvai nupirkusia, and so on. In the conditional mood, instead of the expected first component ‘I bū’tum “I would be”’, ‘you tu būtum “you would be”’, ‘he bū’tu’, etc., there is only one form bū’t ‘to be’: bū’t nipataisīs ‘would not have repaired’, bū’t išvirus ‘I would have boiled’, bū’t pašildīs ‘I would have warmed’, bū’t apsprāgē ~ būti apsprōgē ‘would have burst’. Verb infinitives are usually shortened and end in the formant -t (miegāut ‘to sleep’, pū·st), but sometimes the full ending -tie is also pronounced: mir’tie, vālgī-tie. Reflexive verb infinitives systematically end in the formant -ties: bāvi-ties ~ bovytis ‘to play’, grī-šties ‘to turn back, to twist’, kū-sties. Unlike the formant -tuos (cf. mazgātuos), the formant -ties (cf. mazgāties) is retained more frequently; otherwise it would coincide with the Latgalian dialect, cf.: kēlties – celti·s, klausī·ties – klāuseiti·s, vanāties – piērtī·s. Sometimes the formant -kies also occurs in the second-person singular imperative, cf. klausī·kies ‘listen to yourself’. 92 In the third person singular of the present tense, the first conjugation ending -(i)a is used more often instead of the second conjugation ending -i, cf.: gùl’a|gùli, mì’l’a|mìli, nãra|nãr’a|nãri, ràg’a|ràgi, sied’a|siedi, ti’l’a|tì’li, tūra|tūri, žūd’a|žūdi, nãras|nãr’us, etc. In the first and second persons plural of the same tense, new endings are used: mì’l’am, ràg’am, mì’l’at, ràg’at. The consonant preceding the ending may be softened: skaũzd’a “hurts,” pìl’a (also cf. šakn’ù, žùv’ù). In the simple past tense, first-conjugation verbs may have third-conjugation endings, cf.: dirbie ~ dirbė “worked,” rìnkie ~ rinkė “picked.” Present-tense participles occur only sporadically: gùl’uncìs ~ gūliantìs “lying,” miegaununcìs ~ miegaunantìs “sleeping,” drà.buncìs ~ drebančìs “trembling,” snaũduncìs ~ snaũdančìs “dozing” (a person), žì’duncì ~ žydančià “blooming” (a linden); gyvenimas nãmas, à.rama’s’as žãmies, vãlgi’masėi, vãlgi’mã’ja “edible” (these examples were provided by the informant when asked to translate the corresponding participles from Latvian or Russian). The examples reveal a distinctive formation of active present participles with the suffix -ančis, -ančia (> unčis, -unčia). The suffix -ančis may have begun to be used instead of -intis by analogy with other stems (cf. dirb-antis), e.g.: žì’d’a+antis — žì’d(i)antis > žì’duncìs. Since 8 cases (out of 12) had the consonant č, it was introduced into the remaining 4 cases as well. Past active and passive participles are common. With only occasional exceptions, their formation is analogous to that of past participles in the standard language (there is only the eastern ending -asei and phonetically regular changes), e.g.: pavãlgi’s “having eaten,” sušìlbUs “having warmed up,” prìjUnkus “having become accustomed,” suãgi’ “grown up,” pakarìn-tas “hung,” atjUnktasei “weaned,” nipradieta “not begun,” mùštur’s “to be beaten,” palãid’a’ti “to bury,” insiedìntas “planted.” Future-tense participles (such as the standard-language forms “will be able,” “future”) were not observed in the dialect. III. LEXICON 1. Description of the dialect’s lexicon a. Word formation The lexicon section presents some of the more interesting words of the Uodegėnai dialect, mostly of Lithuanian origin, that differ from the standard language (SL). The transcription here is somewhat simplified. Following the example of the “Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language,” prefixed words are listed together with their unprefixed forms in the differential dialect dictionary. In the dialect, the prefix po- more often than in the standard language replaces the adjective and adverb suffix -okas, -a, which is not very familiar: pakietùs “a little hard, rather hard,” pàsta’rūs “a little thick, rather thick,” pàšunkìs “a little heavy, rather heavy,” pàkurcìs “a little deaf, rather deaf,” pàgìlei “rather deep, quite deeply,” pàšenei “rather old, quite a while ago.” Instead of the prefix 93 in- is used everywhere as an older eastern equivalent of the prefix į- (used between Ciskodas and Āpsas): įmėti, indėsi, indūoda, inkūrsu, insiedenā ~ išėdenā “I planted out,” insipils. The consonant n in prefixes and prepositions (proclitics) most often becomes m before p: impil “pour in,” impil’k “pour in!”, im pensija’s ~ ant pensijos “pensioner,” but inplyša, inpūola. The preposition į is absent from the dialect: instead, the preposition da with the dative, the illative, and other synonymous forms are used. The rare prefix už- (až-): užkūrsu “I will fire up,” aždarytūs “to close.” It most often corresponds to the prefix už-. In other parts of speech, the prefix ažu- is used: ažūpkaliniu “rear,” ažūdaras “closed, enclosure,” ažūperniai “the year before last.” Among the East Aukštaitian dialects, the peripheral Uodegėnai dialect is an exception in which the consonant n is retained in the suffix -ininkas, -ė; cf. lietū.vninkie (in Ciskodas, lietuv-nykas). The suffix -inis also occurs in adjectives where it is entirely absent in other dialects or where the genitive of a noun is more commonly used: vilnānin is “woolen,” dienāvidi-his (viejis) “of the meridians.” Instead of the verb suffix -inti, the suffix -ėnti (-ėna, -ėno) is used; the Slavic suffixes -ūiti, -inkas, -a are used instead of the Lithuanian suffixes -uoti, -ūtis, -ė: arpūit, pakaštūik, mažinka. The following more distinctive suffixes are used in the dialect: 1) nouns: -sm-: graūšmas/graūžmas, juōksmas; -utys: bubucyš ~ bututys “beetle”; rupucyš ~ ruputyš “toad”; -šana (a Latvian suffix used instead of the standard-language suffix -imas): inkūršana “establishment,” išviršana “boiling,” miršana “dying,” atvāšana “bringing”; -elis, -ytė, -ukas (diminutive suffixes very popular in the dialect: namūlei, kaū-lālis, pagālā.lis, duktytė, bitūtė, ugnūtė, kambariūkas. 2) adjectives: -n-: šlāpnis “wet,” šliūdnas “slippery”; -ink-: lean, pale, jauninkūs, mā.zinki; -ing-: bailingūs “cowardly,” juoksmingas, šbardingas “angry”; -uot-: sunny, muddy, rainy, starry. 3) verbs: -auti: miegāut (miegāūnu, miegā.va), pamazgāut, mezglāut | mezglūot “to crochet”; -eluoti: kūndzeluot “to bite,” liūndzeluot “to rummage around”; -uluoti: varguliūot “to toil”. Verbs can be formed with the following prefixes: aiž-: aižlaidie “let go,” aiškukā.va “cuckooed,” aišspirt “to close, to lock,” aisina-ries “will come to want,” eižvarkie “began to cry”; in-(i-): inkūnda “bit,” indiet “to put in,” inplyša “split”; the old form in- of the prefix į- is systematically retained; nu-: (also used in the standard language, but in the dialect verbs with this prefix acquire a distinctive, specific meaning): nupjūvien “we slaughtered,” njūaukie “messed up, dismantled”; 94 ras- (a prefix of Slavic origin, frequent in the dialect): rassv(a)idyti ~ to drive away “to give away,” raskándu “I bite through,” razimudau ~ rassimudau “I woke up”; pri-: pridiet “to begin” (although the dialect has the prefix pra-, the verb pri-diet is used with the meaning “to begin”); pritėks is used to mean “will be enough.” b. Classification of dialectisms The dialect contains quite a number of semantic dialectisms: duonkepe “bread chest,” lóva “lungs,” latãkas “icicle,” eliūotas “striped,” pamãgyti “to crouch,” taikà “peace,” miltúotas “floury,” tiesióji (hand) “right,” dulkiúotas “cloudy,” patrinti “to smear,” pažándė “chin.” Expressive dialectisms can be divided into several groups: 1) lexical dialectisms include words absent from the standard language: lób as “hollow, valley,” driginė “rainbow,” grýžė “corncrake,” kánduolas “nut kernel,” tūlė “hornless cow,” karpinýkas “spider,” gývė “life,” alsinėti “to gallop,” pakentúolis “abstainer,” mindiklinė “straw basket.” 2) morphological dialectisms differ from the standard language in stem, affixes, gender, and similar features: ilginis “longitudinal,” ariaminis “arable,” paklotūvė “bedsheet,” inkstys “kidney,” ašarauti “to weep,” kalbingas “talkative,” virtas “boiled,” kąsnys “bite,” lašūoti “to drizzle,” pirītė “bathhouse,” pavardýš “surname.” 3) phonetic dialectisms differ from the standard language in their sounds: ankstýmas “early,” ėžgýs “hedgehog,” šapanas “dream,” paskutinis “last,” žulvitis “finch,” mėgžti “to knit,” dėsara “sausage,” skieda “wood chip,” morkva “carrot,” keirióji (hand) “left,” skregždė “swallow,” pabeigà “ending,” žagarė “plough,” pinegas “money,” kalniniai “fur coat,” skruidelė “ant.” 4) accentual dialectisms: piliakalnis, brólėnas, pintinė, rytinis, paukštis, brauktuvė, vėdinti. c. Classification of borrowings The geographical setting of the dialect and its close contacts with Slavic and Latvian languages have resulted in borrowings and hybrids making up a substantial part of its vocabulary. A comparison of older Latvianisms and Slavisms that have entered the dialect’s core vocabulary would suggest that the dialect has existed on the right bank of the Daugava for a long time and maintained closer contacts with the Latgalians: there are fewer Slavisms (moreover, about half of them are also known in other Lithuanian dialects, cf. adynà ‘an hour’, čėsas ‘time’, etc.), and most are names for objects introduced along with adopted cultural realities (some also came via Latvian); the Lithuanian dialect also has borrowings from Belarusian that do not occur in the local Latgalian dialect (e.g., ridlià ‘shovel’). By contrast, older Latvianisms include many adjectives, verbs, and adverbs, while nouns also denote body parts (mūgara ‘back’, žándas ‘chin’), kinship terms (znītas ‘son-in-law’), and so on. 95 Latvizmai Nouns: ábadas ‘slaughterhouse’, àngabalas ‘neighborhood, region’, arėjis ‘ploughman’, àlkuozės ‘homecoming celebration’, àtreitmis ‘widower’, àugumas ‘height’, béržlapis ‘bolete’, bizė ‘braid’, breinumas ‘wonder’, čyba ‘slipper’, ganėlis ‘little shepherd’, geltónumas ‘yolk’, gielýs ‘heartburn’, gỹvė ‘life’, grumbà ‘wrinkle’, kójgalis ‘toe’, kiáurumas ‘hole’, lýtuonis ‘kite’, magūona ‘poppy’, pàžagas ‘oven-cleaning broom’, pėrekėlis ‘nest’, pùtekis ‘dust’, rùputis ‘toad’, sciūras ‘corner’, sténdėras ‘door frame’, skiedýnas ‘wood chips’, škėrbà ‘hole’, veiskupas ‘bishop’, žmùtas ‘son-in-law’, žibainė ‘lightning’, žùltis ‘bile’. Adjectives: ìlg anas ‘elongated’, mìtras ‘damp’, plàskangas ‘flat’, stràutinis ‘spring’, širdingas ‘angry’, širmas ‘gray-haired’, šlàpnis ‘wet’, varingas ‘sensitive’, vėnglas ‘light’, žìlas ‘blue’, žalgamas ‘greenish’, žėlingas ‘merciful’. Pronoun: šitamas ‘this one’. Verbs: aizsmàkti ‘become hoarse’, breinyti ‘marvel’, brùkti ‘rot’, čiauks-ténti ‘rustle’, glóboti ‘care for’, krùksti ‘grunt’, miglóti ‘drizzle’, nurapìti ‘poison oneself’, nušáukti ‘call’, stóstyti ‘tell’, škėlti ‘split’, šliaukýti ‘carouse’, tráukstyti ‘pull’, vèsti ‘transport’, žìrgi ‘struggle’, žmàugti ‘strangle’. Adverb: àtseviškai ‘separately’. Slavisms Nouns: adynà ‘an hour’, akvatà ‘hunting’, arielkà ‘vodka’, aučinkas ‘sheepskin coat’, bačiònas ‘stork’, bajorkà ‘bridesmaid’, bóika ‘butter churn’, burìa ‘blizzard’, čėglas ‘brick’, čádas ‘soot’, čėsas ‘time’, dienýkas ‘livestock enclosure beside the barn’, garmuškà ‘cow troughs’, kàčeras ‘drake’, lučìnas ‘barn’, mėhlyčia ‘mill’, pakarànos ‘funeral’, peklà ‘hell’, plytà ‘stove’, primòkas ‘son-in-law living with his wife’s family’, radmià ‘kin’, rázumas ‘intelligence’, ridlìa ‘shovel’, sìenikas ‘straw mattress’, slepọkas ‘horse’, smetònas ‘sour cream’, strelčis ‘dragonfly’, talierkà ‘plate’, tarantàsas ‘a type of wagon’, ùlyčia ‘street, road through a village’, vàlas ‘wave’, vìekas ‘age’. Adjectives: čýstas ‘clean, genuine’, dūfnasis ‘ugly’, glūpas ‘stupid’, pieskinis ‘sandy’, ščýras ‘genuine’, vìorkas ‘agile’. Verbs: bàlavoti ‘mischief around’, bróšnyti ‘lose’, dabóti ‘look’, dū-móti ‘think’, liūlyti ‘fall asleep’, pàuzti ‘crawl’, rūgóti ‘scold’, škūrėnti ‘stir’, žėnytis ‘get married’, žartúiti ‘play’. Adverbs: slabadniai ‘more freely’, vesiólnei ‘merrily’. 2. Dialect-specific vocabulary A alsinėti, -ėja, -ėjo to pant: Šuva alsinėja, karštas. [The dog is panting; it’s hot.] ankstymas, -a early: Unkstymàs bulbas žýdia unksceu. [Early potatoes bloom early.] pér-augi, -a, -o “to grow up, grow”: Jau čia daug pieraùga pasaulia, kai jau čia tiàka lietuvėi. [Many people have grown up here, since Lithuanians have already become scarce here.] 96 ažūdaras (1) pen: Mės inlaid iem tañ ažū daran. Aiztais ie ažū daru. [We put the meat in that pen. We make a pen for the pigs.] ažūgavai (1) Shrove Tuesday: Na ažūgavu, šaka, reikia diavynius kārtus išvalg y t par dienu. [Well, at Shrovetide, dear, one needs to eat nine times during the day.] ažūpkalis (1) backside: Mum gi čemadānas miesās bū.va. ažūpkalin. [We had suitcases on our backsides.] B blākutė (1) bedbug: Blākuties crawled along the rafters. beigti, -ia, -ė to fall down: The cow fell down and collapsed. to finish, -ia, -ė: You need to finish picking the sorrel. blōkžti, blōkžia, blōkžė to thrust: He always says that both of them are pushing. They push at those little bells. brauktavýtė (1) a flax-combing tool: You comb the flax with a brauktavýtė; there is no chaff. bruklinōjai lingonberry stems: The lingonberry and raspberry stems are healthy. bubūtis (2) beetle: The little beetles crawled slowly through the hay. Č čemurėlis (2) cluster, bunch: Hazelnuts grow in čiemurāliai. Flowers bloom like little čiemurāliai; neither leaves nor anything else. čiželytė (1) titmouse: In the cold, the čiželyt picks up seeds. D ne-si-dabōti, -oja, -ojo not to look: You eat, don't look at me, or I'll scold you. dangstys (4) roof: Dunkscys used to be the place for shooting. They live under one roof. dantys (4) tooth: There are no lower teeth anymore. Gudrybės dantėliai wisdom teeth: At around twenty-one years of age, wisdom teeth grow. delgė (2) scythe: We used to cut hay with scythes. dešara (1) sausage: We made meat sausages, added garlic; they were tasty. They add no other sausages. dediūkas (2) grandfather: The old man’s sisters came from Uodigienai. Grandfathers like bread. dejįnga (1) industrious: She is industrious, lays eggs every day. dienėliai (2) temples: Rub your temples with a sprig. dienytė dawn: It is already dawn; it is already light. dienōvidienis (1) (wind) southerly: Through this window the midday sun shines. dienōvidžiai (1) south: The wind turns toward the south. dieverýs (3) husband’s brother: The dieverýs’ eyes grow like little buds. drebāntis, -ānasi, -ā to tremble: Visā sala bū.va· pakelta, visi drebānas. driginė (1) rainbow: Driginie yr, šāka, būs lietaus kākijā untrāj dienāj. drūti (4) pregnant: Bāba jau bū.va· drūti. dulkiūotas, -a cloudy, muddied: Dulkiūotas ūndinis, prisijaukis su žāmiem. dvainėliai (2) twins: Dvainėlei gimie, mergaitie, berniākas. Jāi vaikelėi dvainėlei prigimie. 7. 1880 97 E eiliúotas, -a (1) striped: Audie aliúotu rūbu. Ė iš-ėjęs married (of a woman), having married: A šitas sunùs nieišėjis, nìsižanijis. ėsti, ėda, -ėdė to eat ap-ėsti, -ėda, -ėdė, to eat up: Apėda darbas žmogų. 2. to slaughter: Par vienu nàkti visàs vištàs apýėdie. G gaidžiukas (2) “chanterelle” (mushroom): Cockerels aren’t wormy; Jews love them. gaústytì, gáusto, gaústė to catch: The cat catches mice very well. gavėnis Lent: When Lent comes, the days are already getting longer. gegùžė (2) cuckoo: The cuckoo is a bad bird. su-si-gírsti, -sta, -do to be heard: It can be heard: that car is driving away over there. už-gírsti, -sta, -do to hear: When I wake at seven, I hear (the clock), but at night I don’t hear. gyvė (1) life: Long ago there was no such life, by God. at-si-gyvénti, -ėna, -ėno to recover: It’s already getting better, it’s healing; the cat is recovering. gorùža bread crust: I cut the crusts off; the old men chew. grėblis (1) wind rake: The wind rake is neither this nor that. pa-si-grėžti, -grėžiasi, -grėžeisi to turn: You need to look where he turns. grėbinis (1) 1. Comb: Give me the comb; I need to comb my hair. 2. Crest: With the crest, since it isn’t quite right, he strikes it off his head. griaužmas (4) thunder: The thunder struck the house and tore it down. When thunder rumbles, I don’t go anywhere; I sit with water. grýžė (2) corncrake: In the fields the little birds have settled; the corncrake calls: “Mow, mow.” grinčia (4) farmhouse: My farmhouse used to be full of flowers. grinčinis, -ė: Gryñčbme katiè jau senà. grinčýtė (1) hut: When there are two children, a little hut is needed. grindà (4) viršùtinė grindà ceiling: They put boards on the ceiling. grýžnė a kind of thistle: Thistles, they are like raspberries, harder, more yellow. Three thistles grow at the end of the cabbage patch. grùšlys (3) a dish made from potatoes, peas, and oil: After eating grùšlia, see how long I live. gùdas (2) rare. May thunder strike the Gud, like the reddish fur of your dog. gulkšnėlis a sip: Drink in small sips, so you don't burn yourself. at-si-gulti, -gulsta, -gulė: The old woman comes and lies down in the sunshine. gúogis (1) eastern Latvian. an uninvited wedding guest: Uninvited guests come to the wedding, sing songs, and receive candy (nj). gùžas (4) ball: A hedgehog, when it sees a person, curls itself into a ball. 98 I longitudinal, -al lengthwise: The longitudinal row goes along the knitted garment. take away, -s, -took pull away: Will you take this microphone away from me? kidneys (4) (plural nominative: inkšcei): Kája's was put to bed on the kidneys. spilt, -a (3ª) similar: All spilt like father; gather up all the crumbs. waning moon waning moon: The month is waning, as it diminishes. J get accustomed, -gets accustomed, -got accustomed: Get used to me. We get used to it—and it's good. belt (1) belt (not leather): The girl is a great lover of belts. K talkative chatty: Mamā bū.va˙ kalbinga. mountain-type (3ª) fur coats: Naši inkīšis kalniniuos. Apsegi kalninius, kakī pól’tu. tree trunk (4) trunk: Káks mēdis, tāks i kamlyš. hoe (4) hand hoe: Su kâpli dažū kapliūja. spiderweb (2) cobweb: Rūdini karpinýkai skraida˙. to hang, to hang, to hang: Marškinialius išnešie aran, pakārie, lai džīūsta. Švafkų gbyīnčaj pakārsu. beef, -feminine (1): Nūperka kárvini miēsu i māla. what kind what: Kaip kaksai, kaip kakiā sōvestie. to scrape off to scrape, clean: Raikia nukasyt peili (prilipušią duoną). mouthful bite: Kūnda dideliais kušniais. left (hand): Kazimieras gyvēna pa keirejai rūnkai. livestock (1) cattle: Šaudus niāša i kiāltavas pēni. to visit, -ed, -ed to pay a visit. Atvažāva atsipūst na darba, mōš pakiemi-nies pas sāva sasari. pine cone (3ª) cone: Pušīnius kirkūžius tīevas rynka. wheat weevil (2) grain weevil: Kīrpes grāužia i vāra˙ kai miltus. su-kirsti, -kerta, -kīrto to build: Didelius vaikai, sūker ta grynčū i pardūoda gyvint. pēr-kirtenti, -ena, -eno to cut across: Pierkirtena na trijų šmātų galvīti, kvāšilenų vērdam. klikutys (3ᵇ) hiccups: Klikučys nutrūnkie. klukštēnti, -ēna, -ēno to cluck: Klukštelē vadžijā viščiālius i klukštēna? klukštelė (1) a hiccup: Prisīpūtus, kai klukštelėle. su-kočēti, -ēja, -ėjo: Abrūšai stikluōti, su kačēlu sukadėj glūdžinkai. kosuolys (3°) cough: Ūndinia˙ pritēks tam kāšuolui pašūtint. kráukštis, kráukškiasi, -ēsi to crackle: Kráukškias blīnkai, kai šylcinki. kraušliai exposed tree roots: Pa kraušliais žūvys palindi gyvēna. kreñklis (2) a kind of shrub: Kreñklia˙ ūoga's žīlas palinka, kai suspieja. 7° 99 cross-shaped churn dashers (2) a tool for churning butter: Hand me the sticks and the churn dashers; the butter needs to be churned. little hook (2) a hook, a small hook: The little hook needs to be unhooked. Christmas Eve supper (4) Christmas Eve: Bring the twisted loaf for Christmas Eve. to croak, croaks, croaked: The frog croaks; it will rain. bite: The bread is in big chunks. You can swallow it in big bites. L to climb, climbs, climbed: Why are you climbing? a heap of leaves (1) a large leaf: The leaves are like heaps of leaves in the barn. to drip, drips, dripped: It drips one drop at a time. icicle (2): Well, the water is dripping down; there are icicles. not to wait, does not wait, did not wait: Don’t wait; I’ll get to you later. fieldwork (2) fieldwork: Fieldwork means sowing, reaping, and planting. Lithuanian, Lithuanian woman (1): Indricas’s wife had been taken by a Lithuanian woman. lazy cat (cat): Ah, you lazybones, you should go catch mice. to remain, remains, remained: When they grind it with the machine, it is quickly sifted, and the brown bran remains in the sieve. twists double twists: Perhaps the twists will bend over under the weight of the branches; then it will be warmer. to stick, -ēna, -ēno to stick on: Prie sienai prilipēna tū pápieri. butterfly (2) butterfly, moth: Lipetiškies prīsika glindu, a tadū raikia rinkt kir-melas. ladder (1) ladder: Ātnišie lipynės. to fit, leñda, liñdo to fit: Tamañ sūdan liñda pinki litrai. to crawl around, -ėja, -ėjo to crawl about: Kātinas visur liūndzalbēja. hollow, valley (1) hollow, valley: Lāban šilceu, vieja niēr. Pjāuna lāban šīenu. wash benches (1) wash benches: Pirtīn medinēs lāva's, kur vanāties su šluōtu beržini. M to shrug, -o, -ė to shrug: Kų nibēis pasakytu, pamāiga su peciais. cheese press (1) wooden device for pressing cheese: Īndida māiglies i pabāista' su drūšku. firewood (1) firewood: Karštā mālka beržinie. Surūkis na' mālka's. Mālka dasi-beiks, grōužmas grāudžia. maurine (1) a kind of herb (Latvian māura zuola): Māurines arbatā pilvui gerēi. to knit, mēžga, mēgžė to knit: Bāba'm punčākas miegžau. Nūmiegžau pinkiālika pāru punčāku. spider (2) spider: Melāgis mēgža. meat (adj.), -ė (2): Supjāusu šma'tēliuos miesini dėšaru. rubbish (3) rubbish: Sušluot raika tūos mēsłus. mezglūoti, mezgluoja, mezglāvo to crochet with a hook (crochet hook): Mēgža – in Latgalian ōda, mezgluoja — tāmborēi. iš-migžintas, -a tangled: When the bone is tangled, it is good for the root of the fat. 100 miltūotas, -a (1) floury: Miltūotas potatoes are tastier. Our family loved miltūotas potatoes. mindiklinė (2) a large basket for carrying straw: The mindiklinė is very tall, woven with a little strip. ap-mìrti, -miršta, -mirė to die: When these old people die, there will be no one to do the work. ap-mýžti, myža, -o: Oh, he has peed all over the corners; you go home faster. morkvā (3) dialectal: Mārkva·s are small, sweet, good to eat. We need to see what kind of mārkva·s (what kind of carrots). N nōtrē nettle (Latvian nātre): Nāt riu tea is good for washing your hair. O little goat (1) a wooden tool for winding yarn: Aškýtie, where mātku nūlinkia. P clay floor a clay threshing floor: Suklāja rugiūs nu pāda i išmuša. first egg the first egg left for hens to continue laying, a setter egg: Neišimk visų kiaušinių, palik pādeckli. patient person (2): Tasai nigerble, pakintūolis bū.va. tablecloth (2) tablecloth: Abrūsus āudiem stikluotus, pakla·tūvis nu stāla. firewood tongs firewood tongs: Papėčis, kur mālkas dzjavāna. last (1) last: Jau paskuitini metai gyvint (liko). wood shed (1) woodshed: Māłku sukrāvie pašalintyjei. omelet egg dish: Talierkýtiej indiesi pautēnies, bùlbu. chin (3ᵇ) chin: Kātinas mylia, ka kāsa pažūndi. to itch, itches, -ed: Rūnku pridėja· perkščėt. Ākys pērkšča. last year last year: Aš linūs niseniai siedianāu, pērniait ir ažupērniait. bitter bitter: Piktas agurkās, kārtas. pittē (2): First come the boys, then the girls. dandelion (2) dandelion: Pienini ištrauksta, blarĝa žalẏē, prisiperēna. Iškapliūit raikia dažu, pienini žalẏ ištrāukt. to mow, mows, mowed, to cut down: Aš vāzavāi da Rýgai āvinu nupjāvus. to-tease, -oja, -ojo to tease: He will laugh and say: “He’s teasing.” nu-plāukti, -ia, -ė to wash, to swim (Latvian: nūskoluot, nūmožguot): We need to wash the berries. prāstas, -a (4) simple: He is a simple person; he does not put on airs. i-pūlti, -pūola, -pūolė “to fall into”: The potato fell in. The threads fell out (“fell down”). pūplakšis (1) water plantain: The leaves of the water plantain are arranged in threes. pupurēlis (2) little bud: These little buds are still very tender. purpūliai snot: Snot is running from his nose. 101 R rėmuolėlis (2) little chamomile: When your belly is hard, boil little chamomiles and drink them. su-si-rėpinėti, -ėja, -ėjo to curl up: She is lying curled up like a little cat. ridlia (2) dialectal: shovel: Take the shovel; you can dig in the garden some more. They sat in the forest with shovels. riestūvis (2) spindle: The spindle twists the yarn around the bobbin. rūgštėlis (2) sorrel: What do Lithuanians call rūgštėlis? S island (4) village (cf. Latgalian sòla): V(ų)odigienu island belonged to the Lithuanians. dream (4): What are you dreaming about? to dream, -s, -ed: He dreams dreams, and as it seems, so it is. to sit, -s, -ed: That little girl’s brother has been sitting for thirty-five years. to sew up, -s, -ed, to sew together: Let’s sew it up for the little dog. to jingle, -s, -ed, to ring: The mice jingle with the little keys. to bite oneself, -s, -ed: The little ones want to bite themselves. to scrape off, -s, -ed, to scrape away: I scrape off all the dirt with a wooden knife. swallow (4): There used to be swallows in our homestead; the children chase them away. ant: Bring ants with the whole anthill, warm them up, and apply them to the legs. small log (2) small branch: They split the little logs from resinous firewood, and then they catch fire better. snowflake: What big snowflakes, like little leaves. village (2) village community: Our village has eight or nine girls. boil (3ᵃ) wart: The boils were overgrown. A little path appeared from the boil. strong (1): Ah, he was so strong. sprakstėti, to crackle, -ėjo: Anys crackles, pork lard. stimbinas trunk: Bare as a stump. in-streigti, -ia, -ė to drive in, to thrust in: I drive the little branches into the wheel track. sūpeklės (1) swing: The swing is fitted with a birch board made of felt. at-si-sveikėti, -ėja, -ėjo to say goodbye: Then they say goodbye. Š šliūsti, to slide, šliūsta, šliūdo: When it slides over the snow, you sprinkle sand. šniokti, -ia, -ė to snore, to wheeze: When one sleeps deeply, another sleeps snoring. šventė Sunday: For Sunday evening I wanted to go to a little evening party. T to stagger, -ūoja, -āvo: Kā'jytie tambalūoja, trūnie su māsti. to get, tenka, tēko “to get to, to end up”: Jau cia daug pierauga pasaulia, kai jau cia tiāka lietūvei. 102 right-hand (hand), right: We need to go by the right hand. distant, -a (1) far, -a: Look at the eyes, they are distant. The apples are far away. to tame, restrains, restrained; to frighten: Nināru kątina trūmdyt. (to) upset, -ia, -ė to twist (the intestines): You eat, or your stomach will get twisted. tribukėlis (2) an animal’s stomach: Tribukėlin prikša miesu, aisūna, tadū gerėi stāu. crumbly, -a (3) crumbly: If the bread is not kneaded well, it is crumbly. to swell up, -tulzta, -tulzo to become swollen: Pritulzta nu veida· sapuoliai. to keep, turia, -ėjo to hold: Tūra vištas atšlaiman. a hornless cow (1), tūla (3): Tūlų karviu par mum niātnimu. V to lead, -ioja, -iojo: He leads along the big road. little hook (2) hook: A little apron is hanging by the door on a hook. to walk, -ėja, -ėjo: While I walk, perhaps I can get some sleep. to become ill, -oja, -ojo: When I got the flu, my legs became weak. cheek (3) cheek: I look—the nose is cold, one cheek is cold. tangle (1) matted lock: The tangles get knotted; they cannot be combed out. braid (1) plait: The hair needs to be braided into a plait. walking stick (2) stick: Mother is always walking with a little stick. ankle bone (2) bone protruding from the ankle: The mushrooms are crawling all over here. middle, -ė central: The middle one is also stout, and the second one is stout. middle (2) middle: Take a couple of apples from the middle. to fail to air, -a, -o: If you cannot open (the window), you will not air the room. to spend the evening visiting, -iauja, -iavo: She is going to visit the neighbors again. bed (2) bed: Go to bed to sleep. woolen, -ė woolen: The yarn was woolen. They weave patterned towels and woolen skirts. vingiryškčiai (2): In the meadow, by the river, the vingiryškčiai bloom. virtas (3) boiled: In Valga they gave someone boiled milk to drink. vynėti, -ėja, -ėjo to wrap: You need to wrap the yarn and wind it around the kerchief. I wound it around with a woollen thread. pa-si-võgti, -vagia, -vogė to hide oneself: Hiding themselves, they go to the wedding guests. at-si-võgti, -vagia, -vogė to go away secretly: They hid among the bushes, hid, and then disappeared. Ž žagarė plough: The potatoes were dug up with a plough. žibakýtė (1) hepatica: Hepaticas bloom blue. žibintiejis (1) splinter torch: The splinter torches shone in the dark. žvengti, -ia, -ė to whinny: I don't like it when that one neighs at us. 103 Conclusions 1. Uodėgenai is the last village in the Kraslava area, and in Latgale as a whole, where Lithuanian was spoken for the longest time; it was settled around the 12th–18th centuries. In 1925, about 300 people in 12 localities in the area spoke Lithuanian; in 1986, only 5 elderly residents did. 2. The dialect has 6 vowel phonemes: i˙, i, u˙, u, a˙, a. Standard Lithuanian ė corresponds to ie in the dialect, and o to a˙; long e˙, a˙ correspond to short e, a (the vowel e may be regarded as a variant of a after a palatalized consonant). Stressed e, a occur only as short vowels: v˙ada “leads,” ž˙amie “earth.” 3. There are 4 long vowels and their variants (i˙, y˙, u˙, a˙), but as many as 8 short vowels: i, y, u, e, ę, ǝ, e, a. The sounds y˙, y, yę, ę are variants of i˙, i, ie, a (e) after non-palatalized consonants. 4. Oscillograms show that the high vowels i˙, u˙ may be considered long, while the low vowel a˙ is half-long phonetically. Stressed short vowels may be considerably lengthened and may even exceed unstressed long vowels in duration. 5. The dialect exhibits affrication: before i-type vocalism, č˙, dž˙ most often become c˙, dz˙, while more than half (57%) of the consonants d˙ and especially t˙ correspond to dz˙, c˙. 6. Nearly all consonants can be hardened in the dialect, except j. There are three groups of consonants according to the frequency and positions of hardening: a) r, s, š, ž are often hardened before all front or fronted vowels; b) l is hard before e, ę in old words; c) b, c, č, d, dž, g, k, m, n, p, t, v are occasionally hardened before i, e, a˙, u˙. 7. The rule of stress on the second syllable from the end of the word is not always followed; stress is often retracted from circumflex root diphthongs (and e) to the prefixes àt-, iš-, nè-, sù-. 8. Differences in pitch accent by quantity are neither large nor consistent. They are more evident across the word as a whole, exceeding differences in the duration of stressed vowels by 1.03–12.75 times. Vowels and consonants are generally longer next to longer stressed vowels in a word. 9. The dialect uses the singular illative of nouns (to indicate not only direction but also location) and the supine of verbs; traces of athematic conjugation also remain. 10. Masculine adjectives, numerals, and pronouns have the nominal ending -ui in the singular dative (gilui “deep,” etc.). The singular accusative ending of personal and possessive pronouns is -im: tavim “you,” etc. In the plural nominative, masculine adjectives and past passive participles of the a-, ia-, i˙a-stems have the u-stem ending instead of -i; compare: gi˙vuos/gi˙vus “alive,” supjausti˙tuos/supjausti˙turs “cut up,” etc. 11. In the future tense, disyllabic verbs with the sequence -sti, -šti have a doubled formant -ss-, -šš-: m˙aššu “I will throw,” n˙aššu “I will carry,” and so on. The singular endings of the subjunctive (first person -um, second person -im) were adopted from the local Latgalian dialect. 12. In the dialect, the prefix po- serves in place of the suffix -ōkas, -a; compare pāsunkurs “rather heavily, somewhat heavy,” pāgil˙ai “rather deeply, somewhat deep.” Eastern Lithuanian suffixes -ėlis, -ė “-little,” -ėnti “-ize,” -uiti “-y,” etc. are widespread. 13. Latvianisms are more numerous than Slavicisms; Latvianisms include not only nouns (among them kinship terms), but also adjectives, verbs, etc. This 104 indicates that most contact was with the local Latgalian dialect. The words gyvė ‘life’, kiaūmalas ‘shell’, šykštas ‘thick plank’, etc. were most likely borrowed after Latgalians had already developed the consonants dz, č, s. 14. Interesting dialectal features include ankstymas ‘early’, kosuolys ‘cough’, lipynės ‘ladder’, maiglis ‘device for pressing cheese’, mindiklinė ‘basket for carrying straw’, plaukti ‘to wash’, plautas ‘sloping’, riestūvis ‘spindle’, pri-tulžti ‘to swell’, vėžėlis ‘bone protruding from the ankle’, etc. Some of these (e.g., kėltava ‘cattle’, traša ‘manure’) are also known in the neighboring Ciskoda and Apse dialects. К. ГАРШВА, Р. ЯЦКУТЕ, Э. ВЯНСКАУСКАЙТЕ PHONETICS, MORPHOLOGY AND LEXICON OF THE UODIAGĖNAI DIALECT UNDER CONDITIONS OF BILINGUALISM Abstract The Lithuanian peripheral dialect of the village of Uodiagėnai (Kraslava district, Latvian SSR) has 6 vowel phonemes: iː, i, uː, u, aː, a; 4 of their variants are long (ī, ū, ū, ā), while the short ones are: i, ы, u, ẹ, e, э, e, a. Before vowels of the i type, the consonants c′, dz′ in the dialect become c′, dz′, while more than half of the d′ sounds, and especially t′, become dz′, c′. Three groups of consonants are distinguished by the frequency and positions of depalatalization: (a) r, s, ś, ž, š, ž; (b) l; and (c) b, c, ć, d, dz, g, k, m, n, p, t, v. Stress is often shifted from a circumflex root onto the suffixes āt-, iš-, nē-, sū-. Oscillographic speech analysis shows that, compared with stressed vowels, quantitative differences according to syllabic accents are manifested to a much greater degree over the span of the word. The dialect uses the illative, the supine, some forms of athematic conjugation, the verbal formants -ss-, -šš- (future tense), the suffixes -ėlis, -ė ‘ėlis, -ė’, -énti ‘inti’, -ūiti ‘yti’, and many dialectal words. Unlike Slavicisms, borrowings from the local Latgalian dialect include not only nouns but also adjectives, verbs, etc. K. GARŠVA, R. JACKUTĖ, E. VENSKAUSKAITĖ PHONETICS, MORPHOLOGY AND VOCABULARY OF THE LITHUANIAN DIALECT OF UODEGĖNAI IN THE ENVIRONMENT OF BILINGUALISM Summary The dialect of Uodegėnai (Latvian Vodigēni) is spoken in Krāslava District of the Latvian SSR, 60 kilometres from the main territory of the Lithuanian-speaking area. There are 6 vocal phonemes (iː, i, uː, u, aː, a) in the dialect. Three groups of consonants, as (a) r, s, ś, ž, (b) l and (c) b, c, ć, d, dz, g, k, m, n, p, t, v, may become hard. As compared with stressed vocals the quantitative differences of minimal pairs with acute and circumflex syllable accents are more noticeable in a word. The paper describes the illative, the supine, athematic conjugation forms, the future-tense verb formants -ss-, -šš-, the suffixes -ėlis, -ė „ėlis, -ė“, -énti „inti“, -ūiti „yti“, and numerous dialect words. 105 LITERATŪRA Brězgo B. Latgolas inventari un generalmēreišonas zem’u aproksti 1695.—1784. Daugavpils, 1943. Būga K. Rinktiniai raštai. V., 1961. T. 3. Edzelins J. Darbų izlase. Rīga, 1981. T. 4. D. 1. Garšva K. Lietuvių kalbos tarmės ir jų kontaktai Latvijoje (1. Lietuvių kalbos tarmių Latvijoje istorija) // Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A. serija. 1984 a. T. 2(87). P. 83—91. Garšva K. Šiaurės vakarų panevėžiškių akutinių ir cirkumfleksinių garsų trukmė ir intensyvumo viršūnė // Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A serija. 1984 b. T. 2 (87). P. 74—82. Garšva K. Latvijos lietuvių tarmių sintaksės ypatybės ir tekstai // Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai (Lietuvių kalbos sintaksės tyrinėjimai). 1986. T. 25. P. 218—241. Grinaveckienė E. Kai kurios Apso tarmės būdingesnės ypatybės // Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos darbai. A serija. 1960. T. 2(9). P. 173—191. Jackutė R. Uodegėnų šnektos leksika: VU dipl. darb. V., 1985. Lietuvių kalbos atlasas. Fonetika. V., 1982. T. 2. Lietuvių kalbos tarmės. Chrestomatija. V., 1970. Manteuffel G. Krasław // Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego i innych krajów słowiańskich. Warszawa, 1983. T. 4. S. 619. Tamulytė I. Uodegėnų šnekta ir jos kontaktai: VU dipl. darb. // K., 1987. Venskauskaitė E. Uodegėnų šnektos fonetika ir morfologija: VU dipl. darb. // V., 1986. Zeps V. J. The Placenames of Latgola (Wisconsin Baltic Studies, 1). Madison; Wisconsin, 1984. Zinkevičius Z. Lietuvių kalbos dialektologija. V., 1978.